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VOL. Ill 





Ail right* rtstntd 

* V.' ^ 






•« «• 

„ III. Laconia .311 

., IV. Messenia .405 

V. Elis .465 



1. Palaemon on Dolphin under Pine-tree (Coin of Corinth) 

2. Temple of Poseidon at Isthmus (Coin of Corinth) 
3- Temple of Palaemon (Coin of Corinth) 

4. Cenchreae with Statue of Poseidon (Corinthian Coin) 

5. Poseidon at Cenchreae (Corinthian Coin) 

6. Bellerophon and Pegasus (Corinthian Coin) 

7. Monument of Lais (Corinthian Coin) 

8. Temple of Octavia (Corinthian Coin) 

9. Portal of Market-Place (Corinthian Coin) 

10. Sun in Chariot (Corinthian Coin) 

11. Pirene (Corinthian Coin) 

12. Pirene (Corinthian Coin) 

13. Hermes and Ram (Corinthian Coin) 

14. Temple on Acro-Corinth (Corinthian Coin) 

15. Aphrodite (Corinthian Coin) 

16. A Sicyonian Tomb (Coin of Sicyon) 

17. Pheraean Artemis ? (Sicyonian Coin) 

18. Athena (Coin of Cleonae) 

19. Opheltes and the Serpent (Coin of Argos) 

20. Opheltes and the Serpent (Coin of Argos) 

21. The Lions over the Gate at Mycenae 

22. Stirrup-jar {Biigelkanne) 

23. Sectional Plan of the so-called Treasury of Atreus 

24. Marble Head from the Heraeum 

25. Marble Torso from the Heraeum 

26. Marble Head from the Heraeum, 

27. Marble Head from the Heraeum 






















28. Marble Head from the Heraeum .... 

29. Image of Hera (Coin of Argos) ..... 
3a Hera and Hebe (Coin of Argos) .... 

31. Perseus with the Gorgon's Head (Coin of Argos) 

32. Cleobis and Biton (0)in of Argos) .... 

33. Zeus (Coin of Argos) ...... 

34. Latona and Chloris (Coin of Argos) .... 

35. Latona and Chloris (Coin of Argos) .... 

36. Transverse Section through the South Wall of Tiryns . 

37. The Sanctuary of Aesculapius at Epidaunis (Ground Plan) 

38. Aesculapius (Coin of Epidaunis) .... 

39. Aesculapius (Marble Relief found in the Epidaturian Sanctuary) 

40. The Rotunda at Epidaunis, as it exists (Ground Plan) . 

41. The Rotunda at Epidaunis, as restored (Ground- Plan) 

42. Ground Plan of Theatre at Epidaunis .... 

43. The Port of A^[ina (Coin of Aegina) .... 

44. Plan of Temple at Aegina ..... 

45. Coin of Troezen ...... 

46. The Dioscuri (Coin of Troezen) .... 

47. Hermes carrying the Infiuit Dionysus (Coin of Lacedaemon) 

48. Artemis (Coin of Laodicea in Syria) .... 

49. Athena (Coin of Lacedaemon) ..... 

50. Hermes on Throne (Coin of Aenus) .... 

51. The Amydaean Apollo on his Throne (restored by A. Furtwangler) 

52. The Apollo of Amyclae (Coin of Lacedaemon) 

53. Ground Plan of the Arcadian Crate at Messene 

54. Artemis Laphria (Coin of Messene) .... 

55. Zeus of Ithome? (Coin of Messene) .... 

56. Port of Mothone (Coin of Mothone) .... 

57. Temple of Zeus at Olympia ..... 

58. Central Figures from the East Crable of the Temple of Zeus 

59. Zeus, Pelops, and Oenomaus (from the Eastern Gable of the Temple 

of Zeus) ....... 

60. Hippodamia (from the East Gable of the Temple of Zeus) 

61. Old Man (from the East Gable of the Temple of Zeus) 

62. Reclining Figure, perhaps the River-god Cladeus (from the East Gable 

of the Temple of Zeus) ..... 

63. Central Figures from the West Gable of the Temple of Zeus . 

























64. Figures from the West Gable of the Temple of Zeus 

65. Figures from the West Gable of the Temple of Zeus 

66. Old Woman from the West Gable of the Temple of Zeus 

67. Young Woman from the West Gable of the Temple of Zeus 

68. Hercules and Atlas (Metope of the Temple of Zeus) 

69. Hercules sweeping the Augean Stable (Metope of the Temple of 2^us) 

70. Hercules and the Cretan Bull (Metope of the Temple of Zeus) 

71. Hercules and the Stymphalian Birds (Metope of the Temple of Zeus) 

72. Image of Zeus (Coin of Elis) 

73. Head of Zeus (Coin of Elis) 

74. Temple of Hera at Olympia 

75. Head of Hera (from the Heraeum) 

76. Hermes and the Infemt Dionysus, by Praxiteles 

77. Departure of Amphiaraus (Scene on a Corinthian Vase) 

78. Justice and Injustice (Scene on a Red-figured Vase) 

79. The Victory of Paeonius (Marble Statue found at Olympia) 













I. The Temple in Corinth . 
II. The Citadel of Mycenae-. 

III. The Argive Heraeum 

IV. The Upper Citadel of Tiryns 
V. Sparta . 

VI. Messene . 
VII. Pylus and Sphacteria 
VIII. Olympia . 
IX. The Gables of the Temple of 2^us at Olympia (Restored 
by G. Treu) ..... 
X. The Chest of Cypselus (restored by H. Stuart Jones) 

To face page 36 






Page 254, line 21 from top. For Vitruvius (v. 8) r^o^ Vitruvius (v. 7). 

417* n 15 »» f^^- »» X- *• 23 „ X. 31. 2. 

607, ,, 7 », top, „ Plate ix. ,, Plate x. 




With the Second Book Pausanias opens his description of Peloponnese, f \ 
to which he has devoted six out of his ten books. Beginning with 
Argolis he takes the five maritine divisions or provinces of Peloponnese ^ 
(namely Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis, and Achaia) in topographical 
Qfder, and finishes with the central and inland province of Arcadia. 
Each province has a book to itself except Elis, which has two. The 
present book, though it takes its name {CorintfUacd) from Corinth, deals 
in fact with the whole of Argolis, of which the territory of Corinth 
fonned only a small part. 

Of modem works which treat speciallv ,of the gec^aphy and topography of 
Peloponnese the following are the most important : W. Gell, The Itinerary of 
Greece (London, i8io) (in spite of its pretentious title this work contains little 
more than an itinerary of Argolis) ; id.. Itinerary of the Morea (London, 1817) ; 
*i, Narrative of a journey in the Morea (London, I023) ; W. M. Leake, Travels 
ut tie Aforea, in three volumes (London, 1830) ; id., Peloponnesiaca (London, 
1846) ; M. E. Puillon Boblaye, Recherches giographiques sur les ruines de la 
A5wfe( Paris, 1835) (forros part of the large work ExpSditimi scientifique de Morie) ; 
L Ross, Reisen und Reiserouten durch Griechenland^ Erster Theil : Reisen im 
Pehponnes (Berlin, 184 1 ) ; E. Curtius, Peloponnesos, in two volumes (Gotha, 
'851-52) ; E Beul^, Etudes sur le Piloponnise ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus 
(Loodon, 1858) ; A. Philippson, Der Peloponnes. Versuch einer Landeskunde 
nf geologischtn Grundlage (Berlin, 1892) (treats of the physical and especially the 

r logical configuration of the country). Argolis is the subject of a monograph 
A Meliarakes, Teuypa<f>la toKltuc^ via koX dpxo-la toG vofioO 'ApyoXldos Kal 
Koputetas (Athens, 1886), which deals chiefly with the modem geography of the 

1. I. That OorintliuB was a son of Zeus etc. The legendary 
history of Corinth has been examined by Mr. E. Wilisch (* Die Sagen 
ron Korinth nach ihrer geschichtlichen Bedeutung,' Neue Jahrbiicher 
fkr Philologie und Pddagogik^ 117 (1878), pp. 721-746). In the 
legends he distinguishes three distinct strains, an Ionian, an Aeolian, 
and a Phoenician. According to him, the lonians were the original 
settlers ; their mythical representatives are Theseus, Poseidon, and 
Marathon. The Aeolians, he thinks, were aristocratic immigrants from 
Northern Greece, who domineered over the original Ionian settlers ; 
ihcir mythical representatives are Sisyphus, son of Aeolus, Jason, and 

VOL. Ill . , B 

2 HISTORY OF CORINTH bk. ii. corinth 

Neleus. Lastly, the settlement of Phoenicians on the Isthmus of 
Corinth is attested by the worship of Astarte (the armed Aphrodite) on 
the Acro-Corinth (Paus. ii. 5. i), by the legend of Melicertes (the 
Phoenician Melcarth), and by the festival of the Hellotia, which is 
known to have been observed at Corinth. We are told that Hellotia or 
Hellotis was an old name for Europa, whose connection with Phoenicia 
is not doubtful, and that Europa's bones were carried in procession at 
the festival of the Hellotia, which was celebrated in Crete as well as in 
Corinth (Athenaeus, xv. p. 678 b ; Hesychius, j.7/. 'EXAxirta ; EtymoL 
Magnum^ s.v. 'EXAcurta, p. 332). According to one account {EtymoL 
Magnum^ I.e.) hellotia was a Phoenician word meaning * maiden.' The 
legends of the origin of the festival seem to point to a custom of burning 
children in sacrifice, as was done by Semitic peoples (see the Schol. on 
Pindar, Olymp. xiii. 56). The story of Medea murdering her children 
may possibly refer, as Mr. Wilisch thinks, to the same custom. Phoe- 
nicaeum, the name of a Corinthian mountain (Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. 
4>otvtifatov), is perhaps another reminiscence of a Phoenician settlement 
in this neighbourhood. On traces of the Phoenicians at Corinth see 
also CurtiuSf PeloponnesoSy 2. p. 517 sg. ; and on the early history of 
Corinth see /V/., *Studien zur Geschichte von Korinth,' Hermes^ 10 
(1876), pp. 215-243 (reprinted in his Gesammelte Abhandlungen^ i. 
pp. 1 81-2 10). 

1. I. Etunelas. Eumelus was an old Epic poet of the eighth 
century B.C. The work to which Pausanias here refers is supposed to 
have been a prose epitome, by some later hand, of an epic poem by 
Eumelus. This prose work seems to have been known also to Clement 
of Alexandria, who apparently entertained no doubt of its genuineness, 
for he says that ** Eumelus and Acusilaus the historians turned the 
poems of Hesiod into prose and published them as their own produc- 
tions" {Strom, vi. p. 267, ed. Sylburg, p. 751, ed. Potter). Pausanias 
tells us (i v. 4.1) that the hymn to the Delian Apollo was esteemed the 
only genuine work of Eumelus. For the date of Eumelus see Clement 
of Alexandria, Strom, i. p. 398, ed. Potter. Cp. W. Christ, Geschichte 
der griechischen Utteratur^ p. 79 ; E. G. Wilisch, Ueber die Frapnente 
des Epikers Eumelos (Zittau, 1875); Epicorum Grcucorum fragmenta^ 
ed. Kinkel, p. 185 sqq. 

1. 2. when Oritolans was appointed general of the League etc. 
See vii. 14-16. 

1. 2. it was repeopled by Oaesar etc. Carthage and Corinth 
were rebuilt in 44 B.C. (Strabo, xvii. p. 833 ; Appian, Punica, 136 ; 
Plutarch, Caesar^ 57; Dio Cassius, xliii. 50; CWnXon, Fasti /fellenia\ 
3.2 p. 214). Appian says {I.e.) that the colonisation of Carthage, 
though planned by Caesar, was carried out by Augustus after Caesar's 
death and in accordance with Caesar's directions. On excavations and 
discoveries at Carthage in recent times see A. W. Franks, * On recent 
excavations at Carthage,' Archaeologia, 38 (i860), pp. 163-186; N. 
Davis, Carthage and her remains (London, 1861); W. S. W. Vaux, 
* Recent excavations at Carthage,' Transactions 0/ the Royal Society of 
Literature Second Series, 7 (1863), pp. 441-473 ; Reinach et Babelon, 


'Sculptures antiques trouv^es \ Carthage/ Gazette Archdologique^ lo 
(1885), pp. 12,^-1^2 \ Vernax, *Note sur des fouilles k Carthage/ 
Rrvue ArMologique^ 3"" Serie, 10(1887), pp. 11-27, 151- 170. The 
remains of the massive walls of ancient Carthage, about 33 feet thick 
2nd containing a series of chambers " resembling those of bomb-proof 
bastions," were discovered by the French archaeologist Beuld at a 
depth of 56 feet. For an attempted restoration of the walls see Perrot 
ct Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dans V Antiquit^^ 3. p. 341 sqq, 

1. 3. Cromyon. Pausanias now resumes his itinerary at the point 

where he broke off at the end of Book First He is proceeding from 

Megara to Corinth by the shore of the Saronic Gulf, and the first place 

to which he comes in the territory of Corinth is Cromyon or Crommyon, 

as it is more commonly spelt by classical writers (Thucydides, iv. chs. 

42, 44, 45; Xenophon, Hcllenica^ iv. 4. 13; Plutarch, Theseus^ 9). 

The site of Cromyon is now occupied by the little Albanian village of 

H. Theodori^ situated just midway between Megara and Corinth. The 

village stands close to the seashore in a small but fertile plain, which on 

the landward side is shut in by the lower declivities of the Geranian 

mountains. The distance of the village from Corinth (13 J miles) 

agrees closely with Thucydides's statement (iv. 45) that Cromyon was 

distant 120 Greek furlongs (13 J miles) from Corinth. At the little 

chapel of St. Theodore beside the sea the French surveyors found 

considerable ruins. Vischer saw foundations overgrown with brush- 

vood, and columns and architectural fragments lying about. Built into 

the wall of the chapel is a Greek inscription of the Imperial age, the 

epitaph of a girl Philostrata who died in her fifteenth year (Kaibel, 

Efigrammaia Graeca^ No. 463). It was probably at H, Tfuodori that 

Whcler observed the ancient building which he describes as 3 or 4 

yards high and 8 square ; he saw some marble bas-reliefs lying near it. 

Cromyon was a fortified place in antiquity (Xenophon, Hellenica^ iv. 4. 

13; Scylax, Peripius^ 55). It anciently belonged to Megara (Strabo, 

viil p. 380), but as early as the fourth century B.C. it had been already 

annexed to Corinth (Scylax, PeripiuSy 55 ; as to the date of this Periplus 

— about 338-335 B.C. — see C. Miiller, Geographi Graeci Minores^ i. p. 

xliiL sq.) The present inhabitants of the place regard themselves as 

belonging to the Morea, not to Megara. The name Cromyon or 

Crommyon is perhaps derived from kromuon^ * an onion ' ; but the form 

Crcmmyon also occurs in ancient writers (Scylax, Periplus^ 55 ; Pliny, 

N. H. iv. 23 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, Kpefifxytov), 

See \Mieler, Journey ^ p. 436 sq, ; Boblaye, Recherches gSographiques^ p. 35 ; 
Leake, Peloponnesiaca^ p. 397 ; Curtius, PeloponnesoSy 2. p. 555 ; Vischer, Erin- 
9erungen und Eindriicke, p. 229 sq. ; \V. G. Clark, Peloponnesus^ p. 45 sq. ; 
BorsiaD, Geogr, von Griecnenland^ I. p. 384; Baedeker,' p. 154; I'hilippson, 
Pelffponnes, pp. 1 9, 28. Leake formerly identified Cromyon with Kineia^ a 
modern village with flat-roofed houses situated in a valley planted with olives, 
fire miles nearer Megara than H, Tkeodori (Leake, Travels in the Morea, 3. p. 


1. 3. the 8OW Phaea. On this Cromyonian sow, which was said 
to have been the dam of the Calydonian boar, see Plutarch, Theseus^ 9 ; 

4 ISTHMUS OF CORINTH BK. il. corinth 

Apollodonis, ed. R- Wagner, p. 173 ; Strabo, viii. p. 380; Stephanus 
Byzantius, s.v. Kptufiviuv. Theseus's combat wilh it is depicted on 
vases {Journal of Hellenic Studies, a (1881), p. 61 sq., with pi. x. ; 
Baumeistet's Denkmaler, p. 1789), and is the subject of one of the 
sculptured metopes of the so-calied Theseum at Athens (Baumeister's 
DenkmUler, p. 1781). 

1. 3. the pine-ttBe. This was doubtless the pine-tree at the foot 

of which the body of the drowned Melicertes was said to have been 

washed ashore. Plutarch tells us {Qftaesl. Comiiv. v, 3. i) that the 

spot was near Megara and was known as the Path of the Fair Damsel, 

because Ino had rushed down it with her child in her arms to plunge 

into the sea. On coins of Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus, 

Melicertes is represented stretched on the back of a 

dolphin under the pine-tree (Imhoof-Blumer and 

Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 10 sg., with pi. 

B i-vi.) The crown of pine-leaves which was at 

first the priie in the Isthmian games was perhaps 

supposed to be made from this particular tree ; for 

the Isthmian games were instituted in honour of 

Melicertes (Paus. i. 44. 8). Afterwards a crown of 

FIG. 1.— FALAiHOH ON ccleTy was substituted, and at a still later time the 

DoifHiH uHDMR pnje was again a crown of pine-leaves. Sec PIu- 

"p'coKrN"). tarch, Qucust. Com'iv. v. 3 ; id., Timoleon, 16 ; 

Scbol. on Nicander, Alex. 605; SchoL on Pindar, 

Mem. Introd. p. 426, ed. Boeckh. 

1. 4. the rohbOT Sinis. Cp. Apollodorus, iti. 16. 2; Plutarch, 
Tkrseus, 8 ; Hyginus, Fab. 38. Theseus's adventure with him is depicted 
on Greek vases. See O. Jahn, in Archmlogische Zeihing, 23 (1865), 
p. 21 sgq., with pi. cxcv. ; W. Miiller, Die Tkeseusmefopen vom Theseion 
zu Athen, p. 36 iq. ; Journal of Hellenic Studies, 2 (1881), pi. x. j 
Baumeister's Denkmdler, p. 1789 ; W, Klein, Euphronios^ p. 193 sqq. ; 
Miss Harrison, Ancient Athens, p. ex. sqq. 

1, 4. Periphetes. Cp. Apollodorus, iii. 16. i ; Plutarch, Theseus, 
8. On representations of this adventure in ancient art see W. Miiller, 
op. cit. p. 46 sq. 

1, ;. The iBthmns of Oorintb. The Isthmus of Corinth, which 
unites the Peloponnese on the south to the mountainous district of 
Megara and Central Greece on the north, is a low flat neck of land 
about three and a half miles wide at the narrowest part and about 260 
feet high at the lowest point, stretching in a direction from W.S.W. to 
E.N.E. The central part is a flat tableland, which shelves away in 
steep terraces to the sea on the southern side. Its surface is rugged, 
barren, and waterless ; where it is rot quite bare and stony, il is mostly 
overgrown with stunted shrubs and dwarf pines, or with thistles and 
other prickly plants of a grey, arid aspect. There is no underwood and 
no turf. In spring some grass and herbage sprout in patches among 
the thistles and afford pasture to flocks. The niggard soil, where soil 
exists, is cultivated in a rude, imperfect way, and yields some scanty 
crops, mostly of wheat and barley. But in the drought of summer 


every ^n^en blade disappears, and the fields are little more than a bare 
stony wilderness swept by whirling clouds of dust. This rugged barren 
quality of the soil was equally characteristic of the Isthmus in antiquity 
(Strabo, viii. p. 382). It seems to have been customary to gather the 
stones from the fields before sowing the seed (Theophrastus, HisL Plant, 
iii. 20. 5). 

In ancient times ships of small burden were regularly dragged on 
rollers or waggons across the narrowest part of the Isthmus in order 
to avoid the long voyage round Peloponnese ; hence this part of the 
Isthmus was known as the Diolkos or Portage (Strabo, viii. pp. 335, 
380 ; Hesychius, s,v, ACoXko^ ; Mela, ii. 48 ; Aristophanes, Thesmoph, 
648, with the Schol. ; Pliny, N, H, iv. i o). The Portage began on the 
cast at Schoenus (Strabo, viii. p. 380), near the modem Kalamaki; its 
western termination is not mentioned by ancient writers, but was probably 
near the west end of the modem canal We read of fleets of warships 
being transported across the Isthmus (Thucydides, viii. 7 ; Polybius, iv. 
19, v. loi) ; for example after the battle of Actium Augustus thus con- 
veyed his ships across the Isthmus in pursuit of Antony and Cleopatra 
(Die Cassius, li. 5), and in 883 A.D. the Greek admiral Nicetas Oriphas 
transported a fleet across it to repel an attack of the Saracens (Phrantzes, 
^- 33» P- 96 sq.y ed. Bekker ; Zeitschrift d. GeselLf. Erdkunde zu Berlitiy 
2$ (1890), p. 85 sq.) Some remains of the ancient portage, which 
seems to have been a sort of tramway, may still be seen near a guard- 
bouse, at the point where the road from Kalamaki to Corinth crosses 
tbe northem of the two ancient fortification-walls (see below). 

The lowest and narrowest part of the Isthmus, through which the 
Portage went in antiquity and the modem canal now runs, is bounded 
on the south by a line of low cliffs. Along the crest of these cliffs may 
be traced the remains of an ancient fortification-wall stretching right 
2U70SS the Isthmus from sea to sea. It is built of large blocks laid in 
fairly regular courses, and is flanked by square towers which project 
from the curtain at regular intervals of about 100 yards on the north 
side, showing that the wall was meant to protect the Corinthian end of 
the Isthmus against invasion from the north. The wall does not extend 
in a straight line, but follows the crest of the cliffs, wherever this natural 
advantage presented itself. The best preserved portion lies immedi- 
ately to the east of the Isthmian sanctuary (see below) ; here the wall is 
about 23 feet high and 8 feet thick. On the west the wall ended in a 
square fortress, standing on the shore of the Gulf of Corinth about three 
quarters of a mile to the south of the canal. The foundations of this 
fortress still remain under masonry of a later date. About a hundred 
paces north of this fortification-wall there are traces, at least on the 
eastern side of the Isthmus, of a less massive wall mnning parallel to 
the former but on lower ground. 

At what period this double line of fortification was constructed across 
the Isthmus is not known, but from the regular style of masonry the 
work seems to belong to the best era of Greek history. Herodotus tells 
us (viii. 71) that at the time of Xerxes's invasion (480 B.C.) the Pelo- 
ponnesians, on learning of the destruction of Leonidas and his men at 

6 ISTHMUS OF CORINTH bk. ii. corinth 

Thermopylae, assembled by thousands at the Isthmus, and working 
without intermission day and night built a wall right across the Isthmus. 
But from the haste with which this wall was erected, and the materials 
(stones, bricks, wood, and sand) of which it was constructed, we may 
infer with Col. Leake that it was merely a temporary field work such as 
has often been thrown up in Greek warfare. Neither Thucydides nor 
Xenophon alludes to any line of defence as having impeded the march 
of troops across the Isthmus in the wars at the end of the fifth and the 
beginning of the fourth century B.C. But Diodorus relates (xv. 68) that 
in 369 B.C. the Athenians, Lacedaemonians, and their allies essayed to 
bar the Isthmus against Epaminondas and the Boeotians by construct- 
ing a palisade and deep trenches from Cenchreae to Lechaeum. But 
Epaminondas stormed their lines and cut his way through. At the 
time of the Gallic invasion in 279 B.C. the Peloponnesians seem to have 
meditated fortifying the Isthmus by a wall (Paus. vii. 6. 7) ; and in 
253 A.D. under the emperor Valerian the project was revived and carried 
out at a time when an invasion of the northern barbarians was expected 
(Zosimus, i. 29). The wall was repaired by Justinian towards the close 
of the sixth century A.D., and again by Manuel Palaeologus in 141 5 
(Phrantzes, i. 33, p. 96, ed. Bekker). 

See Dodwell, Tour throttgh Greece^ 2. pp. 184, 186 j^. ; Leake, Travels in the 
AloreUt 3. pp. 286-288, 296-305 ; Boblaye, Recherches gJographiqueSy p. 36 sq. ; 
Curtius, PeloponnesoSf i. pp. 12-15, 27 sq, ; iV/., 2. pp. 545-547, 596 sq.; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen und Eindriickey pp. 230-233; Bursian, Geogr, v, Griech, 2. p. 18^ 
Monceaux, in Gazette Archiologique^ 10 (1885), p. 2\2 sq, ; Baedeker,' p. 242 sq. ; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 200 sq. ; A. Philippson, * Der Isthmos von Korinth,' Zcitschrift 
d, Gesell. f, Erdkunde zu Berlin^ 25 (1890), pp. 1-98 (an elaborate description of 
the physical, especially the geological features, of the Isthmus) ; iV/., Pelopotmes^ 
pp. 28-30. 

The ancients varied greatly in their estimate of the breadth of the 
Isthmus. Scylax {Peripius, 40), Diodorus (xi. 16), and Strabo (viii. 
PP' 334> 335) put the breadth at forty Greek furlongs, Lucian at twenty 
furlongs (Nero^ i), Philostratus at twenty-six furlongs {Vit, Soph. ii. i. 
10), Pliny (N. H. iv. 10) at five Roman miles, Mela (ii. 48) and Solinus 
(vii. 1 5, p. 64, ed. Mommsen) at four Roman miles. The estimates of 
Philostratus, Mela, and Solinus are most nearly correct. According to 
the French Survey the exact breadth at the narrowest point is 5950 
metres (Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 37, note i). The length of the modern 
canal is 5857 metres (Philippson, in Zeitschrift d. Gesell. f. Erdkunde 
2u Berlin. 25 (1890), p. 13). 

1. 5. 'Oenchreae Lechaeum. Cenchreae was the port on the 

eastern, Lechaeum the port on the western side of the Isthmus. On a 
bronze coin of Hadrian the two harbours are represented as nymphs 
turned opposite ways, each holding a rudder. On a bronze coin of 
Septimius Severus they are personified as reclining male figures, one of 
them holding a rudder, the other an anchor. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comvt. on Paus. p. 15, witti plates C xL, G cxxxiv. 

1. 5. He who attempted to turn Peloponnese into an island etc. 
In antiquity the plan of cutting a canal through the Isthmus of Corinth 


was entertained at various times by Periander (Diogenes Laertius, i. 7. 

99), Dei^etrius Poliorcetes (Strabo, i. p. 54; Pliny, N, H, iv. 10), 

Julius Caesar (Pliny, Lc, ; Suetonius, /«//i/j, 44; Plutarch, Caesar^ 58 ; 

Die Cassius, xliv. 5), Caligula (Pliny, l.c, ; Suetonius, Caligula^ 21), and 

Herodes Atticus (Philostratus, Vit. Soph, ii. i. 10) ; but the only man who 

actually set about the work was Nero, to whom Pausanias here alludes 

urithout mentioning his name. A great multitude of soldiers and 

prisoners, including apparently 6000 Jews sent by Vespasian from Judaea, 

was assembled at the Isthmus, and operations were begun with much 

solemnity, apparently about the end of 67 a.d. The emperor himself, 

after chanting hymns in honour of the marine deities, set the example 

by giving a few strokes with a golden pick-axe, which the governor of 

Greece formally handed to him. Then the multitude fell to work in 

earnest, the soldiers turning up the earth and the prisoners hewing at 

the rocks. A beginning was made on the western side of the Isthmus, 

but excavations had been carried for a distance of only about four 

furlongs, when they were suddenly suspended in consequence of evil 

tidings which Nero received of conspiracies at Rome and disaffection 

among the armies of the West. See Suetonius, NerOy 1 9 ; Pliny, N, H, 

iv. 10 ; Lucian, NerOy 1-5 ; Philostratus, Vit, Apollon, iv. 24 ; Dio 

Cassius, Ixiii. 16; Josephus, BelL Jud. iii. 10. 10; Hertzberg, Gesch, 

Griechenlands unter der Hertschaft der Romero 2. pp. 1 1 5-1 19. 

Nero's excavations, visible in the time of Pausanias, were still to 
be seen down to a few years ago, when they were effaced, at least in 
great part, by the excavations for the new canal, which follows exactly 
the same line as Nero*s. Mr. Gerster, the French engineer who super- 
intended the making of the new canal, has thus described the nature of 
the soil and the traces of Nero's works. 

"At this point the Isthmus of Corinth is composed of three quite 
distinct parts. ( i ) On the side of the Gulf of Corinth is a plain com- 
posed of sand and alluvial soil for a distance of i^ kilometres. (2) 
Next, for a distance of 4 kilometres, is a hill, the mass of which is 
composed of sand and tertiary marl, the whole covered by a layer of 
conglomerate 2 or 3 metres thick. (3) Lastly, on the shores of the 
Gulf of Aegina, is a small plain, 600 metres wide, where the sand is 
covered by alluvial soil. 

" The works of Nero, which follow a perfectly straight line, consist 
of two cuttings, the depth of which varies from 3 to 30 metres, and the 
breadth of which at the two extremities of the line is 40 or 50 metres. 
The western cutting is 2000 metres long ; the eastern 1 500. 

** In the interval which separates the two cuttings, on the back of 
the hill, are two rows of shafts, arranged in parallel lines and in the 
same direction as the length of the canal." 

The western cutting was carried first for 1200 metres through the 
sand ; then for about 600 metres the layer of conglomerate had been 
cleared away. The whole of the western cutting is bordered on both 
sides by heaps of excavated -soil, sometimes 20 metres high and visible 
from a distance on the plain of the Isthmus. The eastern cutting is 
carried through the alluvial soil, but stops at the conglomerate schist. 

8 ISTHMUS OF CORINTH bk. ii. corinth 

See B. Gerster, in Bulletin de Corr, HelUmque^ 8 (1884), p. 229 
sq, ; also Monceaux, in Gazette Archiologique^ 10 (1885), p. %I3 sq. 

Thus Pausanias's statement that Nero's excavations were not pro- 
longed into the rock is true of the eastern but not of the western cutting. 
This seems to show that he had seen the eastern but not the western 
side of the Isthmus, and this would be natural enough, since journeying 
from Megara to Corinth by the Scironian pass (i. 44. 8), Cromyon (ii. 
1.3), and the Isthmian sanctuary (ii. i. 7 sqq,) he must have kept along 
the shore of the Saronic Gulf. The rock to which he refers is the 
conglomerate-covered eminence in the centre of the Isthmus. The 
shafts which were sunk in this central part face each other at a distance 
of 40 to 45 metres from the axis of the canal. They are about 40 metres 
(131 feet) deep and were intended, Mr. Gerster thinks, as soimdings to 
determine the slope of the hills. The same authority estimates that the 
mass of soil displaced must have amounted to 500,000 square metres, 
and that the work must have occupied 5000 or 6000 men for three or 
four months. The excavations may have been continued after Nero's 
departure, perhaps until his death in the following year (68 a.d.) See 
Mr. B. Gerster, op, cit, p. 231 sq, \ and on the traces of Nero's cutting 
see also Leake, Travels in the Morea^ 3. p. 300 sq, ; Fiedler, Reise^ 
I. p. 235 sqq. 

The modem canal was begun in 1881 and was opened for naviga- 
tion in 1893. There are no locks on it. See Baedeker,^ p. 242 ; 
Guide-Joanne^ 2, p. 201 ; Philippson, va Zeitschrift d, GeselLf, Erdkunde 
zu Berlin^ 25(1 890), p. 1 1 sqq, 

1. 5. to dig tlurough the promontory of Minuui. Mimas is a 
mountainous peninsula in Ionia, to the north of Erythrae. Alexander's 
design is mentioned by Pliny (A''. H. v. 116), who says that Alexander 
intended to cut through a plain seven and a half Roman miles wide, *' in 
order that he might join the two bays and surround Erythrae and 
Mimas with water." Some modern writers hold that the Isthmus which 
Alexander proposed to cut through was not the one at Erythrae, but 
the neck of land further east, from Clazomenae on the north to Teos 
on the south (Droysen, Geschichte des Hellenismusy i. i. p. 202 ;"H. 
Gaebler, Erythrae (Berlin, 1892) p. 15, note 2). This was the view 
also of Chandler, who thought that he discovered here some remains of 
the canal. He says : ** The Isthmus appears as a wide pleasant valley, 
and the land being mostly level we could discern across it the blue tops 
of the island Samos . . . Alexander the Great, to render the com- 
munication easier, ordered that a navigable cut should be made through 
the plain here . . . A dike or canal running up the valley is a monu- 
ment of that attempt, which failed, when the workmen came to the 
rock. We passed it over a bar of sand at the mouth" {Travels in 
Asia Minor^ p. 84). It appears that the people of Erythrae were 
grateful to Alexander for his good intention ; for inscriptions prove that 
he was worshipped at Erythrae, and that his priesthood was an office of 
high dignity down to the age of the Antonines. See Moixrciov kox 
^i/Ki; T^s €v "^fivpvQ cvayyeXiic^s cxoA^s, I. (Smyrna, 1875) p. 108 ; 
Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 370, p. 540 with the note. 


1. y^The CnidianB began to dig through their isthmus etc 

Thi»-ws#whcn the Persians under Harpagus were ovemining Ionia. 
See Herodotus, i. 174. 

1. 6. Poseidon had a dispute with the Snn etc. This legend is 
told also by Dio Chrysostom {Or, xxxvii. vol. 2. p. 296 ed. Dindorf), and 
is alluded to by Lucian {J)e saltaiioney 42). Cp. Paus. ii. 4. 6. 

1. 7- a theatre and a stadium. The remains of both theatre and 
stadium may still be seen a short way south of the fortification-wall 
described above, and very near the sanctuary of Poseidon (see below). 
The ruins of the theatre, consisting of rough stones, mortar, and a mass 
of small pebbles, lie in a small ravine or hollow about 150 yards west 
of the sanctuary. Leake observed the substruction of the cavea or 
auditorium and some traces of the stage. The building seems to have 
been of Roman date. Mr. Monceaux thinks that the Greek theatre was 
on the slope of the same low hill, but higher up. See Leake, Morea^ 3. 
p. 286; Welcker, Tagelntch^ i. p. 166 sq.\ Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 542; 
Beul^ £tudes sur le P^loponnise^ p. 411 sq,\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 21 ; 
Guzette ArcfUologique^ 10 (1885), p. 208; Baedeker,^ p. 242. The 
stadium occupied a dell between two spurs of a hill to the south of the 
sanctuary of Poseidon. The torrent which formed the dell and was 
doubtless diverted or carried underground when the stadium was made, 
has now resumed its old course and broken through the semicircular 
end of the stadium. Some foundations of the wall which supported the 
rectilinear end of the stadium still exist. From this wall to the upper 
end Leake measured 650 feet. The area of the race-course is filled 
with broken pieces of pottery and overgrown with tufts of wild thyme, 
sage, and Icntisk. Some of the marble seats to which Pausanias refers 
arc still in their places, hidden under a screen of brushwood. See 
Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 286 ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus ^ p. 49 sq. ; Mon- 
ceaux, in Gazette ArMologiquey 10 (1885), p. 207 sq, 

L 7. the sanctuary of the god. The Isthmian sanctuary or sacred 
enclosure occupies the angle of a natural plateau situated about half a 
mile south-west of the eastern end of the canal. It formed a fortifica- 
tion as well as a sanctuary, being enclosed on all sides by a wall flanked 
with square towers. The walls and towers are in- ruins, but enough 
remains to enable us to trace the plan of the sacred enclosure, which is 
that of a very irregular pentagon. The western and northern walls are, 
roughly speaking, straight and at right angles to each other ; but the 
south-eastern wall is in the shape of a crescent curving inwards, and it 
is joined to the western and northern walls respectively by shorter walls 
on the south and north-east. The north and north-east walls form part 
of the great fortification-wall which stretches across the Isthmus (see 
above, p. 5). The distance for which the Isthmian wall coincides with 
that of the sanctuary is about 220 yards. The greatest length of the 
sacred enclosure from south-west to north-east is about 360 yards. The 
French conducted some excavations on the spot a few years ago and 
made out three gates, one on the west side, one on the south side, and 
one at the north-eastern angle. Mr. Monceaux, the French archaeolo- 
gist to whom we owe an account of these explorations, thinks that the 

lo THE ISTHMIAN SANCTUARY bk. ii. corinth 

north-east gate, which he calls the Triumphal Gate, is of the age of 
Augustus. The style of the architecture, according to him^points to 
this date. Moreover it is improbable, as he justly remarks, that the 
Corinthians would have opened one of the gates of the sanctuary on the 
side of the enemy, outside the line of fortification. A paved road runs 
through this gateway, and in the pavement the ruts made by the chariot- 
wheels are deeply marked. Within the sacred enclosure, opposite the 
north-east gateway, stands the Byzantine chapel of St. John. No 
foundations or walls of ancient Greek masonry have yet been discovered 
within the sacred enclosure ; so that we cannot say in which parts of it 
the temples of Poseidon and Palaemon respectively stood. But Mr. 
Monceaux is inclined to suppose that the temple of Poseidon occupied 
the site of the chapel of St. John. Pausanias, coming from 
Cromyon, would naturally enter the sacred enclosure by the north- 
east gateway, would pass up the paved way, bordered by the row of 
pine-trees on the one side and of statues on the other, to the temple 
of Poseidon ; and the temple of Palaemon, which he says (c. 2. i) was 
on the left, would thus occupy the eastern angle of the sacred enclosure, 
to the south of the paved way. This arrangement agrees moreover 
with the position in which the architectural fragments (triglyphs, drums 
of columns, etc., see below, pp. 11, 14) have been found. For all the 
fragments of the temple of Palaemon have been discovered to the left of 
the paved way ; but none of the fragments of the temple of Poseidon has 
been found here, they all lie to the north, the west, and the south. Mr. 
Monceaux would assign the enclosing walls of the sanctuary, as well as 
the north-east gate, to the age of Augustus. Leake says that the wall 
" was of the most regular kind of Hellenic masonry externally, but filled 
up with rubble between the casings." See Monceaux, * Fouilles et 
recherches archdologiques au sanctuaire des jeux Isthmiques,' Gazette 
Arcfi^ologique^ 9 (1884), pp. 273-285, 352-363 ; id, 10 (1885), pp. 
205-214, 402-412; Clarke, Travels^ 3. p. 751 sqq,\ Leake, Aforea, 3. 
pp. 286-296; Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 166; Curtius, Pe/oponnesos, 2. 
pp. 540-544 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen und Eindriicke, p. 257 j^. ; W. 
G. Clark, Peloponnesus, pp. 47-49 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 20 j^. ; 
Baedeker,^ p. 7.\2 sq, ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 198 sqq, 

1. 7* a row of pine-trees, most of them shooting straight up 
into the air. " To judge by the present condition of the soil, the only 
conifer which we can conceive to be native to the Isthmus is the pinus 
maritinia, whose fresh juicy green is the last remaining ornament of the 
rocky coasts of Greece. Firs {Fickten) are not found south of the Thes- 
salian mountains " (Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 543). This species of pine, 
where it grows by itself on rocky ground, is generally stunted ; but 
where a number of them grow together in suitable soil, the stems are 
straight and strong, sometimes 100 feet high and 2 or 3 feet thick 
(Fiedler, Reise, i. p. 512). Thus, as Curtius has pointed out {Pelop. 2. 
P* 595)> Pausanias remarks upon the unusually straight, high growth of 
this row of pines in the Isthmian sanctuary. His words (ra 7roA.Aa h 
€vOv avTiov dvrjKovra) have sometimes (as by Leake) been interpreted to 
mean that the pines were " planted for the most part in a straight line." 


But against this in teip relation it may be said that (I) the words thus in- 
teqireted an otiose repetition of the preceding irc^irrcu/ui'a (Vt 
ffnu'xou ; and (i) the usage of Pausanias is in favour of taking avr^Kavra, 
of height. Cp. iii. 1 7. 1 ovrtav & tv tq jtoKci koifxiii' koI aXXuiv, rb 
fiakurra (s furiinpov av^Kov ovo/ux^oi-viv dKpmroX.iv. v. 13. g T& £f 
v^s Tou piufimj rh a-i[arav <t Svo Koi tiKO<Tiv di^Kfi iroSaf. vi. 21. 6 
Aw^oi eoriv tiv^Kuv « d^ij. viii. 24. 7 KinrapuTxroi jrt^i!«o<rii' cs 

TOITOVTOV VlfrOVi dv^KOlHTat OXTTC KtA. Cp. also iV. 20. 2 ipiVtOi OUK 

i! (I'ffif ijt^ijTO, aA.Xa «! T( T& ptvfia tirttrrptrfK ktX.. 

On the different kinds of conifers in Greece, see Neumann und 
Partsch, Physikalische Ceographie von Griechenland, 366 sqq. ; and on 
ihe pines of the Isthmus in particular see A. Philippson, in ZHlschriJl 
L Geiell. f. ErdkumU su Berlin, 25(1 890), p. 74 sg., who states that the 
only species of pine which now grows on the Isthmus is the Aleppo pine 
or Pinus halepensis Mill. 

1. 7- the temple, which Is not verr loiKs. The French excava- 
lon found a good many fragments of the old Doric temple of Poseidon, 
including iriglyphs (in a very damaged state) and drums of columns. In- 
sWad of twenty flutes, which is Ihe usual number for Doric columns, these 
colninns had only sixteen flutes, a mark of bjgh antiquity. The breadth of 
the flutes varies from .29 metre at the base to .22 metre near the capital. 
The inferior diameter of the columns was 1.48 metres, the superior 
diameter 1.23 "which gave to the shafts a decidedly conical form." The 
height of the drums varies from .80 to .90 metre ; seven or eight of them 
would go to the column. "To judge by the proportions of the flutes 
and by comparison with the ancient buildings of Sicily and Italy, it may 
be held that the height of the columns in the temple of Poseidon at the 
Isthmus was 4J times the diameter of the base, i.e. more than 6^ 
metiii. The erection of the temple should be assigned to the middle of 
the sixth century B.C. ; it is certainly later than the temple of Corinth of 
Khich the remains are still standing ; but it is older than some of the 
ancient temples of Sicily," The drums had been sawn from top to 
botiom and employed in repairing the enclosing 
»-all of the sanctuary. All those now visible were 
discoveredin the foundationsof the northern, western, 
and southern walls, none of them in the eastern. 
See Monceaux, in Gasette Arckiologigue, 9 (1884), 
P- 356 sq. The temple of Poseidon is represented 
on coins of Geta, from the evidence of which i 
may be inferred that the temple " was not peripteral 
but either prostyle or amphiprostyle ; and we may „a. 1. — tempi.k or 
ei-en regard it as probable that the temple was fossiooK at isth- 
telrastyle." On these coins Tritons are represented »"" (^o'" "' 
standing over the angles of the gable, in accordance 

with the description of Pausanias, whose statement that Tritons " stand 
upon the temple " means that they stood as acroleria, i.e. over the 
angles of the gables. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. 
M Paus. p. 16 and pi. D xlix,, D I. 

1. ;. The images were dedicated in m; time br the 




12 TffE ISTHMIAN SANCTUARY bk. ii. corinth 

Athenian Herodes. Stephani {Compte Rendu (St. Petersmirg) for 
1870-1871, p. 127) thought that by dedicating at the Isthmian sanc- 
tuary a statue of Poseidon, the divine president of the Isthmian games, 
Herodes Atticus purposely challenged comparison with Phidias's statue 
of Zeus, the divine president of the Olympic games, at the Olympic 
sanctuary. This comes out, he holds, in the fact that the statues set 
up by Herodes Atticus were of the same material (gold and ivory) as 
Phidias's statue of Zeus, but it is especially proved by the fact that the 
birth of Aphrodite from the sea was represented on the base of 
Poseidon's statue as on the base of the Olympic Zeus. See Pausanias, 
V. II. 8. Stephani enumerates (pp, ciL p. 129 sq,) the surviving 
works of ancient art in which he believes that the artists copied tne 
relief on this statue of Poseidon. Philostratus in his life of Herodes > 
Atticus (Vit, Soph, ii. i. 9) mentions the colossal statue of Poseidon, V 
the statue of Amphitrite, and the dolphin of Melicertes, among the 
votive offerings dedicated by Herodes at the Isthmus. 

1. 8. the boy Palaemon is erect on a dolphin. On coins of 
Marcus Aurelius, Antoninus Pius, and Severus, Palaemon is represented 
standing on a dolphin. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, 
on Paus. p. 1 1 , and pi. B ix. Palaemon was the name which Melicertes 
received when he became a sea-deity (ApoUodorus, iii. 4. 3 ; Hyginus, 
Fab, 2 ; Ovid, Metam, iv. 542). 

1. 8. sculptured in relief. The Greek is hreipyaxrroy the verb 
regularly used by Pausanias in this sense. Cp. Schubart, in Philologus^ 
24 (1866), pp. 581-587 ; U. Schaarschmidt, De hn praepositionis 
apud Pausaniam periegetam vi et usu, p. 26 sgg. ; Fraenkel, De verbis 
potioribus quibus opera statuaria Graeci notabant^ p. 39 sq. 

1. 8. the Sea holding up the child Aphrodite. On personifi- 
cations of the sea in ancient art see Adolf Gerber, in Fleckeisen's 
Jahrb ticker fur class. PhiloL^ Supplem. 13, pp. 266-269; Roscher's 
Lexikon^ 2. pp. 2079-2081. On Aphrodite as sea-bom see note on v. 
II. 8. 

1. 8. the Nereids. The belief in the Nereids still exists in full 
force among the modem Greeks, though the conception of them has 
been generalised to include nymphs of all kinds — nymphs of the 
mountains, trees, springs, etc. as well as sea-nymphs. They are believed 
to be beautiful and gay, fond of the dance and song. They are clad in 
white garments, decked with roses and other flowers. They carry off 
children, and if they find a man sleeping at noon (especially a summer 
noon) beside a spring or a river, or under the shadow of a tree, they 
maim him or drive him mad. There are at this day people in Greece 
who believe themselves to be descended from the Nereids. Offerings 
are made to the Nereids of milk and honey. In Zacynthus offerings of 
sweetmeats, etc. are made to them at noon or midnight at spots where 
three ways meet. In many parts of Greece there are special places 
where it is customary to deposit offerings for the Nereids ; for example, 
a hollow under the Museum Hill at Athens, the source of the Cephisus 
at Cephisia in Attica, and a rocky cleft in the bed of the Ismenus at 
Thebes. See B. Schmidt, Dcu Volksleben der Neugriechen^ pp. 98-130; 


C. Wacwmuth, Das alte Griechenland im neuen^ pp. 29-32, 52-55 ; 
J. T. Bent, The Cyclades^ p. 12 sqq. ; Lucy M. J. Garnet t, The women of 
Turkey^ i. p. 131 sqq. Cp. note on ix. 3. 7. The root of the word 
Nereid perhaps survives in the modem- Greek name for water, nero (cp. 
Phrynichus, Eel. 29; Etymol. Magnuniy p. 597 1. 42 sqq,\ but this is 
doubtful. See Classical Review^ 8 (1894), pp. 100 sq,, 398 sq. 

1. 8. some people have dedicated precincts to them beside 

luffbours etc Cp. iii. 26. 7. The connection of Achilles with harbours 

is shown by the fact that two harbours are known to have derived their 

names from him, the harbour of Achilles at Taenarum (Pausanias, iii. 

2$. 4) and the harbour of Achilles at Scyros (Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 391). 

On Achilles in his relation to the sea cp. Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 58 sqq. 

Scaliger's view that in the first syllable of Achilles and Achelous we have 

a root signifying water, as in the Latin aqua^ is accepted by Welcker 

{Griech, Gotterlehre^ 3. p. 46), but discountenanced on philological 

grounds by G. Curtius {Griech. EtymJ* p. 119), who thinks that in 

Greek this root must have taken the form ap^ as in Messapioi which is 

equivalent (he thinks) to Methudrioiy * the people over the water.' Cp. 

Lobeck, Aglaophamus^ p. 952 ; Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 65. 

1. 8. Doto has a holy sanctuary at Gabala. Doto was a Nereid 
(Homer, //. xviii. 43 ; Hesiod, Theog, 248 ; Apollodorus, I 2. 6). 
Gabala was a town on the coast of Syria, mentioned by Hecataeus 
(Strabo, xvi. p. 753; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v.Tdpaka; Pliny, N.If, 
V. 79). Cp. Reland, PalaestincL, p. 784 sq, 

1. 8. the robe by which Eriphyle was bribed etc. At her 

marriage Harmonia received from her husband Cadmus the present of a 
robe and of a necklace, the latter a work of Hephaestus. When the 
Epigoni were about to march against Thebes they were told by an oracle 
that they would be victorious if led by Alcmaeon. Alcmaeon was un- 
willing to go to the war, but his mother Eriphyle was induced by the 
bribe of the robe which had once been Harmonia's to persuade him to 
join the expedition. She had, ten years before, been bribed by the 
present of the necklace to send her husband Amphiaraus to his doom, 
by obliging him to join the first expedition against Thebes. According 
to Apollodorus, the fatal robe and necklace were finally dedicated by 
Alcmaeon's sons at Delphi. See Apollodorus, iii. 4 § 2, 6 § 2, 7 §§ 2, 6. 
As to the necklace see also Paus. v. 17. 7 ; viii. 24. 8 sq, ; ix. 41. 2-5. 
1. 9. sayiours of ships. A marble tablet found at Kertch in the 
Crimea in 1880 is inscribed with a dedication in Greek "to Poseidon 
saviour of ships and to Aphrodite mistress of ships " (Jloa-^i^ii^vi. (ra)o-tV€<p 
KoX 'A<l>po8iTy vaifapxtSi), The dedicator was an admiral Pantaleon. 
The epithets, as applied to Poseidon and Aphrodite, are not known from 
other sources. See Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1881, 
p. 134 sq, 

" The sons of Tyndareus " are of course Castor and Pollux . Sailors 
in antiquity gave the name of Castor and Poiiux to a aouole light (of 
elcarical nature) which appeared on the masts or sails of a ship during 
a storm. The two lights were a sign of safety, but a single light was 
known by the name of Helen and was regarded as fatal. In the middle 


14 THE ISTHMIAN SANCTUARY vs.. ii. corinth 

ages and in modern times such lights have been knou-n as the fire of Saint 
Elmo or Saint Telmo. My friend the UlC W. Robertson Smith infoimed 
me that the name Telmo resembles a Phoenician word meaning ' twins.' 
See Pliny, N. H. ii. loi ; Diodoms, iv, 43 1 Seneca, Natur. Qftaest. 
i. I. 13 ; Lucian, Dial. Deorum, xxvi. 2 ; Ovid, Fasti, v. 720 ; Plutarch, 
De dtfect. orac. 30 ; Th, Henri Martin, in Revue ArcMologique, N. S. 
13(1 866), pp. 1 68- 1 74 ; Sebillot, Ugendes, crcyances el superstitions de 
la mer (Paris, 1886), 2. pp. 87-109. Similar lights were frequently ob- 
sened shining on spear-heads in antiquity (Pliny, Ic. ; Seneca, fll. Q. i. 1. 
1 4 ; Martin, op. cit. p. 171); and it is said that Cossacks, riding across 
the steppes on stomiy nights, see such lights flickering at their lance- 
heads (Potocki, Voyages dans les steps d'Aslrakhan el du Caucdie, 1, 
p. 143)- 

!■ 2. I. a temple of Falaemon. The temple of Palaemon is repre- 
sented on coins of Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, Geta and Caracalla. 
From these representations (Fig. 3) it appears that 
the temple was circular and of the Ionic order, with 
dolphins as ornaments on the roof. On the coins 
Palaemon is sometimes represented lying on a 
1 the temple. This is probably a copy 
of the temple-statue. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 1 1, and plate 
B xi. xil xiii. ; K. O. Muller, Handbuch d. 
Archaeol. d. KunsI (ed. 1S78), p. 323. Near 
ri^. 3.— lEHrtB uf rAi-ns- (j,g Koman gate at the north-east comer of the 

HON (coin oil CORINTH). , , . . ^ , . r ■, 

Isthmian sanctuary, the French excavators found 
many drums of Ionic columns with twenty-four flutes. The height of 
the drums varies from .72 to 1.05 metre. "The depth of the flutes 
(.05 metre), but especially the breadth of the fillets (.025 metre), and 
the form of the capitals recall the most ancient Ionic style." Mr. 
Monceaux is of opinion that these drums belonged to the temple of 
Palaemon. He discovered also numerous fragments of very ancient 
circular architraves and cornices. See Gazelle Arcit/elogique, 9 (1884), 
p. 362. 

2. I. the shrine. Philostratus says that when Palaemtfn (Melicertes) 
was landed on the Isthmus by the dolphin, the earth opened to receive 
him, at the command of Poseidon. Moreover Poseidon bade Sisyphus 
sacrifice to Palaemon. Sisyphus obeyed and sacrificed a black bull. 
See Philostratus, Imag. ii. 16. 

The sanctuary of Palaemon at the Isthmus is mentioned in an 
inscription which was copied by Wheler at Corinth {Journey inio Greece, 
p. 438), but has since been transferred to Verona. The inscription 
mentions other buildings which are not mentioned by Pausanias. It 
records how Publius Licinius Priscus Juventianus, who held the office of 
high priest for life, erected or repaired various buildings at the Isthmian 
sanctuary. He built lodgings for the use of the athletes, who assembled 
from all parts of the world to take part in the Isthmian games. He 
restored also the following buildings ; the sanctuary of Palaemon (t& 
naAaijuofioc), with its decorations ; the place where sacrifices were 


offered to Palaemon (t^ IvaytoT^ptov), and its sacred entrance ; the 
altars of the Paternal Gods (twv warpifov ^cwv), with their enclosure 
and fore-temple ; the rooms in which the athletes were examined (tov? 
iyKpiTrjpiovs oiicovs) ; and the temple of the Sun, together with its statue, 
and enclosure. He erected at his own expense the enclosure of the Sacred 
Grove {rrjs ufMS XaTnys) and within it the temples of Demeter and 
Proserpine, Dionysus and Artemis, together with their statues, 
ornaments, and fore-temples. He repaired the temples of Abundance 
(Eueieria) and Proserpine, the sanctuary of Pluto, and the steps and 
substructions which had been dilapidated by the effect of earthquakes 
and time ; and he dedicated a colonnade at the stadium, together with 
arded chambers and their decorations, for the use of the superintendent 
of the Market See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 294 sq, ; C. I. G, No. U04. 

Of the places mentioned in this inscription, the sanctuary of Palaemon 
is doubtless the temple of Palaemon mentioned by Pausanias, and the 
stadium referred to is no doubt the one he mentions and in which the 
Isthmian games were performed. The place of sacrifice (cvaywrT^/otov) 
with its sacred entrance is most probably the shrine (adytum) mentioned 
by Pausanias (see below). The altars of the Paternal Gods may have 
induded the altar of the Cyclopes which Pausanias mentions. The date 
of the inscription is uncertain. Boeckh (on C. /. G, No. 1104) thinks 
that it is not earlier than the time of Hadrian or the Antonines. Perhaps 
then, as Leake inclined to suppose, the works mentioned in it were not 
executed until after the time of Pausanias. 

The word translated * shrine ' in the present passage is adytum 
(o^CT'oi'). By adytum Pausanias seems generally to have meant, as here, 
an underground chamber, whether natural or artificial. See vii. 27. 2 ; ix. 
39. 10-13 \ X. 32. 13-18. In two passages (v. i. 5 ; x. 33. 11) there is 
nothing to show whether the adytum was subterranean or not. Robertson 
Smith thought that " the adytum, or dark inner chamber, found in many 
temples both among the Semites and in Greece, was almost certainly in 
its origin a cave" {Religion of the Semites^ p. 200). He held that the 
adytum was identical with what the Greeks called megaron^ a word which, 
as applied to a sacred chamber, he identified with the Semitic maghar^ 
*cave.' Pausanias, however, seems not to use adytum and megaron as 
equivalent. See Index, s.v, * megaron.' 

To the south of the Isthmian sanctuary, on a hill which dominates 
the stadium, ten minutes from the road which leads to Old Corinth, are 
the remains of an ancient town cut in the rock. The plateau where the 
remains exist has a mean height of 300 to 350 feet. The eastern side 
of the plateau, for a space of about three quarters of a mile in length 
by 300 yards in width, is covered with the remains of houses, streets, 
and staircases, cut out of the rock. Mr. Monceaux thinks that these 
are the remains of Ephyra, the primitive city of the Isthmus, and the 
predecessor of Corinth. See Gazette ArcIUologique^ 10 (1885), p. 402 
sqq. ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 198 j^. 

2. 2. the graves of Sisyphus and Neleus. In 1890 there were 
discovered on the Isthmus of Corinth two prehistoric barrows, which 
Mr. P. Kastromenos, the discoverer, took to be the tombs of Sisyphus 

i6 LECHAEUM BK. ii. corinih 

and Neleus (American Journal of Archaeology^ 6 (1890), p. 563). The 
graves of Sisyphus and Neleus may have belonged to the class of secret 
graves, on the preservation of which the safety of the state was believed 
to depend. See note on i. 28. 7, * the tomb of Oedipus.* 

2. 2. The Isthmian games. They were celebrated every second 
year in spring, not, as has sometimes been maintained, at midsummer. 
See Thucydides, viii. 7-9 ; G. F. Unger, * Der Isthmientag und die 
Hyakinthien,* /'/[//(^/(Cj^T^j, 37 (1877), pp. 1-42; Nissen, in Rkeimsckes 
Museum^ N. F. 42 (1887), p. 46 sq, 

2. 3. the Great Eoeae. This poem was attributed to Hesiod 
(Pausan. ix. 31. 5). Cp. A. Kalkmann, * Hesiod's /icyaAai 'Houu bei 
Pausanias,' Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 39 (1884), pp. 561-565. It is 
a question whether the Great Eoeae was or was not identical with, or 
formed part of, the poem called the Catalogue of Women, See Clinton, 
Fasti Hellenici^ i. p. 382 sqq, ; W. Christ, Gesch, d.griech, Litteratur^ p. 74 
sq. ; Epicorum Graecorum fraginenta^ ed. Kinkel, pp. 90 sqq^ 135 sqq, 

2. 3. Lechaenm. Lechaeum was the port of Corinth on the Gulf 
of Corinth (Pliny, N, H, iv. 12, who calls it Lecheae). It was united 
to Corinth by two walls, each about twelve furlongs long, in which there 
were gates (Strabo, viii. p. 380 ; Xenophon, Hellenica^ iv. 4. 7-12). In 
393 B.C. the Lacedaemonians pulled down part of these walls in order 
to have a free passage for their army northward (Xenophon, Hellenica^ 
iv. 4. 13). Lechaeum contained a sanctuary of Aphrodite with a ban- 
queting-hall attached to it (Plutarch, Sept, Sap. Conviv, 2), and there were 
ship-sheds beside the harbour (Xenophon, HelletUca^ iv. 4. 12). At the 
beginning of our era the population was small (Strabo, /.r.) Travellers 
from Rome to Athens seem to have landed in Lechaeum, crossed the 
Isthmus on foot, and then taken boat to Piraeus ; at least this was the 
way by which the love-sick Propertius proposed to journey to Athens, 
hoping there in the study of art or literature to forget his love (Propertius, 
iv. 21. i^ sqq.) Lechaeum has now wholly disappeared. Its harbour 
is nothing but a shallow lagoon surrounded by dreary sand dunes. But 
traces of the long walls which united the port town to Corinth can still 
be discerned ; and there are remains of three moles running out into the 
sea, at one of which Bursian found the pedestal of the statue of a Roman 
proconsul, Flavius Hermogenes. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 234 ; Boblaye, 
Recherches^ P* 37 ^9- » Curtius, Peloponnesos, 2. p. 536 sq.\ Vischer, 
Erinnerungen und Eindriickey p. 266 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 18 jy. ; 
Meliarakes, Fcwypac^ia *A/jyoAtSo5, p. 112. The existing traces of the 
Long Walls to Lechaeum are described by Mr. Skias in IX/DafcrifccL 
T^s 'A/)X«^o^oy*'<^? 'Erat/otas for 1892, p. 116. 

2. 3. a temple of Artemis. The image of Artemis in this temple 
appears to be represented on bronze coins of Septimius Severus and 
Plautilla. The goddess is portrayed as a huntress in a temple. But the 
image thus represented is clearly not the archaic wooden image 
mentioned by Pausanias, but a later statue such as the Greeks from the 
fifth century onwards sometimes set up in temples in place of older 
images, which were, however, retained in the background. See Imhoof- 
Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 1 8, with pi. D Ixviii. 


%. ]. Oanchnae. Cenchreae, tfae pan of Corinth on the eastern 
sideof the Isthmus (Stiabo, viii. p. 380), retains its ancient name in the 
fbnn Cuhriais, though the place has shrunk to two poor cottages. 
Even in Strabo's time it was merely a village beside the harbour. The 
ipadous bay is protected on the north and south by projecting head- 
lanis; on ^e east it is open. The boundary on the south is a line of 
sleep hnghts ; on the north the hills recede further, leaving a stretch of 
Sit land between them and the sea. On the landward side rises a broad 
ridge; [he numerous foundation- walls on it prove that here stood the 
poit'lown. Beside the bay there are many remains of antiquity, includ- 
ing a long row of massive blocks of stone, the remnant of a quay which 
ran along the irmer side of the harbour. On the other sides of the bay 
■Doles jut out into the water ; they seem to have been intended partly to 
divide the harbour into separate basins, partly to serve as breakwaters 
sbettenng it seaward. Pausanias's brief description of the port-town is 
■dl illustrated by a coin of Antoninus Pius, On the obverse the port 
rf Cenchreae is represented as a semicircular basin enclosed between 
1"0 promontories ; on the extremity of each of 
tbese promontories is a temple ; and in the see 
the entrance of the harbour there is a statue 
Poseidon standing with a dolphin in one hand and i 
) nideiil in the other. See Imhoof-Blumer and f 
OaidDcr, Num. Comm. on Paus. p, 17, with pi. I 
Dlt Combining the information derived from ' 
Ibis coin with Pausanias's description we infer that 
M one extremity of the harbour there was a temple 
1^ Aphrodite, and at the other extremity sanctuaries nc. 4. — cehchhae 
if Aesculapius and Isis, and that at some inter- "'th statue or 
mediate point a mole running out into the harbour k)sbidoh(coiu»th- 
npported an image of Poseidon. See Dodwell, Tiww', 

1. p. 194 sg. \ Leake, Morea, 3. p. 234 sg. ; Curtius, Peloponnesos, 2. 
?■ 537 -«y- i Vischer, Erinnerungen und Eindriicke, p. 266 sq. ; Philipp- 
soo, in Zeitschrift d. GisiH. f. Erdkuitde zu Btrtin^ 23 (1890), p. 95. 
2. 3. a bronxe inutge of Poseidon. On some Corinthian coins (Fig. 
5) Poseidon is represented standing naked with 
a dolphin in one hand and a trident in the other, 
"a figure well adapted for execution in bronte and 
for a statue of great size." As Poseidon appears 
in exactly the same attitude on the Corinthian 
coin which represents the harbour of Cenchreae 
(sec preceding note), we may safely infer that the 
image of Poseidon on all these coins is a copy 
siDOH AT of the one at Cenchreae, which Pausanias mentions. 
i(coiiHTH- The image would seem to have been of colossal 
siie, and was therefore probably set up after the 
of Corinth in 44 B.C. ; for if it had belonged to the old city, 
<lc rapacious Mummius would hardly have spared such a mass of 
■eaL See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Faus. p. 
IT. with pL D Ui. Ixii. Ixiii. 
TOI, in C 

i8 THE BATH OF HELEN bk. ii. corinth 

2. 3. the bath of Helen. " The bath of Helene is found at a 
mile to the southward of the port of Kekhriis [Cenchreae], near a cape 
forming the termination of the ridge which borders the Isthmus on the , 
south, and which, at the western end, is separated from the Acn>- 
corinthus by a ravine watered by a small river. The cape separates 
the bay of KekMis from that which takes its name of Galatdki firom a - 
village near the shore. The water of the bath of Helene rises at such 
a height and distance above the sea, that it serves to turn a mill in its 
passage. The water is tepid as Fausanias has remarked " (Leake, 
Morea, 3. p. 335 sg.) "The stream that issues from the rock forms 
a deep bath several yards above the level of the sea ; the water is 
beautifully clear, rather saline, and in a small degree tepid. Instead of 
falling immediately into the sea, which, according to Pausanias, was 
originally the case, it is diverted from its original course by ditches, and 
a large mill is turned by the rapidity of its current, which, after a course 
of a few hundred yards, enters the sea near a round promontory " (Dod- 
well, Tour, 3. p. 195). The neighbourhood is hence called Muloi, 'the 
rmW {CaniMs, Pel^onnisos, 2. p. 538). Cp. Clarke, Travels, 3. p. 760; 
Boblaye, Reeherches, p. 39. Fiedler {Reise, I. p. 245 Jf.) found the 
temperature of the water only 2 Reaumur, and therefore denies that the 
water can be called warm. On the other hand he testifies to the 
brackish character of the water ; for he observed sea-anemones growing 
in it, such as he never observed in any other spring. Mr. Philippsoo 
describes the spring as both salt and tepid (Peloponnes, p. 32 j^.) 

2, 4. a grove of cypresses named Oranenin. In this grove there 
was a gymnasium, which was frequented by Diogenes the Cynic ; it 
was here that Diogenes was visited by Alexander the Great, whom he 
requested to stand out of the snn (Diogenes Laertius, vi. 2. 77; Dio 
Chrysostom, Or. vi. vol. I, p. 66, ed. Dindorf ; id.. Or. viii. vol 1. p. 
144111/., Or. ix. vol. I. p. [52; Lucian, Quomodokist.conscri6.Zi 
Timaeus, Lexicon, s.v. Kpaviov ; Plutarch, Alexander, 14). It seems 
to have been the favourite suburb of Corinth (Plutarch, Zfe «:i/io, 6), 
and was famed for the serenity and purity of its air (Theophrastus, De 
causis plant, v. 14. 2). Crowds of fashionable loungers assembled here 
about noon, and the place swarmed with women hawking fruit and 
cake (Alciphron, Epist. iii. 60). The suburb is mentioned also by 
Xenophon [Nellenica, iv. 4, 4). Guttling was disposed to place the 
" park-like suburb " of Craneum (the name of which 
he derives from itp^vij a fountain or water-basin) 
the neighbourhood of the spring called 'the 
bath of Aphrodite ' (see below, note on Pirene, 3. a). 
I See C. Gottling, ' Die Quelle Pirene auf Akroko- 
rinth und das Kraneion unterhalb Korinth,' Archao- 
iQgische ZHtung, 2 (1844), pp. 326-330. 

2. 4- & pretunct of Bellerophon. On copper 

ric. 6. — BELLwopHDH coins of Corinth we find Bellerophon and his steed 

AiiuPBCAsu»(coHin- Pegasus represented in various ways. One of them 

TKiAK coin). jjj^j, perhaps reproduce a statue which stood in the 

precinct. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. 


p. 13, with pi. C xxv-xxx. One of these coins (Fig. 6) shows Bellero- 
I^n watering Pegasus at the foot of the acropohs. 

2. 4- BUck Aphrodite. The Black Aphrodite of Corinth is men- 
tioned by Atbenaeus (xiii. p. 588 c). See also Pausanias, viii. 6. S ; 
ix. 37. 5. At Delphi there was a small image of the Sepulchral 
Aphrodite (K^po&int 'KwiTv/i0ia), beside which the dead were invoked 
to come and partake of the libations offered to them (Plutarch, Qua^st. 
Rom. 33). Holwerda is inclined to regard the Black Aphrodite as a 
goddess of the grave, like the Venus Libilina of the Romans, and he 
regards as probable the view of Engel that there was an Aphrodite Fury, 
like the Demeter Fury of Thelpusa (Paus. viii. 25. 4), comparing 
Hesychius, 'Epivvuf* £ai/uiiv Karajf^dvios xf 'A<)tpoSiTri^ f'SuiKoy (Hol- 
nerda, Die alien Kyprier in Kunst und Cultus, p. 56 sq.) 

1 4- tliB graT« of LaiB etc Polemo is the authority for the 
staiement that Lais was buried in Thessaly. According to him her 
giave was beside the Peneus and was surmounted by a water-pot carved 
iasiDfie, the symbol which marked the grave of an unmarried woman, 
te Athenaeus, xiii. p. 589 ab ; Schol. on Aristophanes, Pluius, 179 ; 
Wntarch, Ama/grius, 2 1 ; Polemo, Frag. 44, ed. Preller. The name 
rfhH Thessalian lover is variously given as Pausanias (Athenaeus, I.e.), 
Enrylochus or Aristonicus (Schol. on Aristophanes, I.e.), and Hip- 
polodias (Plutarch, I.e.) The authority for the statement that Lais was 
Iwried at Corinth seems to have been Timaeus ; cp. Preller on Polemo, 
F^. 44. Of the two epitaphs of Lais which have 
beat preserved (see next note) the one recorded by 
Soidsa would seem to be more appropriate to her 
Kwib at Corinth. On Corinthian bronze coins be- , 
longing to the period of independence and also to 
^igeof Septimius Severus and Geta, the monument 
of Lais is represented as a lioness standing over a 
|*n«iate ram on the top of a Doric column (Fig. 7). fig. 7. — monuhkiit 
TIm bead on the obverse of the coins may be either or i.«ia (corim- 
A[Arodite or Lais herself See Imhoof-Blumer and tmiam com). 
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. ig, with pi. E Ixxiv. Ixxv. Ixxvi. 

2. ;. aootber tomb which claims etc. The verb is ^luvov, 

Cpk i. 17. 4 ; vi. 19. 6. In Greek sepulchral and dedicatory inscriptions 
llie dead person or the thing dedicated is often represented speaking 
io the first person, "I am so and so," "So and so dedicated me." 
Eiamples are too common to be cited. Often also in sepulchral 
iaicriptions the tomb itself or the headstone is introduced as speaking, 
"I am the tomb of Myrrina, who died of the plague," " I am a head- 
itooe on the tomb of Xenareus, the son of Mixis," etc. See Kaibel, 
Epigrammaia Craeca, Nos. ti, 181, 474, 574. *6o3, 625, *648, 665, 
679, 843 ; Roehl, /. C. A. No. 344 ; Cauer, Delectus Inscr. Oraec' 
. No. 426 ; Roberts, Creek Epigraphy, Nos. 49, 96, 100, 127 c, 158 d, 
1J7 h A Greek elegiac inscription at Rome, which marked the grave 
rf a race-horse, is composed in the form of a dialogue between the 
headstone and a passer-by. " Marble headstone, whose grave are 
jw?" "The grave of a fleet horse" etc. (Kaibel, op. cit. No. 635). 


The inscription of the Thessalian tomb of Lais is given by Athenaeus 
(xiii. p. 589 b). It is not written in the first person ; but on the other 
hand in the epitaph of Lais which Suidas {5,v. W^iprqvn]) has preserved, 
the tomb is represented speaking in the first person — 

AatS* tybi TToXt^Tiv €vf(i>voto KopCvdov 
Utiprjvqs X.€VK(av <f>aL8por€pav kifiaSiav. 

*< I contain Lais, a citizeness of well-girt Corinth, a woman brighter than 
Pirene's limpid drops." 

2. 6. the city. Strabo visited Corinth soon after it had been 
rebuilt by the Romans, and he described its situation and extent. He 
says that it occupied a level tableland close to the northern foot of the 
Acro-Corinth, the mountain-citadel of Corinth. The city was 40 Greek 
furlongs or about 4^ miles in circumference, and was surrounded by a 
wall wherever it was not protected by the Acro-Corinth. The Acro- 
Corinth was also encompassed by the wall, except where the mountain 
was too steep to admit of it. The entire circuit of the city and the 
Acro-Corinth together was about 85 Greek furlongs or about 9^ miles 
(Strabo, viii. p. 379). The number of slaves at Corinth is said to have 
been 460,000 (Athenaeus, vi. p. 272 b). Diogenes the Cynic praised 
the summer climate of Corinth ; the breezes from the sea on both sides 
cooled the air, and the mighty shadow of the Acro-Corinth was a pro- 
tection from the glare of the sun (Dio Chrysostom, Or, vi. vol. i. p. 96, 
ed. Dindorf). The account which Mr. Philippson gives of the climate 
of Corinth is less favourable. He says : 'Mn summer the sea winds, 
which sweep freely over the Isthmus, bring some refreshment. On the 
whole the atmosphere here is almost never at rest, neither in summer 
nor in winter. In winter frightful storms rage from the west, creating 
a surf on the shore of the Isthmus har^l^rfess heavy than on coasts that 
face the open sea. In summer the sea wind blows for days together 
so strongly, especially in New Corinth, that it becomes a regular plague. 
It drives before it whirls of dust and clouds of sharp sea-sand, covering 
everything with a yellow layer" (ZHtschrift d, Ges, f. Erdkunde zu 
Berlin^ 25 (1890), p. 64 sg,) 

The site of ancient Corinth is a spacious rocky plateau, about 200 
feet above the level of the sea, at the northern foot of the Acro-Corinth. 
On its northern edge this plateau falls away steeply to a second lower 
terrace, which extends towards the sea. Some remains of the ancient 
city- walls may still be seen. See Curtius, Peloponnesos, 2. p. 523 sq. ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen und Eindriicke^ pp. 257, 262. 

2. 6. adorned with red iMunt. Painted statues are mentioned by 
Pausanias elsewhere. Thus he describes two images of Dionysus both 
painted vermilion (vii. 26. 11 ; viii. 39. 6) ; a statue of Dionysus, made 
of gypsum and painted (ix. 32. i); and a wooden image of Athena 
adorned with paint and gilding (viii. 26. 4). See Schubart, in Netu 
Jahrbiicher f, PhiloL und Paedagog, 109 (1874), p. 28 sq. The face of 
the statue ox Jupiter on the Capitol at Rome was painted vermilion on 
festival days, and one of the first duties of the censors was to contract 
for the painting of Jupiter's face. Roman generals in celebrating their 


triumph had their faces reddened with vermilion in imitation of the red- 
faced statue of Jupiter. Pliny says that in Ethiopia the chiefs and the 
images of the gods were painted red. See Pliny, N, H, xxxiii. 1 1 1 sq,y 
XXXV. 157 ; Servius on Virgil, EcL vi. 22, x. 27; Isidore, Origines^ 
xviiu 2. 6. The stone gods of the Gonds were smeared day and night 
with red ochre by the priests (Panjab Notes and Queries^ 2 (1885), p. 
127). The images of Hanuman are always smeared with vermilion 
and oil (Monier Williams, Religious thought and life in India^ p. 221). 
Amongst the Marias of the Mardian hills the stone which represents 
the goddess of small-pox is dabbed with red paint {Proceed, R, Geogr, 
Soc. N. S. I (1879), p. 380). On the Loango Coast (Africa) the idol 
Chikokko was painted red by the priests, when they desired inspiration. 
**The emblem of Kissongo by which oaths are taken among the 
Kimbunda is (according to Magyar) smeared with red paint instead of 
with blood, just as in India and elsewhere the idols are often smeared 
with red paint instead of with blood " (Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition 
an dir Loango-Kiiste^ i. p. 270). It is a very common custom among 
peoples of many lands to smear the blood of a sacrifice upon the idol. 
Sec Tijdschrift v. Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde^ 26 (1880), p. 
152; A. Bastian, A Her lei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde^ i. p. 213 
sq. ; Blumentritt, * Der Ahnencultus und die religiosen Anschauungen 
dcr Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,* Mittheilungen d. Wiener geogr. 
Gfsell. 1882, p. 174 (cp. p. 203) ; Jessen, De Einnorum Lapponumque 
Norwegicorum religione pagana^ p. 47 (bound with Leemius, De Lap- 
fonibus Finmarchiae^ etc Copenhagen, 1767); Yule, Cathay and the 
"soay thither^ 2. p. 555 note; Gmelin, Reise durch Sibirien^ 2. p. 214 
iy. ; Moura, Royaume du Cambodge^ i. p. 431 ; Bouche, La cSte des 
Esdaves^ pp. 100, 120; E. Rae, The White Sea peninsula^ p. 142; 
Fr. Kunstmann, * Valentin Ferdinand's Beschreibung der Serra Leoa,' 
Abkandl, d histor, Classe d, k'on, Bayer, Akad, d, Wissen, 9 (Munich, 
1866), p. 133; Garcilasso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries of the Vncas, 
Pt i. bk. i. ch. 1 1 ; Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentumes^ pp. 50, 
113; A. B. Ellis, Tshi'Speaking peoples of the Gold Coasts pp. 23, 50, 
51, 52 ; Cieza de Leon, Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru (Hakluyt 
Society, 1883), p. 95. Sometimes the blood of the victim is specially 
smeared on the idol's face. See Kunstmann, op. cit. p. 131; Rae, op, 
cit. p. 150; Labat, LJ^thiopie Ocddentale, i. p. 250. Sometimes again 
the blood is applied specially to the idol's mouth. See Sahagun, 
Histoire ginirale des chose s de la Nouvelle Espagne, p. 185 ; Voyages 
«r Nordf 8 (Amsterdam, 1727), p. 414 j^. ; Gmelin, op, cit, 2. p. 476. 
Again, savages often smear their own bodies, and especially their faces, 
with the blood of their slain or wounded enemies. See fount. Royal 
Geogr, Soc, 27 (1857), p. 305 ; Ross Cox, The Columbia River^ 2, p. 
336 ; Lafitau, Moeurs des sauvages Amdriquains^ 2. pp. 277, 288, 
304; Chateaubriand, Voyage en Am/rique (Pslus, Michel Levy, 1870), 
p. 213 ; Junghuhn, Die Battaldnder auf Sumatra^ 2. p. 332 ; Labat, 
op. cit. 2, p. 292. There are various other occasions on which savages 
smear themselves with human or animal blood. Thus the blood of the 
sacrifice is sometimes smeared on the worshippers as well as on the 


idol ; sometimes the worshippers also drink the blood. See Bouche, 
op, cit, p. loo; Voyages au Nord^ Lc, ; Labat, op, cit i. p. 250; /V/., 
2. p. 242 ; Spencer St. John, Ufe in the forests of the far East, i, p. 
179. For other occasions on which savages smear themselves with 
blood see Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien^ p. 310; Acosta, History 
of the Indies (Hakluyt Society), 2. p. 373 ; W. Robertson Smith, 
Kinship and marriage in early Arabia^ p. 1^7. sq,\ Ellis, Polynesian 
Researches^ i. p. 290; Edmund Spenser, View of the state of Ireland^ 
p. I o I (in Morley's Ireland under Elizabeth and James /.) ; Asiatick 
Researches^ 4. pp. 77, 78, 79 ; Azara, Voyages dans VAmMque 
Mdridionale^ 2. p. 136. The red paint with which savages often 
stain their bodies may sometimes be a substitute for blood, though 
oftener perhaps it is merely ornamental. Cp. Herodotus, iv. 191 ; 
Valerius Maximus, ii. i. 5 ; Scheffer, Lapponia^ p. 235 sq,\ S. Heame, 
Journey to the Northern Ocean^ p. 235. The red paint with which 
images of the gods are often smeared (see above) may in many cases 
be a substitute for blood. 

2. 7. getting np into a tree. According to Euripides (Bacchaey 
1064 sq,) and Philostratus {Imag, i. 17) the tree was a pine-tree; 
according to Theocritus (xxvi. 1 1) it was a mastich-trec. The pine-tree 
was especially sacred to Dionysus (Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv, v. 3). 

2. 8. a sanctuary of all the gods. There was a pantheon at 
Athens, built by Hadrian (i. 5. 5 ; i. 18. 8); another at Omeae in 
Argolis (ii. 25. 6); another at Marius in Laconia (iii. 22. 8); and 
another at Messene (iv. 32. i). 

2. 8. a water-basin. The Greek is K/n/v?;, which in Pausanias 
appears generally to mean a conduit, cistern, or artificial water-basin^ 
sometimes open and sometimes roofed. See i. 40. i etm 8c cv t^ 
TrdXet Kprqvri^ Kai <r<f>uriv t^Ko86firi(r€ 0€ay€vrjs . . . t^v Kpi^vrfv fuykSovi 
€V€Ka Kal Koa-fiov Kal €S to ir\rj6os tQv Kioviav Okas d^lav Kot vStop €9 
avTTjv p€u ii. 3. 3 K€K6(rfirfTai 8k ij ^VV^ kiOtp XevK(^, Kal TrcTroti^/Acva 
ccttIk oiKYJfJLara (TTnyXatots Kara ravra, e^ &v to vStap €S Kpn^VTjv 
xnraiSpov ptt, ii. 3. 5 Kpv\vai 5^ iroWaX jmv dva rrjv irokiv waroirjvrat, 
iraxraVy art d<l>$6vov pkovros (r<f>uTi.v vSaros . . . 6ka^ Sc /xaXwrra a^La, 
ri irapa to ayakjia rb rrjs * AprkfiiSo^, Kal 6 3€kX.€po<f>6vTrjs cwcoTt, koI 
rh vSiap ot 81 oirkrjs imrov pet toO Hrfyaxrov, ii. 27. 5 Kpn/jvif r^ t€ 
opoffxf Kol Kocrpm^ t<^ koiwi^ Okas ai^la, ii. 27. 7 cXvt/oov Kprrjvqs cs o 
TO vSiap (rvX.\ky€rai <r<f>ixri. rh €K tov Seov. ii. 35. 3 Kprjvas 8k t^v fikv 
(r<f>6Spa l[)^ov(riv dp)(aiav, ks Sk avrrjv ov <f>av€p(as rh v8<ap kc^tcutav, 
cTTiXciTroi 8k ovK dv 7roT€, ov8* €1 TraKTCS Karapdvrei v8pf.viavrai i^ avr^s* 
Tr]v 8' e<^' riiilav TTciroti^Kao'tv, ovopxi 8k coTi T<p X^P^V Aci/muv, oOev ^t 
rb v8<ap cs avrrjv, x. 4. I and x. 1 2. 6 vSotp KaT€p\6/jL€V0V €S Kprjvrjv, 
However he seems occasionally to use Kprjvi] as equivalent to Ttfyrj 
<a spring.' See viii. 16. i ; ix. 10. 5. But perhaps even in these 
cases he really distinguished between the spring and the masonry which 
enclosed it. 

2. 8. Apollo snmamed Olarian. Cp. vii. 5. 4. 

2. 8. Hermogenes of Cythera. This artist appears not to be 
mentioned elsewhere. Brunn {Gesch, d, griech. ICunstler, i. p. 522) 


b indioed to assign Hennogenes to the period of Greek freedom ; 
but one of his groiuids for so doing seems to rest on a misunderstanding 
of the words of Pausanias, 11. 2. 6 to Sc xoXAa aurui' (Ti t^ &xfJ^% 
irwijftf -nfi \xntpo\, which Bninn appears to understand of the period 
previous to the destruction of Corinth by Muttimius. 

3. 1. » templfl of OctBvia. On Corinthian coins of Augustus, 
Uvia, and Tiberius there are representations of the fa^de of a temple 
which bears on the frieie the inscription CAESAR, AUGUSTUS, or 
GEHT. lULI, Again, on Corinthian coins of Tiberius and Agrippa, 
Julia, Livia, or Octavia is represented seated, holding sceptre and patera. 
"It vould seem probable from comparison of the coins that the temple 
described by Pausanias as that of Octavia was really 
<f the Gens Julia. T^e seated lady holding sceptre 
and patera may be copied from the statue in this 
temple. In details it exactly resembles the figure on 
te coins of Tiberius commonly called Livia, but more 
ptohably standing for a personification of the Gens 
JiiBa. Such a personification would naturally take the 
fcatmcs of one of the imperial ladies, Livia or Julia or fig. s.— temfli op 
Octavia. If in the Corinthian temple the cultus- ocT*viA(eomB. 
9Xat represented the Gens Julia in the likeness of '■"'*" com). 
Ocuvia, then it would be very natural for any visitor to suppose that 
Ae temple was dedicated to Octavia" (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 
Hum. Comm. on Paus. p. 22, with pi. Exciv.) In the collection of 
Bum Roger there is a fine cameo portrait of Octavia engraved on a 
urdonyx. It is figured in GtxaeHe ArcUologique, i (1875), pt. 31 ; cp. 
ibe remarks of De Witte on it, pp. 121-124. 

3. I. tlie road that leads to Lechaeom. In 1892 Mr. Skias, 

aodocting excavations at Corinth on behalf of the Greek Archaeological 

Society, found two ancient roads leading north from the site of ancient 

Corinth to Lechaeum. Both roads retain many pieces of the ancient 

jMKinent, composed of large quadrangular blocks of stone, and are 

Ibed on both sides by countless graves both of the Greek and Roman 

periods. One of these roads is probably the one which, as we learn 

^^^^^ from Pausanias, led from the market-place to Le- 

^^^^^^^k chaeum. Mr. Skias thinks that here and in § 4 

^^^^^^^^^^ Pausanias is speaking of two separate roads both 

^^^^^^^^^^k leading from Corinth to Lechaeum ; but this seems 

^^^^^^HH^H to be a mistake. See npaiiTtKa r^; 'Apx^toAoyiic^ 

^^^^^^HB^H 'Eraipi'as for 1892, p. 112 sqq. 

^^^^^^^B^V 3. 2. a portal etc. On copper Corinthian 

^^^^^H^^ coins of Domician, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Com- 

^^^^^ modus, and Marcus Aurelius a gateway is repre- 

nt ». — roiTAi OF sented surmounted by a four-horse chariot ; it is 

nirTiAB coiMl probably the portal described by Pausanias. On 

the coins of the three latter emperors the gate- 

ny is triple, thai is, there are three openings in it. See Imhoof- 

Nmner and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 22, with pi. F xcvii. 

■criiL xcix. c On other Corinthian copper coins of Imperial date 


the Sun is represented driving in a four-faorse chariot (Fig. lo). 
This may be a copy of the chariot of the Sun 
mentioned by Pausanias. See Imhoof • Blumer 
and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paiu. p. 32, with 

\ pi. F ci. cii. 

3. 2. Fiiene. Pausanias differs from Strabo in 
' his identification of the spring Pirene. For whereas 
Pausanias places Pirene on the road leading from 
the market-place to Lechaeum, Strabo (viii. p. 
379) places it on the Acro-Corinth, just under the 
(coniHTHiAH coin). summit. This latter spring is described by Pau- 
sanias below (ii. 5. t), where he mentions that some 
people regarded it as the true Pirene. The lower spring which he him- 
self took to be Pirene is now known as ' the bath of Aphrodite.' It 
issues just below the steep northern edge of the broad terrace on which 
the old city of Corinth stood. Here the rocks curve round in a semi- 
circle and overhang so as to form grottos under their beetling brows. 
From these rocks, overgrown with moss and rank creepers, the clear 
water bubbles and trickles in copious rills, which nourish a rich vegeta- 
tion in the open ground through which they flow. The grotto, which is 
always fresh and cool, commands an uninterrupted view over the Gulf to 
the mountains beyond. Here in the days of the Turkish dominion the 
bey of Corinth had his gardens, where he led a life of Asiatic luxury. A 
marble staircase still leads from the grotto to the terrace above, on the 
edge of which stood his seiaglio. All is now ruin and desolation. 
A few pieces of ancient columns of green and white streaked marble 
mark the site of the seraglio. The spring is 
frequented only by washerwomen, and its streams 
water only vegetable gardens and orchards. But 
the water is as sweet as in Pausanias's time, and 
the grottos under the overhanging ledge of rock 
are doubtless "the chambers made like grottos" 
of which he makes mention. See Leake, Morea, 
3. p. 242 sg, ; Fiedler, Rase, i. p. 241 sg. ; Golt- 
ling, ' Die Quelle Pirene auf Akrokorinth und das 

• Kraneion unterhalb Korinth,' ' t„,*„ com). 
Archaologische Zeitung, 2 
(1844), pp. 326-330 ; Vischer, Erintterangen und 
EindrUcke, p. 263 ; Curtius, Peloponnesos, 2. p. 
526 sq.; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 16. According to 
GSttling (/.c) the water of the spring leaves an 
ochre-like deposit, and he suggested that this may 
have given a colour to the bronze which, as Pau- 
PIC. II— P1IISMI (co«- ^"'** remarks immediately, used to be tempered 
iHTHiAH COIN). by being plunged into the spring. 

On Corinthian coins of the empire Pirene is 
portrayed as a seated nymph, her left hand resting on the rock, her 
right hand holding a pitcher; on some of them (Fig. 11) a snake is 
represented standing erect behind her; on others (Fig. 12) Pegasus i> 


represented drinking at the fountain in front of her. As the figure of 
Pirene is repeated without variation on the coins of several reigns, it 
is probably copied from a statue which adorned the spring. See 
Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comnt. on Paus. p. 33, with p). 
F cv. cvi. cviL cviii. On tlie mythical connexion of serpents with water 
see note on ix. 10. ;, 

3. 3. gats its colonr. The Greek is ^aim/rB<u. The addition of 
iTi Tov v&iTos TovTov shows thai pd-inta-Oai cannot mean merely " is 
dipped in" the water, as Prof Curtius {Ptlop. 2. p. 530) appears to 
take it- On the colouring of bronze in antiquity see K. O. Miiller, 
Archaol. d. Kunst, § 306, and cp. the preceding note. 

3. 3. Oorintli has no bronze of its own. " Some will have it that 
there was copper ore in the neighbourhood of Corinth, and that from 
this ore the Corinthian bronie was prepared. TTie ancients, however, 
rally mention that here copper was coloured and bronze manuiaclured ; 
they do not say that copper was here smelted from the ore. There is 
no slag found in the neighbourhood of Corinth, and no ancient mines 
are here known to exist. Yet they could hardly have vanished without 
leaving a trace" (Fiedler, Reise, 1. p. 242). 

3. 4- a Mated figure of Hermea in hronze : beside him stands a 
lam. This group is represented on Corinthian 
copper coins of the reigns of Marcus Aurelius, 
Lucius Verus, Caracalla, and Severus Alexander- 
Hermes appears (Fig. '*) seated on a rock, 
holding the caduceus in his left hand, while his 
right rests upon a ram which stands beside ' 
him. On a coin of the reign of Antoninus 
Pius tbe same group is represented, but enclosed 
wiihm a distyle temple. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gaidner, Nunt. Comm. on Paus. p. 23, with pi. '"^ 13.— »Biiusa and sam 

Fc».CXi. (CMSTHIAN C<..»^ 

3. 4- Homsr says in the Iliad, See //. xiv. 490 sq. 

3k 4- a Btory told of Hermes and the ram. The story is perhaps the 
one mentioned by Clement of Alexandria, /"ro/rfr//. ii. 15, p- 13, ed. Potter. 

3. 5- EorycIeS. a Spartan. This is probably the Eurydes whom 
Slnbo mentions (viii. p. 363) as a contemporary of his own and the 
leading man of Lacedaemon, He appears to have been a person 
of profuse and extravagant habits, and of a turbulent and dangerous 
character, smooth, supple, and insinuating in address, but false and 
treacherous at heart After enriching himself by false accusations at the 
court of Herod in Judaea, he used his ill-gotten gains to stir up sedition at 
Lacedaemon, on account of which he was finally driven into exile. See 
Josephus, Antiquit. xvi. 10. i ; id.. Bell. Jud. \. 26; Strabo, viii. p. 
366. A statue of his son Gaius Julius Lacon was set up by the con- 
federacy of the Free Laconians (C /, G. No. 1389, cp. No. 1390). 

3. 5- tile itone wliicta is quarried at Oroceae. See iii. 31. 4 note. 
Tbe stone is green porphyry. 

3. s. tlie water wUcli the Umperor Hadrian brought from Lake 
s to Hadrian's aqueduct see viii. 22. 3 note. 


3. 5. Artemis Bellerophon etc. On a Corinthian coin of 

Caracalla's reign, Artemis is represented seated on a rock, holding a 
bow ; in front of her, Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus is slaying the 
Chimaera (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm. on Pans, p. 24). 

3. 6. Glance. When Jason was about to wed Glauce, Medea, 
jealous of her rival, sent by the hands of her children a wedding-robe 
(or, according to Hyginus, a golden crown) as a wedding present to 
Glauce. But she had previously smeared the robe with baleful drugs ; 
and when the bride put it on, she burst into flames and perished 
(Euripides, Medea^ 1 136 sqq, ; Apollodorus, i. 9. 28 ; Diodorus, iv. 54 ; 
Hyginus, Fab, 25). So in the German folk-tale of 'Faithful John,' 
there is a bridal garment that looks as if it were woven of silver and 
gold, but really it is nothing but sulphur and pitch, and if the royal 
bridegroom were to put it on, it would bum him to the marrow (Grimm, 
Kinder- und Hausmdrchen^ No. 6). There are many other folk-tale 
elements in the story of Medea. For example, in order to win the 
golden fleece Jason has to yoke two fire-breathing bulls and with them 
to plough a field and to sow it with dragon's teeth (Apollodorus, i. 9. 23). 
So in the Finnish epic poem, the Kalevala^ the smith Ilmarinen has to 
plough a field of serpents before he may win his bride {Kalevala, Rune, 
19). The same story is also current in Finnland as a popular tale 
(E. Schreck, Finniscke Mdrchen^ p. 3 sqq^ 

3. 6. the Music HalL This may perhaps have been the roofed 
theatre which Herodes Atticus built at Corinth (Philostratus, Vit. Sophist, 
il I. 9). 

3. 6. stoned to death by the Oorinthians etc. The following is 
the account given by the Scholiast on Euripides, Medea^ 273 : " Par- 
meniscus writes word for word as follows. The Corinthian women, loth 
to be ruled by a woman who was both a foreigner and a witch, laid a 
plot against her and slew her children, four males and four females. 
But Euripides says that she had only two children. Being pursued the 
children fled to the sanctuary of Hera of the Height and sat down in it. 
But even this did not protect them, for the Corinthians slew them all 
upon the altar. Now a pestilence fell upon the city and many people 
sickened and died. So the Corinthians inquired of the oracle, and the 
god bade them expiate the pollution caused by the murder of Medea's 
children. Wherefore the Corinthians annually celebrate the following 
rites down to this day. Seven boys and seven girls of the most dis- 
tinguished families spend a year in .the sanctuary of the goddess, and 
with sacrifices appease the anger of the murdered children and the 
wrath which their murder excited in the breast of the goddess. Didymus, 
however, controverts this account and quotes the story told by Creophilus, 
which runs thus. When Medea resided in Corinth, she killed by her 
spells Creon, the ruler of the city. So fearing the vengeance of his 
friends and kindred she fled to Athens ; but her children being too 
young to accompany her, she seated them upon the altar of Hera of the 
Height, thinking that their father would look to their safety. But 
Creon's kinsmen slew the children and spread a report that Medea had 
slain not only Creon but also her own children. A similar myth is 


told about Adonis." Cp. also the Scholiast on Euripides, Medea^ 9. 
The story that the children of Medea were slain by the Corinthians is 
mentioned by other writers (Apollodorus, i. 9 ; Philostratus, Heroica^ 
XX. 24 ; Aelian, Var, Hist. v. 21). According to a tradition mentioned 
by Aelian (/.r.) the other \tersion, namely that Medea herself slew her 
diildren, was first started by Euripides at the request of the Corinthians, 
and it was only through the poet's influence that this version prevailed 
over the earlier one. Indeed, there are some lines in Euripides's play 
(1378 sqq,) which fit better with the story that Medea's children were 
murdered by the Corinthians than with the story, adopted by Euripides 
in the play, that Medea murdered them herself. The children, however 
slain, were said to have been buried in the sanctuary of Hera of the 
Height ; the sanctuary, according to the Scholiast on Euripides, stood 
upon the acropolis (Euripides, Medea, 1378 sq,, with the Scholiast's 
note; Diodorus, iv. 55). Various ancient writers refer to the annual 
rites performed by the Corinthians for the supposed purpose of appeas- 
ing the angry spirits of the murdered children. The rites are described 
as of a wild, mystic, and mournful character (Philostratus, I.e.; Aelian, 
/^; Scholiast on Euripides, Medea, ^Z79\ The Argives seem to have 
celebrated similar rites in honour of Medea's children (Schol. on Euri- 
pides, Lc) At an annual sacrifice offered by the Corinthians to Hera 
of the Height a goat was sacrificed with peculiar rites ; the sacrificial 
knife was brought and concealed by some hired persons, and the goat 
which was to be sacrificed was in some way made to discover the knife 
and thus to be, in a manner, guilty of its own death (Zenobius, i. 27 ; 
Apostolius, i. 60 ; Proverb, e cod. Bodl. 29 {Paroemiog. Gr., ed. Gais- 
ferd, p. 4) ; Diogenianus, i. 52 ; Suidas, s.v. al^ aiyos ; Hesychius, s.7^. 
«ij oTyo). We may conjecture that this annual sacrifice of the goat 
formed port of the expiatory rites in honour of Medea's children. The 
diildren who, according to Pausanias, used to poll their hair and wear 
blade clothing in memory of Medea's murdered offspring are doubtless 
the seven boys and seven girls who dwelt for a year in the sanctuary of 
Hera. See above, and K. O. Miiller, Orchomenos und die Minyer^ p. 
264 sq. On representations in art of Medea murdering her children, 
see K. Dilthey, in Annali delV Instituto di Corrisp. Archeol. 41 
(1869), pp. 5-69 ; id., in Archdologische Zeiiung, 1876, pp. 63-72. On 
the Corinthian legends of Medea see Maxim. Groeger, De Argonauti- 
ctrum fabularum historia quaestiones selectae (Warsaw, 1889), pp. 

3. 8. caused the people to be called Medes. The tradition that 
Media and the Medes were named after Medea is mentioned by Hero- 
dotus (vii. 62). According to another story it was her son Medus who 
gave his name to Media (Strabo, xi. p. 526; Diodorus, iv. 55. 7; 
ApoUodonis, i. 9. 28 ; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. MTjSia ; Eusebius, 
Cknm, L vol. i. p. 62, ed. Schoene). 

3. 8. Hellanicns calls him Polyxenns. The statement probably 
•cciirred in Hellanicus's work on Thessaly. See Frag. Hist. Graec. ed. 
Miillcr, I. p. 49. On Hellanicus and his writings see Preller, Ausge- 
^ikiU Aufsdize, pp. 23-68. The life of Hellanicus seems to have 


extended over the greater part of the fifth century B.C. He survived 
the battle of Arginusae (406 B.a) 

3. 9. the NanpactiisL See x. 38. 1 1 note. 

3. 9. Oinaethon, the LacedaemoniaiL Cp. ii. 1 8. 6 ; iv. 2. i ; 
viii. 53. 5. Various epics were by some people attributed to this poet, 
such as the Telegonia^ the Oedipodia^ the Heraclia^ and the Utile Ilias, 
See Epicorum Graecorum fragmentay ed. Kinkel, p. 1 96 ; Welcker, Der 
episcke CycluSy i. p. 241 sgq, ; W. Christ, Gesch, d, griech, Litteratur^ 
p. 79. As to the Oedipodia see ix. 5. 11 note ; as to the Little Iliad 
see X. 26. 2 note. 

3. I o. Eumeius says. Some of the verses of Eumelus here referred 
to by Pausanias have been preserved by the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp, 
xiii. 74, and Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron^ 174. The verses preserved 
are eight in number, and record the mythical events mentioned by 
Pausanias down to the departure of Aeetes for Colchis. Cp. Epicorum 
Graecorum fragmenta^ ed. Kinkel, p. 188 sq, 

4. I. Athena the Bridler. On a Corinthian copper coin of 
Hadrian's time Athena is represented holding in her right hand a bridle, 
in her left a spear and a shield. It is probably a copy of the temple- 
statue. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm. on Paus, p. 
25, with pi. F cxvi. In the Annali delP Inst, di Corrisp, Arch. 30 ( 1 8 58), 
Tav. d' agg. E, there is figured a bronze female head with a horse's 
bridle in the mouth, the bridle being fastened with straps over the brow 
and under the ears. The head is joined back to back with another 
female head. See De Witte's remarks on the subject, p. 85 sqq. In 
his catalogue of the Durand collection, Lenormant gave the bridled head 
the name of Hippa. De Witte identifies Hippa with Demeter Fury 
(see Pausanias, viii. 25. 4 sq.)\ and supposes that the bridled head in 
question is Demeter Fury and that the unbridled head is Proserpine. 

4. I. Bellerophon. For lists of ancient works of art illustrative of 
the Bellerophon legend see R. Engelmann, * Bellerofonte e Pegaso,' in 
Annali delP Instituto^ 46 (1874), pp. 5-37 ; Stcphani, in Compte Rendu 
(St. Petersburg), 1881, pp. 8-42. 

4. I. Pegasus. On Pegasus see especially Stephani in Compte 
Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1864, pp. 24-49. According to Stephani the 
horse Pegasus, which in later times was always represented with wings, 
was originally conceived as wingless and is so represented on some of 
the oldest monuments. For examples of such representations see 
M tiller- Wieseler, Denkmdler, i. pi. xiv. Nos. 51, 52; Baumeister's 
Denkmdler^ p. 301 ; Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire, i. p. 685 ; 
Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 770. 

4. 2. Homer. The reference is to Iliad^ vi. 159, which, however, 
scarcely proves Pausanias's point. 

4. 2. brigaded with the Mycenaean and other troops. See 
Homer, //. ii. 569 sqq. 

4. 4. the Bacchids, or Bacchiads, as they are called by other 
writers, reigned for about two hundred years (Strabo, viii. p. 378). For 
the story of their fall see Herodotus, v. 92 ; E. Wilisch, * Der Sturz 
des Bakchiadenkonigtums in Korinth,' Neue JoArbOcher, 113 (1876), 


pp. 585-594. Cypselus began to reign in 657 B.C (Busolt, Griechische 
Gesckichie^ i. p. 638). 

4. 4- poresidents. These presidents {prytanes) are mentioned also 
by Diodorus (vii. 9), who states that the Bacchids from year to year 
elected one of their own number president, and in his year of office the 
president enjoyed the state and power of a king. Cp. G. Gilbert, 
Griech. Staaisalterthumer^ 2. p. 88 i*^. ; G. Busolt, * Die korinthischen 
Prytanen,' HermeSy 28 (1893), pp. 312-320. 

4. 5. the theatre. In the theatre Aratus addressed the Corinthians 
after he had delivered the city from the Macedonian garrison (Plutarch, 
Araiusy 23). 

i. 5. Lenia. This spring is mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. p. 156 e) 
and Lucian {Quomodo hist conscrib. 29). 

1 5. linages of Aesculapimi and Health. Aesculapius and 
Health are represented, together or separately, on Corinthian coins of 
the Imperial age. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on 
Paus. p. 25, with pi. F cxvii. 

i 7* the sanctuary of Bunaean Hera. This is supposed by Prof. 
Curtius {PeloponnesoSy 2. p. 533) to be identical with the sanctuary of 
Hera on the Height (see note on ii. 3. 6). Bunaean Hera seems to mean 
Hera on the Hill. Against the identi^cation it has to be said that the 
temple of Hera on the Height is placed by the scholiast on Euripides 
(lf«i 1378) upon Acro-Corinth; whereas from Pausanias's description it 
appears that the sanctuary of Bunaean Hera was on the way up to 
Acro-Corinth. There was a temple of Hera outside the walls in the 
direction of Sicyon (Plutarch, Aratus ^ 21 sq,) 

5. I. Acro-Oorinth. Acro-Corinth, the citadel of ancient Corinth, 
is a nigged mountain of imposing aspect which rises almost sheer from 
tbe plain at the southern end of the Isthmus of Corinth to a height of 
575 metres or 1886 feet. It is, though not the loftiest, certainly the 
grandest acropolis in Greece. Mure observes that the Acro-Corinth " is 
by Cu* the most striking object of its class that I have ever seen, either 
abroad or at home. Neither the Acropolis of Athens, nor the Larissa 
ofArgos, nor any of the more celebrated mountain fortresses of western 
Europe — not even Gibraltar — can enter into the remotest competition 
with this gigantic citadel." The greater part of this splendid natural 
fortress is a precipitous crag of grey limestone towering up abruptly on 
every side, but at the northern foot of the precipices the descent to the 
plam is broken by a succession of steep slopes, which are kept green 
with grass till late in the summer by the springs that ooze from under 
tbe crags. The ascent is from the west. On this side the Acro- 
Corinth is connected by a saddle with a lower, but still rugged and 
rocky, height, and through the depression or gully which intervenes 
between the two mountains the path ascends to the summit. The 
Ottrance to the citadel is through a triple line of fortification ; the 
traveller passes through three gateways, one after the other. The 
somroit on which he finds himself after passing through these gates 
»rf great extent, measuring not less than a mile and a half in circum- 
^ce ; but its surface is broken and indented by many minor heights 





30 ACRO'CORINTH bk. ii. corintf 

and hollows, and the whole is encircled by a winding battlemented wal 
of mediaeval construction which follows the slope of the ground, ascend 
ing and descending, turning and doubling back on itself, " shining white 
in contrast to the green sward and grey rock, and suggesting the simile 
of a necklace carelessly flung on." Within this spacious enclosure, the 
most sheltered part of which is filled with the ruins of a Turkish village, 
rise two chief peaks, the lower on the west, the higher on the east. The 
latter rises close to the precipitous northern edge of the mountain, and 
is crowned with a ruined Turkish oratory, which itself is built on the 
ruins of a Byzantine church. To the west of it some large well-jointec 
blocks are probably the scanty remains of the temple of Aphrexlite (see 
below). Further, it may be mentioned that in the circuit wall; 
of the citadel Mr. Skias has recently discovered some pieces of th< 
rude ancient masonry known as Cyclopean. The best preservec 
piece is on the inaccessible summit of the most precipitous slope abovi 
the bridge which leads to the first gate, on the right as you approacl 
from below (II/xtKrtKa t^s 'Apx* 'Eraip. for 1892, p. 1 17 sq^ 

The view from the summit of Acro-Corinth has been famous sino 
the days of Strabo, who has accurately described it (viii. p. 379 sq. 
The brilliant foreground, indeed, on which he looked down has vanished 
The stately city with its temples, its terraced gardens, its colonnades, it 
fountains, is no more. In its place there is spread out at our feet th< 
flat yellowish expanse of the Isthmus, stretching like a bridge across thi 
sea to the point where the Geranian mountains, their slopes clothee 
with the sombre green of the pine-forests, rise abruptly like a massivi 
barrier at its further end, sending out on their western side a long pro 
montory, which cuts far into the blue waters of the Corinthian Gull 
Across the Gulf tower on the north the bold sharp peaks of Cithaeroi 
and Helicon in Boeotia. On the north-west Parnassus lifts its might; 
head, glistering with snow into late spring, but grey and bare ii 
summer. In the far west loom the Locrian and Aetolian mountains 
seeming to unite with the mountains of Peloponnese on the south, an< 
thus apparently converting the Gulf of Corinth into an inland, mountain 
girdled lake. To the south-west, above ranges of grey limestone hill 
dotted with dark pines, soar the snowy peaks of Cyllene and Aroania ii 
Arcadia. On the south the prospect is shut in by the high tableland 
and hills of Argolis, range beyond range, the lower slopes of the valley 
covered in spring with cornfields, their upper slopes with tracts o 
brushwood. Eastward Salamis and the sharp-peaked Aegina are con 
spicuous. In this direction the view is bounded by the hills of Attic 
— the long ridge of Hymettus and the more pointed summits of Pen 
telicon and Pames, while below them in clear weather the Parthenoi 
is distinctly visible on the Acropolis nearly fifty miles away, the pinnacl< 
of Lycabettus rising over it crowned with its white far-gleaming chapeL 

See Wheler, Journey, pp. 44^-443 » E. D. Clarke, Travels, 3. pp. 746-750 
Dodwell, Tour through Greece, 2. p. 189 sq. ; Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 257-260 
Fiedler, Reise, i. p. 243 sq, ; W. Mure, Journal of a tour in Greece, 2. pp. 137 
139 ; Welcker, Tagebiuh, i. pp. 169-17 1 ; L. Ross, Wanderungen, i. pp. 233 
235 ; E. Curtius, Pelopontusos, 2. pp. 524, 533-535 ; Beul!§, Etudes sur i 


PiltftHuiie, pp. 401-408 i W, G. Clark, Pilefienn 

:—\% represented on 
IS. On these she is 
4) as naked to the 

: 55-60; Vischer, 
, pp. z>|7-zoz ; Dianaoy, KamoUs and Studia,* p. 
Hi tq. ; Belle, Treis aniUts m Grice, pp. in-36\ ; Philippson, in Zeiliihrifl. d. 
Gtuli.f. Erdkundt cu Btrhn, 25 (1890), p. 411(1. ; Guide-Jean nt, X. p. 196 I?. ; 
Budeka,' p. 240 la. Sinibo (viiL p. 379] eslimaled the height of the Ai^o- 
Cninlh nt Lhiee ana a half Greek furlongs [620 metres), which 13 nearly correct, 
theictual hcighl being, as we have seen, 575 melres, 

&. I. & tsmple of Aphrodite. It was said to have been founded 

by Medea. (Plutarch, De Herodoti malignitati, 

I 39;Schol. on Pindar, Olymfi. xiii. 32). The 

I inrqile was a small one {yaXhi.av) and stood on 

\ the summit of the Acro-Corinth (Strabo, viii. p. 

379). • As to its exact site see the preceding 

note. The temple is represented (Fig. 13) on 

Oniathian coins of the Imperial age ; on them it 

ippeiis "sometimes as tetrastyle, sometimes as 

hoastyle, sometimes as prostyle, and sometimes 

u pcripetaj : aii of which proves that in matters 

of aithitectural detail coins are not trustworthy." 

See Imhcxtf-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. 

mPaui. p. 27, with pi. G cxxvi. cxKviii. cxxix. 

Tbe goddess of the tempie — the armed Aphroditi 
a long series of Imperial coii 

• unifonnly represented (Fig. 1 
waist and holding a shield, 
winged Love beside her. " This important series 
of coins furnishes complete proof ... of the 
type of the statue of Aphrodite which stood on 
the Corinthian Acropolis. The figure of armed 
Aphrodite which existed there under the Empire 
was no archaic figure of an armed goddess, such 
'^''" "*'"*""" as the Syrian Astarte, but an unmistakable Greek 
Aphrodite, using the shield of Ares as a mirror. 
Tbii is a motive natural to Roman rather than to Greek art, and we may 
tcalmostsure that the statue does not date from an earlier period than that 
tfjnlios Caesar. Indeed to his time it would be peculiarly appropriate, con- 
adeting his birth and pretensions" (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. 
Camm. tm Paus. p. 26). On the other, or oriental, type of the armed 
Aphrodite see note on iii. 15. 10. Crowds of courtesans took part in 
tke service of Aphrodite's sanctuary at Corinth. For it was an ancient 
custom that whenever the state offered solemn prayers to the goddess, 
the courtesans should join in the prayers and afterwards be present at 
the sacrifice. For example, when the Persians invaded Greece, these 
■omen flocked to the temple of Aphrodite and prayed for the deliver- 
ace of their country. Hence bronie statues of them, inscribed with an 
tpigram by Simonides, were set up in the temple. Moreover, when 
frivate persons made vows to the goddess they promised that, if their 
players were answered, they would bring courtesans to the temple. 
Ste Alhenaeus, xiii. p. 573 sq. ; Plutarch, Di Herodoti malignilale, 
»; Scbol. on Pindar, Olymp. xiii. 33. The prayer of the Corinthian 

32 ACRO-CORINTH bk. ii. corinth 

courtesans for the freedom of Greece is referred to by the rhetorician 
Choricius in a composition which has been recently published for the 
first time {Jahrbuch d, arch. Instituts^ 9 (1894), p. 185). 

5. I. The spring behind the temi^e. This, and not the spring 
at the foot of the Acro-Corinth (see above, ii. 3. 2 note) is the one 
which Strabo (viii. p. 379) identified as Pirene. He says : " Under the 
sunmiit is the water-basin (Kpvjvrf) of Pirene ; it has no outlet, but is 
always full of sweet and limpid water. They say that the water-basin 
at the foot of the mountain is fed from this one and from other subter- 
ranean sources." The Pirene of Strabo is now identified with the 
Dragon Well {Dragonera\ situated on a small terrace, a little to the 
east of and below the highest point of the Acro-Corinth. The entrance 
is close to the outside stair of a long ruined barrack about fifteen paces 
from the south wall of the citadel. The water is contained in a 
subterranean well-house, which is reached by an arched passage 
lined on both sides with polygonal walls. A staircase formerly led 
down into this passage, but it is now ruinous, and we descend by a 
wooden ladder. In the well-house, which is covered in by a vaulted 
roof of Roman date, the water is 1 2 or 1 4 feet deep, and runs back for 
a distance of 25 feet or so. Out of the water rises a small column, 
which with two pilasters at the sides supports a tiny temple-like gable or 
pediment. The water is so clear that in the dim light it is not easy to 
distinguish the water-line on the rock-cut steps. A traveller has been 
known to walk down the steps into the water before he was aware of it 
See C. Gottling, ' Die Quelle Pirene auf Akrokorinth und das Kraneion 
unterhalb Korinth,' Archdologische Zeitung^ 2 (1844), pp. 326-330, 
with sketch ; Curtius, Peloponnesos^ 2. p. 525 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ 
p. 259 j^. ; Mahaffy, Rambles^ p. 344 sq, ; Baedeker,* p. 241. 

5. I. a gift of Asopns to Sisyphns. Another account of the 
origin of Pirene was that Pegasus had struck the rock with his hoof and 
that the water gushed out (Dio Chrysostom, Orat xxxvi. vol. 2. p. 
62, ed. Dindorf; Statius, Theb. iv. 60 sq,^ A similar origin was 
attributed to Hippocrene (*the Horse's Fount') on Helicon (see ix. 
31. 3) and to Hippocrene at Troezen (see ii. 31. 9). On the 
mythical connexion of horses with water cp. Stephani in Compte 
Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1864, p. 24 sqq. The statue of Pegasus, 
from the hoof of which the water of a fountain gushed (above, ii. 3. 
5), had reference of course to such stories. Another story which 
connected Pegasus with Pirene was that Pegasus was drinking at the 
spring when he was caught by Bellerophon (Strabo, viii. p. 379 ; Pindar, 
Otymp. xiii. 63 sqq.) On a marble relief, preserved in the Spada 
palace at Rome, and often figured in the books, Bellerophon is repre- 
sented watering Pegasus at a spring (probably Pirene) which gushes 
from a rock. See Baumeister's Denkmdler^ p. 300 ; Roscher's Lexikon, 
I. p. 762. On a coin of Septimius Severus there is a representation 
of Bellerophon watering Pegasus, with Acro-Corinth in the background 
(Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Pans. p. 13, with pi. 
C xxix. ; see above, p. 1 8 sq, ) 

The story that Pegasus caused water to gush from the ground by 


striking it with his hoof has its parallels in modem folk-lore. St. 

Milborough's Well at Stoke St. Milborough (Shropshire) is said to have 

originated in much the same way. A horse, at the bidding of St. 

Milburga, struck his hoof into the ground and immediately a spring of 

ivater gushed out (Bume and Jackson, Shropshire Folk-lore, p. 418). 

When the Frisians were building a dyke to keep out the sea at the spot 

wbere St Boniface suffered martyrdom, they wished to build a church 

and a monastery at the place, but found there was no spring of fresh 

water in the neighbourhood. However, one of their horses sank with 

his front paws into the ground, and when it was pulled out, a stream 

of dear water gushed out and formed a brook (J. W. Wolf, Nieder- 

lanHscke Sagen, No. 19, p. 28 sq,) In the north-east of Scotland "one 

mode of discovering where water was to be found was to keep from 

water a mare having a foal, and to tether her on the place where it was 

wished to dig for water ; the mare, in her desire to quench her thirst, 

pawed over the spot under which the spring lay. If she did not paw, 

there was no spring within the circuit of her tether " ( W. Gregor, Folk-lore 

of ike North-east of Scotland, p. 131). 

5. 1. Sisyphus. On the Acro-Corinth, but lower down than Pirene, 
there was a white marble structure called the Sisypheum ; in Strabo's 
time only ruins of it remained, and he was uncertain whether the build- 
ing had been a temple or a palace (Strabo, viii. p. 379). The Sisypheum 
most have been a strong position ; for Demetrius had much difficulty in 
carrying it by storm, and after its capture the garrison in Acro-Corinth 
surrendered (Diodorus, xx. 103). The punishment which Sisyphus 
sofered in hell for betraying Zeus was to push a large stone up hill ; as 
soon as the stone had almost reached the top, it rolled down again 
(Homer, Od. xi. 593 sqq, ; ApoUodorus, i. 9. 3). This formed one of 
the subjects of Polygnotus's great series of paintings in the Club-room 
atDdphi. See x. 31. 10. The name Sisyphus is said to be formed 
by reduplication from (ro<^, with the Aeolic substitution of v for o 
(Curtius, Gruch. EtymoL^ p. 512; Merry on Homer, Od, xi. 593; 
Vanicek, Griech.-Lat, Etymol. Worterbuch, p. 592). Thus Sisyphus 
means the Wise, Wise One ; and the traditional character of Sisyphus 
answered to his name, for he was reputed the craftiest of men (Homer, 
n. vL 153). One of the stories told to illustrate his craftiness is 
rq)eated in the folk-tales of many lands. It is said that when Death 
came to carry him off, Sisyphus chained him up. So Death being 
chained, nobody died till Ares came and released Death. See Eustathius 
on Homer, //. vi. 153. Similarly in an Italian story an innkeeper, 
grown old, is visited by Death, but having persuaded Death to enter a 
bottle, he corks him up and keeps him a prisoner. " While Death was 
shut up no one died ; and everywhere you might see old men with such 
long white beards that it was a sight." At last the Lord himself came 
and expostulated with the innkeeper, saying, "There you have kept 
Death shut up so many years, and the people are falling down from old 
age without dying ! " The innkeeper stipulates for a place in Paradise, 
and when his request is granted, he releases Death. See T. F. Crane, 
UtHan Popular Tales, No. 63. In another Italian story (Crane, op, cit, 



No. 64) Brother Giovannone shuts up Death in a pouch and keeps him 
there, and for forty years nobody dies. In another Italian story (Crane, 
op, cit. No. 66) Death comes to fetch the aged Beppo. But Beppo tied 
up Death in a sack and did not let him out for a year and a half. Great 
and universal was the joy ; the doctors especially were in high feather, 
for none of their patients died. " Then Death begged so humbly and 
represented so forcibly what would be the consequences of this disorder, 
that Beppo agreed to let him out, on condition that Death should not 
come back for him unless he was willing. Death departed and sought 
by means of a few wars and pestilences to make up for lost time." Cp. 
also Crane, op, cit. No. 65. In the commonest of this class of stories the 
hero is a cunning smith who is allowed three wishes by the Lord. He 
wishes that whoever climbs up a fruit-tree in his garden may be com» 
pelled to stay there till he (the smith) lets him come down ; that who- 
ever sits down in his easy chair, may be obliged to sit there till he 
(the smith) lets him get up ; and lastly that whoever creeps into 
his purse, may have to stay in it till he (the smith) lets him 
out. By means of these three booby-traps he thrice catches Death 
(or the Devil) who comes to carry him off ; and each time he 
extorts a promise from Death (or the Devil) to leave him un- 
molested for a while longer. In particular when he gets the Devil 
into his purse he mauls and belabours him so terribly with his hammer, 
that when at last the smith dies and comes to hell-gate, the Devil will 
not let him into hell at any price. So he is obliged to try heaven ; here 
also he is refused admission, but he at last succeeds in getting in by 
force or craft This tale is told, with slight modifications, in many parts 
of Europe. See Asbj5msen og Moe, Norske Folke-Eventyr^ No. 21 
( = Dasent, Popular tales from the Norse^ *The Master-smith,' p. 106 
sqq,) ; Kuhn, Mdrkische Sagen und Mdrchen^ No. 88 of the Sagen; 
Zingerle, Kinder- und Hausmdrchen aus Tirol^ 5 ; Panzer, Beitrag sur 
deutschen Mythologies i. p. 94 sqq. ; Colshom, Mdrchen und Sagen^ 
p. 248 sqq, ; Bechstein, Deutsches Mdrchenbuch^ p. 44 sqq, (cp. p. 42); 
Schleicher, Litauische Mdrchen^ etc. p. 108 sqq, ; Krauss, Sagen und 
Mdrchen der SUdslaven^ 2. Nos. 125, 126; Blade, Contes populaires de 
la Gascogne^ 2, p. 225 sqq, ; Amaudin, Contes populaires recueillis dans 
la Grande-Lcmdey No. i. In the corresponding story in Grimm's collec- 
tion (Kinder- und Hausmdrchen^ No. 82) the hero is not a smith, but a 
gambler. The bottling up of Death occurs also in a Magyar folk-tale 
(The Folk-tales of the Magyars^ trans, by W. H. Jones and L. L. Krop^ 
p. 82 sq,) To return to Sisyphus. Another way in which he cheated 
Death was this. Before he died he told his i^dfe to leave his corpse un- 
buried. She did so, and accordingly when Sisyphus was dead and in 
hell he complained to Pluto that his wife had neglected to bury his body, 
and asked leave to return and punish her. He i^'as allowed to do so, 
but once back on earth he refused to return to hell, and had to be forcibly 
dragged back by Hermes. See Schol. on Sophocles, Ajax^ 625 ; SchoL 
on Pindar, Olymp, i. 97 ; cp. Theognis, 703 sq. This may be compared 
H-ith an incident in one of the Slavonic stories of the cunning smith. 
In this story the smith, before he is at last carried off by the devil, tells 


his son that when he is dead he (the son) must build a church. So the 
smith dies and goes in due course to hell. But now his son begins to 
batld a church, as his father bade him ; and as soon as the cross is set 
up before the door of the church, the devils are only too glad to let the 
smith out of helL He returns to earth and lives two hundred years 
more. See Krauss, op, cit. 2. No. 126. 

Pausanias has now completed his description of Corinth. Here then 
is the fit place to notice the few remains of ancient Corinth which are 
cither not mentioned by him or at least cannot be identified with build- 
ings described by him. Foremost among these remains are the seven 
Doric columns of an ancient temple which stand at the village of Old 
Corinth, not fer from the northern foot of Acro-Corinth. The columns 
formed part of the peristyle of the temple. Five columns stand on the 
western firont and, immediately adjoining them, three columns (reckon- 
ing the comer column twice over) on the southern front. The three 
columns on the southern side and the two adjoining columns on the 
western side still support portions of the architrave ; but the fourth 
and fifth columns on the western side have lost their architrave. 
The fourth column has lost its capital also. The columns have 
twenty flutes, and they are monoliths, that is each is hewn out 
of a single block of stone. The material is a rough limestone, 
coated with a reddish-yellow stucco. The proportions of the columns 
we more massive than those of any other existing Doric columns 
(bcight 23 J feet ; diameter at the base 5 ft. 8 in., at the nop 4 ft. 3 in.) ; 
it has therefore been commonly supposed (as by Leake, Curtius, and 
Vischer) that this is the most ancient Doric temple in existence. See 
Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 245 sq,^ 249 j^., 268 sqq, ; Curtius, Peloponnesos^ 
2. pt 525 sq,\ Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 264 ; Baedeker,^ p. 240 ; 
GtUde-Jocmney 2. p. 196. 

In January and February 1886 Dr. Dorpfeld examined the temple 
with care and made a number of excavations for the purpose of deter- 
mining its ground-plan, and of bringing to light additional fragments 
of the structure. His results are given in a paper in the Mittheilungen 
des arch. Instituts in Athen^ 11 (1886), pp. 297-308, with plates vii. 
and viii. The following is a summary of his conclusions. 

He found that there is not one single foundation for the whole 
temple, but that each row of columns and each wall had its own separate 
foundation reaching down to the rock and quite unconnected with all 
the rest. The surface of the rock was not merely smoothed to receive 
the foundations ; but grooves, of the breadth of the wall and from 5 to 
30 centimetres deep, were sunk in it. 

On the west side, to the north of the existing fifth column, there was 
fcund a cutting in the rock, in which had plainly rested the foundation 
of a sixth column. Further to the north the rock had not been worked ; 
so the west front of the temple can have had only six columns. In 
words, it was hexastyle. 
At the S.E. extremity of the temple the comer of the stylobate was 
ered. This gave the length of the temple, which, measured on 
^ stylobate, was about 53.30 metres (174 ft. 10 in.) Calculating 

36 OLD TEMPLE AT CORINTH bk. ii. corintm 

from the intercolumniation of the existing columns, Dr. Dorpfeld con- 
cluded that the temple had fifteen columns at each of the long sides. 
This proportion of the number of the end columns to the side columns 
(viz. 6:15) is not uncommon ; it occurs also in the temple at Bassae^ 
and in the temple R at Selinus. 

The interior of the temple had two inner rows of columns, one row 
on each side ; and it was divided by a cross-wall into two compartments, 
a western and an eastern, of which the eastern compartment was the 
larger. The length of the western compartment was about 9.60 metres^ 
(31 ft. 6 in.), that of the eastern about 16 metres (52 ft. 6 in.) The 
western compartment was nearly square. Each compartment was a. 
temple in antis^ not prostyle. Dr. Dorpfeld thinks it probable that: 
each row of columns in the western chamber contained two columns 
and that each row of columns in the eastern chamber contained four 
columns. In the western chamber were discovered the remains of a 
foundation which probably supported the base of a temple-statue. 

It may be asked, was the temple really a double temple ? or was the 
western compartment merely a treasure-chamber (as in the Parthenon at 
Athens), or an inner sanctuary (as in the temple at Selinus) ? The 
foundation for the base of a statue, discovered in the western compart- 
ment, furnishes an answer to these questions. For considering the size 
and position of the base, it can scarcely be doubted that it once sup- 
ported a temple-statue, and that the compartment in which the statue 
stood opened X» the west For if there had been a door in the cross- 
wall between the compartments, the base of the statue would have been 
so close to it that it would have blocked the passage. The western 
compartment, therefore, was neither simply a treasure-chamber opening 
from the west, nor an inner sanctuary {adytum) opening from the east into 
the celia. It was itself a cella, with a separate entrance and a separate 

The threshold, made of Pentelic marble, of the chief door of the 
eastern chamber was discovered, but not quite in its original place. 

On the west front Dr. D5rpfeld discovered a small but regular 
curvature, the two middle columns standing about 2 centimetres higher 
than the comer columns. This cannot be explained by sinking, for the 
lowest of the three steps of the temple is hewn out of the rock. 

The diameter of the columns on the short fronts was greater than 
the diameter of the columns on the long sides. The average diameter 
of the former is 1.72 metres ; the diameter of the latter is 1.63 metres. 
The distances between the axes of the columns on the short side is also 
correspondingly greater than the distances between the axes of the 
columns on the long sides (4 metres on the short sides, against 3.7 
metres on the long sides). This difference of diameter and of axal 
distances between the columns on the short sides and the columns 
on the long sides occurs not uncommonly in the more ancient 
Greek temples. It is found, e.g.y in the Heraeum at Olympia and in 
the pre-Persian temple on the Acropolis at Athens. As the height 
of the colunms is 7.21 metres (about 23 J feet), the proportion be- 
tween the lower diameter and the height of the column is i : 4.2 






o c 














i c 

I ', '1 

























^ 1 


1 1 







HH V" 










-r- ir-n 



for the columns on the fronts and i : 4.4 for the columns at the 
sides; and the proportion of the axal distance to the height of the 
column is I : 1.8 on the fronts and i : 1.95 on the sides. Since such 
proportions are frequently appealed to as determining the age of a Doric 
building, the fact that they are found to differ so much from each other 
on two sides of the same building ought (as Dr. Dorpfeld observes) to 
warn us against laying too much stress on them as evidence of the date 
of a building. 

There is absolutely no evidence to what deity or rather deities the 
temple was dedicated. 

With regard to the history of the temple, Dr. Dorpfeld thinks it was 
built in the sixth century, or perhaps earlier. Leake was disposed to 
date it earlier. He says of the columns, " We not only find in them the 
narrow intercolumniation, tapering shafts, projecting capitals, and lofty 
architraves, which are the attributes of the early Doric, and which were 
perpetuated in the architecture of the western colonies of Greece, but we 
find also that the chief characteristic of those buildings is still stronger 
in the Corinthian temple than in any of them, its shaft being shorter in 
proportion to the diameter than in any known example of the Doric 
order, and, unlike that of any other Doric column of large dimensions, 
being composed of a single block of stone." Leake concludes that the 
latest date to which the temple can be attributed is the middle of the 
se\enth century B.C., but that it may be a good deal earlier {JMorea^ 3. 
P- 250 sq.) 

^Vhen Corinth was rebuilt under Julius Caesar, the temple seems to 
have had a new roof put on it, for Roman tiles (bearing the stamp 
PONTI) have been discovered in plenty, but no Greek ones. It also 
received a new coating of stucco. For great pieces of Roman stucco 
niay still be easily distinguished on the columns over the Greek 
stucco. See Dorpfeld, op, cit, pp. 394, 395 ; Curtius, Peloponnesos^ 2. 
P- 526. 

When Spon and Wheler visited Corinth in 1676, there were twelve 
of the columns standing, eleven of them belonging to the peristyle, and 
the twelfth being one of the interior columns towards the west end 
(Spon, Voyage^ 2. p. 173 ; Wh^Xtr, Journey^ p. 440). In the eighteenth 
century when Chandler visited the temple, and when Stuart drew it, the 
twelve columns were still standing, but between 1785 and 1795 ^^^ 
number was reduced to seven, as at present (1895). See Chandler, 
Travels in Greece, p. 239 j^. ; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 246 sq. For a 
sketch and a plan of the temple as it appeared with the twelve columns 
still standing, see Stuart and Revett, The Antiquities of Athens^ 3. ch. 
vi. plates i. ii. 

.A.t a short distance to the north of the ruin which has just been 
described, on the brow of the cliffs overlooking the plain and bay of 
Lechaeum, there is an artificial level, on which Leake remarked the 
foundations of a large building and some fragments of Doric columns. 
Excavations directed by Dr. Dorpfeld on this spot revealed three parallel 
«^s, the style and material of which proved them to have formed part, 
Bot of a Greek temple, but of a great Byzantine church or of some 

38 RUINS A 7 CORINTH bk. ii. corinth 

building of Roman times. In the most northerly of the three walls is 
the drum of a Doric column and also a fragment of a large Doric archi- 
trave. These must have formed part of a large Doric temple, larger 
probably than the one of which the seven columns are standing. For 
the diameter of the drum (which Leake thought to be not from the 
lowest part of the shaft) measures 6 ft. 3 in., and the architrave is 
exactly the height of the architrave of the great temple of Zeus at 
Olympia. Dr. Dorpfeld thinks that the temple in question must have 
stood not far from the later building in which the fragments are found ; 
and he, like Leake, conjectures that the temple was no other than the 
temple of Apollo described by Pausanias (ii. 3. 6) which stood on the 
right of the road leading from the market-place to Sicyon. The con- 
jecture is somewhat confirmed by a Latin inscription found on or near 
the spot by Wheler and Spon in 1676 ; the inscription mentions ^^aedem 
et statuam Apollinis Augusti et tabemas deorum,^^ The inscription is 
probably from a chapel within the sacred enclosure of Apollo. See 
V^\i^\^Y^ Journey^ p. 444; Spon, Voyage^ 2. p. 179; Leake, Morea^ 3. 
p. 247 j^. ; id.^ Peloponnesiaca^ P* 393 '^7* > Dorpfeld, in MittkHlungen 
d. arch, Inst, in Aiken, 11 (1886), p. 306 sqq, j 

Among the few surviving monuments of ancient Corinth are the 
remains of a Roman amphitheatre excavated in the rock on the eastern 
side of the village of Old Corinth, not far from the left bank of the 
torrent which separates Acro-Corinth from the heights to the eastward. 
The area below is 290 ft by 190. Under the seats are chambers in 
the rock, in which doubtless the wild beasts were kept On the north 
side a broad passage, now open but probably at one time covered, leads 
down to the arena. It must have been the entrance for the gladiators 
or wild beasts. As Pausanias does not mention this amphitheatre, it 
was perhaps not yet made in his time. Dio Chrysostom {Or, xxxi. vol. 
I, p. 3SS sg. ed, Dindorf) describes the Corinthians watching the com- 
bats of gladiators outside of the city in a gully large enough to contain 
a multitude, but so dreary that no respectable person would consent to 
be buried in it This describes the situation of the amphitheatre well 
enough, but whether the amphitheatre had been actually made at the 
time when Dio wrote, must be doubtful. It is first mentioned by a 
geographer of the age of Constantius. See Leake, Aforea, 3. p. 244 sq, ; 
id,y Peloponnesiaca, p. 393 ; Curtius, Pelofionnesos, 2. pp. 527, 591 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 264 sq, ; Miitheilungen d. arch, Inst, in 
Athen, 2 (1877), pp. 282-288 (with plan). A plan of the amphitheatre 
is also given in ExpMiticm Scientifique de Morie, 3. pi. 77. 

In 1892 some excavations were made by Mr. Skias on the site of 
ancient Corinth at the intersection of the roads from Lechaeum and 
Cenchreae. Here, in addition to remains of later date, he found the 
square courtyard of a building of the fifth or sixth century B.c. The 
courtyard measures about 20 feet square, and the ancient pavement, con- 
structed in a neat and solid style, is preserved throughout. See II/MiicriKoL 
T^s 'Apx^^o^' 'Eratp. for 1892, pp. ill- 136. 

5. I. Zeus had carried off Aegina. On representations of the 

rape of Aegina in ancient art see Jahn, Archdologiscke Bdtrdge, P* 3 1 sq. 


5. 3. they say that the Maeander etc Ibycus held that the Sicyon- 
ian Asopus rose in Phrygia (Strabo, vi. p. 271). As to the derivation of 
the Inopus £rom the Nile see Strabo, Lc, ; Callimachus, Hymn, Dion. 
171 ; id,yHymn, Del. 206 sqq, ; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophr, 575. The 
water of the Inopus was said to rise and fall simultaneously with that of 
the Nile ; hence the fable of their connexion (Pliny, Nat Hist, ii. 229 ; 
CallimachuSy DeL l.c) The fable of the union of the Euphrates and 
Nile is repeated by Philostratus, Vit. Apollon, i. 20. 2. 

5. 4. Tenea. Stephanus Byzantius {s,v, Tevea) tells us that Tenea 
was a village which belonged to Corinth and was situated between that 
dty and Mycenae. Combining this statement with Pausanias's state- 
TDent that Tenea was distant 60 Greek furlongs (a little under seven 
miles) from Corinth along the mountain road, we infer that Tenea was 
situated somewhere in the valley which opens on the east side of Acro- 
Corinth and through which the highroad and the railway now run from 
Corinth to Argos. The exact site was first discovered by the late 
H. G. Lolling. It is on a fiat projecting spur of the mountains which close 
the valley on the south, a little below and to the north of the twin 
villages of Upper and Lower Klenia, The spot is about a mile 
and a quarter south of Chiliomodi^ a village which lies in the opener 
part of the valley, and is a station on the railway line between Corinth 
and Aigos. Its distance from Acro-Corinth is about seven miles, which 
agrees closely with Pausanias's statement that Tenea was 60 Greek 
farlongs (6f miles) from Corinth. The neighbouring villages of Klenia 
have preserved with little alteration the ancient name of Cleonae. The 
architectural remains of Tenea are scanty, consisting of a few founda- 
tions and pieces of walls. Further evidence of an ancient settlement 
here is furnished by the number of potsherds, both of the finer and 
coarser kind, lying about, and by the rock-hewn graves on the northern 
slope of the hill toward Chiliomodi. These graves are found both 
separately and in groups. The valley, of which a complete view is 
obtained from the site of the ancient town, is bounded on the north and 
south by heights of some elevation and on the east by lower hills 
partially wooded with pine. On the west the valley opens gradually 
into the plain of Cleonae. A stream traverses it from south to north, 
and after skirting the eastern foot of Acro-Corinth falls into the 
Gulf of Corinth. The bottom of the valley is cultivated and produces 
com, wine, oil, and some currants ; the western portion of it serves as 
a winter pasture. But the hills which enclose it and stretch eastward 
to the sea are for the most part utterly barren and naked except where 
they are overgrown with arid shrubs or pinewood. Their sides are 
deft by many dismal little gullies and ravines. On the whole the valley 
is unattractive and inhospitable, though its position on the main route 
from Corinth to Argos and the south must have given it a certain 
conmiercial and political importance. 

According to Aristotle, the Teneans were related to the people of 
Tenedos through Tennus, son of Cycnus (Strabo, viii. p. 380). It was 
at Tenea that the youthful Oedipus was brought up by Polybus, and 
the little town sent out most of the emigrants who followed Archias 


to found Syracuse (Strabo, Lc) In 393 B.C. Agesilaus led a Spartan 
army from Argos to Corinth by Tenea (Xenophon, Heiiemcoy iv. 4. 19). 
In the war which the Romans waged on the Achaean League Tenea 
sided with Rome, and hence escaped the fate which befel Corinth 
(Strabo, Lc.) An Asiatic Greek who contemplated migrating to Corinth 
received an oracle to the effect that " Blest is Corinth, but Tenea for 
me!" (Strabo, Ix,) That there was a sanctuary of Apollo at Tenea 
might be inferred from Pausanias and is expressly affirmed by Strabo 
(Lc) /^ 

See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 320 sq, ; <V/., Peloponnesiaca, p. 400 sq, ; 
Curtius, PeloponnesoSy 2. pp. 549-551, 557; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 
39 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 22 ; H. G. Lolling, in Steffen's Karten van 
Mykenaiy Erldutemder Text^ p. 46 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 34 
sq, ; Baedeker,^ p. 247. 

At the village of Athikia^ situated among the hills about four miles 
north-east of Tenea, was found the statue known as the Apollo of 
Tenea. It is one of a class of archaic statues which represent a long- 
haired youth, naked, standing in a stiff constrained attitude. They 
were formerly called ApoUos on account of their long hair. But 
according to Prof Milchh5fer the discovery of bronze statuettes in 
recent years has proved that in the older art votive figures generally 
represented, not the god, but the persons who dedicated them. Other 
examples of this class of statues are the so-called Apollo of Thera and 
the Apollo of Orchomenus. Of the three statues mentioned the Apollo 
of Thera is the rudest, and the Apollo of Tenea the most advanced. 
The class to which they belong is believed by some critics to exhibit 
traces of Egyptian influence. Several of these statues were found in 
recent years at the sanctuary of the Ptoan Apollo, on Mt. Ptous, in 
Boeotia (as to which see Pausanias, ix. 24. 6), and still more recently 
another was discovered by the French archaeologists at Delphi. See 
A. Milchhdfer, in Archdolog, Zeitungy 39 (1881), p. 54 sq,\ Max. 
Collignon, *L*Apollon d'Orchom^ne,* Bulletin de Corresp, HelUniquey 
5 (1881), pp. 319-322; /V/., Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque, i. pp. 
113 sqq,y 195 sqq, ; M. Holleaux, in Bull, Corr, Hellin, 10 (1886), pp. 
66-80 ; A. H. Smith, Catalogue of Sculpture in the British Museum^ i. 
p. 82 sqq, ; M. Holleaux, * Statue archmque trouvde k Milos,' Bull, de 
Corr, HelUn, 16 (1892), pp. 560-567 ; Friederich-Wolters, Gipsabgiisse^ 
pp. 9 sqq,y 25 ; Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture^ 1.2 p. 170 sqq, ; Lucy 
M. Mitchell, Hist, of Ancient Sculpture^ p. 204 sq, ; Overbeck, Griech, 
Plastiky^ I. pp. 1 1 4-1 2 1 ; Furtwangler, Meisterwerke d griech, Plastik^ 
p. 712 sqq, ; Cawadias, rXvTrra rov^YtSviKov Movo-ciov, i. Nos. 8-14, 
20, 68-72 ; Th. Homolle, in Gcusette des Beaux Arts^ December, 1894, 
p. 444 sqq. When I was at Phigalia in 1890 one of these archaic 
statues had recently been discovered there. The head was wanting, 
but the ends of curls remained on either side of the neck. The arms 
were also wanting from the shoulders ; to judge from what remamed 
of them, they must have adhered closely to the sides. The waist was 
narrow, the legs apart. But perhaps the most remarkable feature of 
the statue was that it bore an inscription on the front, just beneath the 


neck. The inscription consisted of a few letters, which I could not 
read with certainty. They looked like EYNAIAA. The inscription 
was, I think, archaic, and is, so far as I know, the first instance of an 
inscription found on this class of statues. The inscription is probably a 
man's name ; and this favours the view that such statues represent 
mortals, not gods. Most of the statues of this series are preserved 
in the National Museum at Athens. They well exhibit the gradual 
progress of statuary from its rude beginnings up to the time when it 
approached its most perfect development. 

5. 5. the road that leads from Corinth to Sicyon. The 

road from Corinth to Sicyon traverses the plain which lies between the 
Gulf of Corinth and the hills which extend parallel to the coast. This 
plain, the western part of which was called Asopia by the ancients 
(Strabo, viii. p. 382, ix. p. 408) and is named Vocha by the modems, 
is extremely fertile. Villages are numerous, and the level expanse is 
covered with the stunted currant-trees, above which an olive-tree rises 
here and there. The fertility of the plain, which was famous in antiquity 
(Livy, xxvii. 31. i ; Cicero, De lege agraria^ i. 2. 5 ; Lucian, Icaro- 
merUppuSy 18 ; id., Nccvigium, 20 ; Zenobius, iii. 57 ; Proverb, e Cod, 
BodUiano, 396 {Paroemiografihi Graeci, ed. Gaisford, p. 45) ; Athenaeus, 
V. pt 219a; Suidas, s.v, ei to fietrov Kn/ja-aio ; Schol. on Aristophanes, 
Birds, 968) is largely due to the numerous streams which, issuing from 
glens among the hills, intersect it in deeply worn beds. The soil, a 
whitish marl, is heavy and slippery after rain. See Clarke, Trave/Sy 3. 
p. 729; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 292 sg. ; Welcker, Tagebuch, 2. p. 299 
sq- ; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 227 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 482 sq, ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen und Eindriicke, p. 268 J17. ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus^ 
p. 344; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. i\Z sq,\ Baedeker,^ p. 243. 

5. 6. Aegialens etc. According to Eusebius the annals of Sicyon 
and its kings extended back further than any other written records in 
Greece. Hence he begins his chronology of Greece with a list of 
the kings of Sicyon. His list differs in some points from that of 
Paosanias. Aegialeus, first king of Sicyon, was, according to Eusebius, 
a contemporary of Bel and Ninus, the first kings of Assyria. The 
chronicles of the kings of Sicyon were written by a historian named 
Castor ; he first wrote a large work and then published an epitome of 
it According to him the kings of Sicyon reigned altogether 959 
years. See Eusebius, Chronic, i. vol. i. p. 171 sqq., ed. Schoene. 

5. 6. the portion of Peloponnese which is still called Aegialns. 
A^^ialus was the old name of Achaia (v. 5. i ; vii. i. 1-4 ; Strabo, viii. 
P- 3S3). Pausanias speaks as if the old name was still in use in his 
time. The name means simply * coast-land' (cp. vii. i. i) ; king 
Aegialeus is an etymological fiction. 

5. 6. the city of Aegialea. Afterwards it was called Mecone, 
*tbc poppy town,' because Demeter first discovered the poppy (/ai^kcdv) 
there (Strabo, viii. p. 382 ; Stephan. Byz. s,v, SikvcUi' ; Etytnol, Magn, 
P^ S^S* 55; Schol. on Pindar, Nem, ix. 123). At the present day 
po{^ies " are scattered over the plateau upon which the old city was 
Wt'* {American Journal of Archaeology, 5 (1889), p. 268). But these 

42 KINGS OF SIC YON bk. ii. corinth 

flowers are so common all over Greece, where they turn many a field 
into a blaze of scarlet, that they can hardly be said to be distinctive of 
any one place. It was at Sicyon, then called Mecone, that the gods 
were said to have had a dispute with men, and it was on this occasion 
that Prometheus tricked Zeus into choosing the bones and £at of the 
victim instead of the flesh and inwards (Hesiod, Theog, 535 sqq,) 
The name Sicyon seems to mean *the cucumber town,' from sikua^ 
*a cucumber,* or perhaps *a melon.' 

5. 6. Telchis. An old name of Sicyon was Telchinia (Stephanus 
Byz. s.v, 2)tKV(uK). 

5. 7* was called Apia after him. According to another tradition, 
followed by the poet Rhianus (in Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, *Airta) and 
Apollodorus (ii. i. i), the Apis after whom Peloponnese was called 
Apia was a son of Phoroneus. The name Apia seems sometimes to 
have been limited to Argos (Strabo, viii. p. 371 ; Stephanus Byzantius, 
i.c,)j and it is in this narrower sense that the Attic tragedians appear to 
use the name (Aeschylus, SuppL 117, 260 ; /V/., Agam, 256 ; Sophocles, 
Oed, Col, 1303). Stephanus Byzantius, however, recognises the wider 
as well as the narrower application of the name, for he says {l.c) that 
the adjective * Apian ' was used in the sense of * Peloponnesian.' 

5. 7. Peratus. In Eusebius and the chronologists the name of 
this king appears as Eratus, Heratus, or Aratus. See Eusebius, Ckron. 
ed- Schoene, vol. i. pp. 175, 176, Appendix, pp. 86, 216. Between 
king Leucippus and king Eratus (Peratus) the chronologists interpose 
a king Messapus or Mesapus (Eusebius, lixc.) 

5. 8. Coronas. Instead of Coronus, Eusebius and the chronologists 
{ILcc) mention a king Marathonius (Marathius, Marathus). After him 
and before Corax they interpose two kings not mentioned by Pausanias, 
namely Marathus (Marathon, Maratheus) and Echyreus (Echireus, 

yrus, Chytreus). 

6. I. The cause of the invasion was this. With the following 
legend of a war between Sicyon and Thebes compare Apollodorus, iii. 
5. 5. ; Hyginus, Fab, 8. 

6. I. Antiope, daughter of Nyctens etc. Cp. L 38. 9 note. 

6. 3. olive oil flowed etc. The olives and olive-oil of Sicyon were 
famous. See X. 32. 19; Virgil, Georg, ii. 519; Statins, Theb, iv. 50. 

6. 3. Lamedon. In Eusebius and the chronologists his name is 
g^ven as Laomedon or Laomedus (Eusebius, Chron. vol. i. p. 176; 
Appendix, pp. 86, 216, ed. Schoene). 

6. 4. Asins. This early epic poet was a native of Samos. See 
vii. 4. I and Index ; Epicorum Graecorum fragmenta^ ed. Kinkel, p. 
202 sqq. He is supposed to have flourished about 01. 35-40 (640-617 
B.C.) (W. Christ, Gesck. d, griech, Utteratur^ p. 80). 

6. 6. Polybos etc. In Eusebius and the chronologists (Eusebius, 
Chron, vol. i. p. 176, Appendix, pp. 86, 216 sq.^ ed. Schoene) the 
order of kings is Polybus, Inachus, Phaestus, Adrastus, Polyphides, 
Pelasgus, Zeuxippus. According to Castor, quoted by Eusebius {Chron, 
vol. I. p. 174, ed. Schoene), who herein differs from Pausanias, 
Zeuxippus was the last of the kings, and after him the government was 

CH. vii SIC YON 43 

carried on by the priests of the Camean Apollo, six of whom held rule 
in a space of thirty-three years. Then a seventh priest, Charidemus, 
succeeded ; but being unable to support the expenses of his office he 
retired into exile. Pausanias, on the other hand, says that after 
Zcuxippus there reigned two kings, Hippolytus and Lacestades ; and 
he states that in the reign of the former king Sicyon was forced to 
acknowledge the supremacy of Argos. To explain this divergence of 
the authorities Mr. Frick has invented a somewhat elaborate hypothesis. 
He supposes that the annals of the kings of Sicyon were redacted in the 
reign of the tyrant Clisthenes, about 600-570 BC, and that the redac- 
tors purposely omitted the names of Hippolytus and Lacestades, in 
order to blot out the fact that Sicyon had once been subject to Argos. 
The seven priests of the Camean Apollo were a mere figment of the 
redactors, inserted in the annals to fill up the blank caused by the 
omission of two kings. But the truth was preserved, Mr. Frick thinks, 
in oral tradition, and Pausanias ascertained it by inquiries on the spot. 
Sec C. Frick, 'Der tyrann Kleisthenes und die 'ANAFPA^H von 
Sikyon,' Neue JaJtrhucher^ 107 {Fleckeiset^ s Jahrbucher^ 19) (1873), 
pp. 707-712. It seems certainly true that Clisthenes (in whose days 
Sicyon appears to have reached the height of its power) was very 
jealous of Argos ; for he forbade the bards to recite the poems of 
Homer, because these poems told of the glories of Argos ; and he tried 
to abolish a shrine (Jteroum) of Adrastus which stood in the market- 
place of Sicyon, on the gpround that Adrastus was an Argive (Herodotus, 
V. 67). 

< 7. 1 . The city in the plain was demolished by Demetrius etc. 

Diodorus Siculus tells us(xx. 102) that in 303 B.C. Demetrius Poliorcetes 
" lared to the ground that part of the city of Sicyon which adjoined the 
harbour, because the place was utterly without natural strength ; and he 
transferred the population to the acropolis. And because he helped the 
people to build and restored them their freedom they bestowed on him 
divine honours for his benefits. For they named the city Demetrias, and 
voted to perform sacrifices and hold a festival and games every year and 
to assign him all the other honours as their founder. These resolutions 
have fallen into abeyance through lapse of time and the vicissitudes of 
afiairs ; but the people of Sicyon, finding the new situation far better than 
the old one, continued to dwell in it down to my time. For the acropolis, 
a spacious and level expanse, is surrounded on every side by inaccessible 
clifEs, so that siege-engines cannot be brought up against the walls ; and 
it has abundance of water, whence the people have constructed many 
gardens ; and thus by providing both for peaceful enjoyment and safety 
in war the king's foresight has been justified by the result." Compare 
Plutarch, Demetrius^ 25. Strabo says (viii. p. 382) that the site to 
vhich Demetrius transferred Sicyon was " a strong hill distant twenty or, 
according to others, twelve furlongs from the sea." 

The site to which Demetrius removed Sicyon, and which the city 
thenceforward occupied through the rest of the classical ages, is a 
vaarkably fine one. The moimtains at this part of the coast " fall down 
towards the sea not in a continuous slope, but in a succession of abrupt 


descents and level terraces — a series of landslips, as it were, so that green 
smooth pastures alternate with white steep scaurs. These are severed 
at intervals by deep rents and gorges, down which the mountain torrents 
make their way to the sea, spreading the spoils of the hills over the flat 
plain two miles in breadth which lies between the lowest cliffs and the 
shore " (W. G. Clark). Between two such deep gorges, on a spacious 
and fertile tableland overlooking the plain and distant about two miles 
from the sea, stood the new city. The tableland is roughly triangular 
in shape, with its apex turned towards the hills on the south, and its 
base fronting the sea on the north. It is between three and four miles 
in circumference. On every side it is defended by a natural wall of 
precipices, which admit only of one or two narrow ascents into it firom 
the plain below. Even at its southern extremity — the apex of the tri- 
angle — it falls steeply away and is connected only by a narrow ridge 
with the higher hills to the south. The ancient walls ran all round the 
tableland, and remains of them may be seen at intervals along the edge 
of the cliffs on all sides. The river which, issuing from a dark, narrow 
glen, flows through the gorge on the eastern side of the tableland is the 
Asopus (the modem Vasilikopotamos) ; the much smaller stream which 
traverses the gorge on the western side of the tableland is probably the 
Helisson (Paus. ii. 12. 2). The tableland itself is divided into two 
terraces by a low ledge of rocks which extends quite across it from east 
to west, forming an abrupt separation between the two levels. The 
upper terrace, which occupies the apex or southern part of the triangle, 
is only about half the size of the lower or northern terrace. This upper 
terrace doubtless formed the acropolis of the new city, while the city 
itself was spread over the lower terrace. At present the village of 
Vasiliko stands on the lower terrace, near the northern edge of the table- 
land ; at this point the line of cliffs is broken by a gully, down which a 
steep and narrow path leads from the plateau to the plain below. Here 
doubtless was one of the city-gates. 

The ruins of ancient Sicyon, that is of the city founded by Demetrius, 
are very considerable and are scattered over a wide area. Portions of 
the circuit-wall, as already remarked, still exist in many places ; they are 
regularly and solidly built and measure 8 feet in thickness. In the 
ledge of rocks which divides the upper from the lower terrace may be 
seen, near the western edge of the tableland, the remains of a theatre 
and a stadium (see below). On the lower terrace — the site of the city 
of Sicyon as distinct from its acropolis — many foundations of houses and 
larger buildings are scattered among the fields. With such exactness do 
these foundations extend in straight lines from north-east to south-west, 
or from north-west to south-east, that it is clear the city was built on a 
regular plan, with broad streets crossing each other at right angles. And 
so numerous are the remains that even now a careful survey would probably 
enable us to restore the plan of the city, in its main outlines, with toler- 
able certainty. The best preserved of the ruins, apart from those of the - 
theatre, are the remains of a large building of Roman date which stand 
on the lower terrace a little to the north-east of the theatre. The walls 
of this edifice, which are standing to a height of 8 or 9 feet, are 


bailt partly of bricks alone, partly of bricks and hewn stones in alternate 
courses, but they rest on foundations of ashlar masonry. In the walls 
there are small arched doorways and large quadrangular windows. 
The building contains many small chambers, some of which have semi- 
circular ends. Leake supposed that this edifice was the Praetorium or 
residence of the Roman governor. More probably it contained public 
baths. Not far from it Dodwell observed what he took to be " the 
remains of the gymnasium, supported by strong walls of polygonal 
construction." Some dilapidated churches probably occupy the sites of 
ancient temples. In particular we may note a small church, containing 
some Byzantine paintings, which stands near the edge of the cliff, at the 
north-eastern extremity of the ancient city, to the east of the village of 
VasiUko. In and about this church are remains of antiquity, including 
part of a shaft of a large Doric column, some triglyphs, and an architrave 
of white marble. Hard by, a tunnel in the rock, wide enough for one 
man to pass, leads down through the cliffs to a gully in which there is a 
spring. The tuimel was probably a postern, constructed to allow the 
townspeople access to the spring in case of a siege. There are massive 
foundations of walls round its upper outlet. 

On the upper terrace, the acropolis of Sicyon, the ruins are less 
numerous, but some ancient foundations may be seen near the theatre. 
There seem to be no traces of a wall dividing the acropolis from the 
lower city. 

In the rocky slope which divides the upper from the lower terrace, 
to the cast of the theatre, are the mouths of several subterranean aque- 
ducts, which have been cut through the soft rock. It is possible to 
penetrate through some of these rock-hewn passages for considerable 
distances. They are lit at intervals by perpendicular shafts. Water 
was brought to Sicyon from the hills by an aqueduct and distributed 
through the city by these subterranean channels. Arches and pillars of 
the aqueduct which conveyed the water from the hills are still to be seen 
on the narrow ridge which unites the extreme point of the acropolis with 
the heights to the south. 

Few ancient cities were more advantageously or beautifully situated 
than Sicyon. Built on a spacious and level tableland, defended on 
every side by cliffs, abundantly supplied with water, at a distance both 
safe and convenient from the sea, from which it was divided only by a 
strip of fertile plain, across which blew the cool refreshing breezes from 
the water to temper the summer heat, the city possessed a site secure, 
wholesome, and adapted both for agriculture and commerce. Nor are 
the natural beauties of the site less remarkable than its more material 
advantages. Behind it rise wooded mountains, and in front of it, 
across the narrow plain, is stretched the wonderful panorama of the 
Corinthian Gulf, with Helicon, Cithaeron, and Parnassus towering 
beyond it to the north, and the mighty rock of Acro-Corinth barring 
the prospect on the east. At sunrise and sunset especially the scene 
is said to be one of indescribable loveliness. The ancients themselves 
•ere not insensible to the charms of Sicyon. " A lovely and fruitful 
cay, adapted to every recreation," says a scholiast on Homer (//. ii. 

46 SlCYOif BK. II. coBiwra 

572), and Diodonis (xx. 102) speaks of Sicyon as a place "for peaceful 

Of the older city of Sicyon, which stood in the plain between the 
tableland and the sea, the remains are very scanty. The plain is now 
covered with vineyards, but there seem to be some vestiges of antiquity 
at the village of Moulki on the right bank of the Helisson ; and near 
the church of St. Nicholas, which stands below Vasiliko, and not br 
from the Asopus, Vischer observed some pieces of columns and an 
ancient altar; in the church itself he saw the capital of a Corinthian 

See Clarke, Travels, 3. pp. 719-729 \ Dodwell, Tour, a. pp. 293-297 ; Gell, 
Itinerary ef the Merea, p. 15 sq. \ Lealte, Morta, 3. pp. 355-373; Bobkjre, 
/{tcherchts, p. 30 w. ; L. Ross, Keisen und Reiienmten durch Gritchmlatid, pp. 
46-481 Welcker, Tagetuch, 2. pp. 300-306; Canm^Pelofaniusoi, 2. pp. 483-49B; 
BeuU, Eludes mr U Pilnponnist, pp. 316-327; Visclier, ErinneruHgfn, pp. 
271-278 ; W. G. Clack, Pttopannisus, pp. 338-344 ; Bursian, Gtegr. a. pp. 25-30* 
Baedeker,' p. Z44 ; Guide-Joanne, X, p. 400 i^j. ; \V. J. McMurlry, in Ameriam 
feiimal of Archaeology, 5 (1889), pp. 269-271. 

7. I. an earthiinake, which nearly depopulated the titj etc. 

The date of this earthquake is somewhat uncertain. Bursian suggested 
{Geogr. 1. p. 26) that it may have been the earthquake of 23 a.d., which 
was felt both in Greece and in Asia Minor (Tacitus, Annales, iv. 13). 
Loewy would place it in 141 or 142 a.d. Cp. Archiiolog. epigraph, 
Mittheilungm aus Oesterreich-Ungam, 13 (1890), p. 191. Hertiberg 
understands the earthquake to be the fearful one of the middle of the 
second century A.D., which totally destroyed the city of Rhode* 
{Geschichte Grieclunlands unter der Herrschafi der Rbmer, 2. p. 364). 
See viii. 43. 4 note. 

7. I. the Sibylline onde tonchlng Rhodes. This may be the 
oracle which is stil! preserved in our collection of Sibylline oracles (viL 
1 -3, ed. Rzach) : it declares that Rhodes will perish and be void of men 
and destitute of the means of life. 

7. 2. build a basement of stone etc. This description of the 
Sicyonian sepulchral monuments is confirmed and illustrated by the 
vidence of Sicyonian coins, on some of which tombs 
are figured. On these coins (Fig. 1 5) we see a base- 
ment or pedestal, apparently round, supporting four 
I pillars, which in turn support a gable or pediment 
I On each side of the tomb stands a stiff figure and 
I cypress tree. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 
Num. Comm. on Paus. p. z8, with pi. Hi. ii. Two 
fragmentary epitaphs were found by Mr. Earle at 
Tia. i6.-« sicvoNiAH Vasiiiko, on the site of Sicyon, in iSgi. So far as 
sicvoH). "' '■''*^ ^° ^^^'^ agree with Pausanias's account of the 

Sicyonian epitaphs. See Classical Review, 6 (1893), 
p. 134 sq. The inscription 'Farewell' (x^'pf) is very common on 
Greek tombs, being by no means confined to those of Sicyon. 

7. 3. the painting. Elsewhere (vii. 23. 6) Pausanias mentions a 
remarkable painting upon a tomb. The discoveries of recent years have . 


brought to light several ancient Greek paintings upon tombs. The best 
known of these is the tombstone of Lyseas, a tall narrow slab, discovered 
in 1839 at Velanideza in Attica, on which the deceased is depicted 
holding a branch in his raised left hand and a two-handled cup in his 
right Underneath is painted a small picture representing a man 
galloping on horseback. The tombstone and painting seem to date from 
the sixth century B.C. See Loeschcke, * Altattische Grabstelen,' MiiiheiL 
d, arch. Inst in Athen^ 4 (1879), PP- 36-44; Milchhofer, *Gemalte 
Grabstelen,' ib.^ 5(1880), pp. 164-194; Michaelis, * Polychromie der 
Grabstelen,* Berichte uber die Verhandl. d. k. sacks, Gesell. d. Wissen zu 
Lriptig^ Philog. histor. Classe, 19 (1867), pp. 11 3-1 19; L. Gurlitt, 
*Bemaltcn Marmorplatten in Athen,' in Aufsdize Ernst Curtius gewid- 
wAp. 151 sqq, ; Baumeister, Denkmdler^ pp. 852-854, 866-868. When 
Paosanias says that the tomb was specially adapted to suit the painting, 
he probably meaiT3 that a square or oblong compartment had been sunk 
in the surface of the tombstone, and that the picture was painted on this 
sunken compartment in order to protect it from the weather. Many 
Greek sepulchral reliefs are similarly carved on a sunken compartment in 
the tombstone, as e.g. is the case with many of the sculptured tomb- 
stones found outside the Dipylum at Athens. And in fact Mr. Gurlitt has 
detected the faint remains of a painting on the sunken compartment of 
one of these very tombstones. See his essay (cited above), p. 165. In 
its architectural arrangement the tombstone in question (which is repre- 
sented in Curtius and Kaupert's Atlas von Athen^ pi. iv. fig. viii.) 
probably resembled the one described by Pausanias. The literary 
evidence for the custom, as practised by the ancient Greeks, of painting 
upon stone is discussed by G. Hermann in a paper * De veterum 
Graecorum pictura parietum conjecturae,' reprinted in his Opuscula^ 5. 
pp. 206-229. 

Sicyon was famous for its painters. It was long, says Pliny, the 
native home (patria) of painting. Some people thought that the art 
of drawing was invented at Sicyon. It was at Sicyon that painting 
was first taught in schools as an element of liberal education. 
Three great Greek schools or styles of painting were distinguished, the 
Ionic school, the Attic school, and the Sicyonian. Of the last the most 
prominent masters were Eupompus, Pamphilus, and Pausias. See 
Plmy, Nat. Hist. xxxv. §§ 15,75-77, 123-127. A characteristic specimen 
of the art of Pausias is described by Pausanias later on (ii. 27. 3). 
So high did the reputation of the Sicyonian academy stand that the 
great Apelles himself studied under Sicyonian masters, more, however, 
for the sake of profiting in his professional career by the reputation of 
the school than because he had any sympathy with its aims and methods. 
For the methods of the Sicyonian school of painting iappear to have been 
rf a purely formal and technical character. It tried to reduce the art of 
painting to a science, and by an exact study of the principles of propor- 
tion and perspective to lay down a set of inflexible rules, by following 
which any one gifted with sufficient manual dexterity might become a 
lunter. The higher qualities of feeling and imagination, as they cannot 
^ reduced to rules and taught in the lecture-room and the studio. 


would seem to have been of small account at Sicyon. The school was 
a school or academy in the strict sense of the word. Its principles 
were taught by a succession of masters and expounded in manuals and 
handbooks on painting. In its main characteristic — technical correct- 
ness of execution — the Sicyonian school of painting closely resembles, as 
Brunn has happily pointed out, the Argjve school of sculpture, by which 
it was probably influenced. The works of Polyclitus, the great master 
of the Argive school of sculpture, rigidly correct in their proportions, 
strike us, in their existing copies, as somewhat cold and hard, with 
little of the generous Are which softens, warms, and animates with an 
ineffable charm whatever can be traced, directly or indirectly, to the 
' hand of Praxiteles or Scopas. Wustmann has well suggested that in 
the Sicyonian school of painting, as in the Argive school of sculpture, 
we may detect the hard realism of the Dorian stock as contrasted with 
the sweet and noble idealism which inspired the art and literature of 
the Ionian race. See Brunn, Geschichte der griech. Kunstler, 2. pp. 
130-158, and an article by G. Wustmann, *Die Sikyonische Maler- 
schule,* Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 23 (1868), pp. 454-479. Sec 
also C. T. Michaelis, * Bemerkungen zur Sicyonischen Malerschule,' 
Archdolog, Zeitung^ 33 (1876), pp. 30-39; W. Klein, 'Studien zur 
griechischen Malergeschichte, I. Die Sikyonische Schule,* Archdolog, 
epigraph, MittheiL aus Oesierretch-Ungam^ 11 (1887), pp. 193-223; 
Beul^ Etudes sur le Piloponnise^ pp. 328-346 ; Murray, Handbook of 
Greek Archaeology^ p. 388 sqq. The passages of ancient writers bearing 
on the subject are collected by Overbeck, Schriftquellen^ §§ 1 745-1 770. 
7. 4- the Sicyonians who fell at Pellene etc. See ii. 8. 5 ; ii. 
9. I sq, 

7. 4- At the gate is a spring in a grotto. As Pausanias approached 
Sicyon from Corinth, this gate was probably on the north-eastern side 
of Sicyon. Now we have seen (p. 44) that near the north-eastern 
extremity of the tableland on which Sicyon stood there is a natural 
opening in the line of cliffs up which a steep narrow path leads to the 
site of the ancient city. It is almost certain that there must have been a 
gate here ; and if so, it may very well have been the gate here mentioned 
by Pausanias. At the head of the ascent is the modem village of 
Vasiliko, A little to the east of this point, there is a fine spring in a 
gully at the foot of the line of cliffs ; a tunnel leads down to it from the 
tableland (above, p. 45). This may perhaps have been the Dripping 
Spring described by Pausanias. It is true that at present the spring is 
not in a grotto, but, as Prof. Curtius suggests, the rocks which once 
formed the roof of the grotto may have fallen in. See Dodwell, Tour^ 
2. p. 295 ; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 372 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 488 ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen^ p. 274 ; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus^ p. 343 j^. ; Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 27. Mr. M. L. Earle thinks that the Dripping Spring was 
probably the one now called J//>tr<? Brysis (* small spring'), the most 
northerly fountain of Vasiliko^ situated north of the village in the gorge 
through which the ordinary road to Moulki passes. The fountain is at 
present concealed by a Turkish wall, but the dropping can be heard 
through a small square opening in the wall. There are ancient tombs 


■ - — ^ II 

above and below the fountain. S^^ A fnerican Journal of Archaeology^ 
5 (1889), p. 287 sq. 

7. 5. tlie present acropolis. The site of this, the second or later 
acropolis, is determined by the statement of Pausanias that the theatre 
lay under the acropolis. For the theatre, though ruined, still exists (see 
below) and is situated on the rocky slope which divides the lower level 
of the tableland from the higher (see above). It follows, therefore, that 
the upper level was the acropolis in Pausanias's time. Cp. Leake, 
Mono, 3. pp. 368 sq.^ 370. 

7. 5. Fortime of the Height. On Sicyonian coins of Imperial 
times this goddess is represented standing and holding a bowl and a 
homof plenty (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Paus. p. 
28, with pL H iii.) 

7. 5. The theatre. The theatre, which of all the buildings mentioned 
by Pausanias is the only one that can now be identified, is partly hollowed 
out of the rocky declivity which separates the upper level of the tableland 
from the lower. It is near the western cliffs, and &ces north-east. It 
has been often described. See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 368 sq. ; Clarke, 
Traveb^ 3. p. 723 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 490 ; W. G. Clark, Pelop, 
p. 342; Welcker, Tagebuch^ 2. p. 302 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 27 sq, ; 
^fxM^ Etudes sur le Pdoponnhe^ p. 320 sqq. In 1886, 1887, and 1891 
it was partially excavated under the direction of the American School of 
Classi<al Studies at Athens. The results of the excavations are reported 
in The American Journal of Archaeology^ 5 (1889), pp. 267-303 ; id.^ 
7(1891), p. 281 sq. ; id.j 8 (1893), pp. 388-409. 

The total breadth of the theatre was about 400 feet. The tiers of 
scats are mostly cut out of the rock ; but at the wings the seats were 
prolonged out from the rock, being supported on masses of fine masonry. 
The American excavations laid bare five parallel foundation - walls 
belonging to the stage structure. Of these only one wall and part of 
another are Greek, the rest are Roman. The front and back walls are 
both Roman, and the similarity of their dimensions and construction 
"makes it probable that both were built at the same time, when the 
stage of the theatre was altered and probably enlarged to conform with 
the Roman standard." The length of the front wall is 23.60 metres, 
its average height about 0.55 metres, its thickness 0.65 metres. There 
are three doorways in it, and in front of the base of the wall a marble 
step or plinth extends almost the entire length. 

The orchestra comprised somewhat more than half the circumference 
of a not entirely perfect circle, the diameter of which was about 20 metres 
(65 ft. 7 in.) If carried up to the front (Roman) wall of the stage, the 
orchestra would still fell considerably short of a complete circle. The 
floor of the orchestra, like that of the theatre at Epidaurus, consists 
amply of stamped earth. A carefully constructed drain, about 1.25 m. 
vide and i m. deep, ran round the orchestra, like the drain in the 
Dionysiac theatre at Athens. Opposite each of the stairs which gave 
access to the seats, the drain is bridged by a slab of stone. Another 
citting extends right across the centre of the orchestra at right angles 
% ^ stage walls, under which it is carried ; whether it was a drain or 

TOL. Ill E 

50 THEATRE AT SICYON bk. ii. corinth 

not is doubtful. Another drain crossed the orchestra at right angles to 
the last-mentioned cutting and parallel to the stage walls, starting from 
the termination of the seats at each side of the theatre. 

The Paroduses (entrances to the orchestra from the sides of the 
theatre) were laid bare by the excavations. It was found that in each 
Parodus one wall (the one supporting the ends of the seats of the 
theatre) was composed of large rectangular blocks ; while the opposite 
wall of the Parodus was formed of the native rock, on which traces of 
stucco appear. 

Of the seats, the Americans excavated only a small portion of the 
northern half, including three tiers of seats and the front of another tier. 
The entire number of rows of seats seems to have been about forty ; the 
uppermost tiers of seats, though cut out of the natural rock, are very 
incomplete. The seats were divided into fifteen sections by fourteen 
staircases. " Accordingly, a line drawn . from the middle point of the 
stage through the centre of the orchestra passes through the middle of 
the eighth section of seats, and does not coincide, as in some theatres, 
with one of the stairways. This, at least, is the method of division in 
the lower section of seats." The seats in the front tier are superior to 
the others, resembling in this respect the stone chairs in the front tier of 
the Dionysiac theatre at Athens and of the great theatre at Epidaurus. 
They were doubtless intended for the accommodation of priests or other 
officials. They are not of marble, but are of the same common stone as 
the ordinary seats. These front seats have backs and arms ; each seat 
is cut from two blocks, which are joined at the middle. Some of the 
arms show remains of ornamental scroll-work on the outer side. The 
ordinary seats '' are divided into two parts by a longitudinal depression. 
The front part, or seat proper, is 0.35 m. wide; while the back part, 
upon which the persons sitting behind placed their feet, is 0.20 m. 
wide." The rock-cut seats still remaining in the upper part of the 
theatre " differ in form from the lower ones. The feet of the row of the 
persons behind were not on the same level as the surface on which the 
persons in front sat, but rested on an elevation which was 0.35 m. above 
the seat and the same in width." 

Two vaulted passages, one on the northern, the other on the southern 
side of the theatre, give access to the seats from without The original 
length of the southern passage was about 16 metres, the breadth is 
2.55 m. The walls and vault are composed of rectangular blocks put 
together without any cement. The vault is formed of six courses of 
stones on either side, exclusive of the keystone course. These vaults or 
arches are very important as specimens of true Greek arches. They 
" belong unquestionably to the best Hellenic period — the best, that is, 
in a masonic point of view. There is every probability that they were 
erected by Demetrius, the benefactor of Sicyon, if indeed they be not of 
a still remoter date ; so that we find that the Greeks were acquainted 
with the mystery of throwing an arch at least as early as the end of the 
fourth century B.C." (W. G. Clark, Pelop, p. 342 sq,) 

Lastly, the American excavations revealed the foundations of two 
structures situated at the opposite ends of the stage. At the southern 

cavil SIC YON 51 

end of the stage was a square chamber, apparently of Greek construc- 
tioD. Around the inner walls of this chamber there is a continuous 
rock-cutting in the form of a bench or seat. At the other end of the 
stage are the remains of what must have been an ornamental fountain of 
Roman times. The back of it is semicircular. Both the square chamber 
and the fountain opened outwards from the theatre. 

A litde to the west of the theatre are the remains of the stadium, 

which is not mentioned by Pausanias. The upper or semicircular end 

of it occupies a fold or recess in the same rocky slope against which the 

theatre is built. The recess is partly natural, partly excavated. " The 

stadium resembles that of Messene, in having had seats which were not 

continued through the whole length of the sides. About 80 feet of the 

rectilinear extremity \i.e, of the straight sides as distinguished from the 

semicircular end] had no seats, and this part, instead of being excavated 

out of the hill like the rest, is formed of factitious ground, supported at 

the end by a wall of polygonal masonry, which still exists. The total 

length, including the seats at the circular end, is about 680 feet, which, 

deducting the radius of the semicircle, seems hardly to leave a length of 

600 Greek feet for the line between the two metae [turning-posts]. It 

is very possible, however, that an excavation would correct this idea ; 

for it is difficult to believe that there was any difference in the length of 

the 6po/ios, or course, in the several stadia of Greece. ... If the length 

of the course had ever varied, it must, I think, have been alluded to in 

some of the ancient authors " (Leake, Morea, 3. p. 370). Cp. Clarke, 

TrwtlSy 3. p. 725 ; Curtius, Pelap, 2. p. 490; W. G. Clark, Pelop. p. 

342 ; VVelcker, Tagebuch^ 2. p. 303 sq, ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 276 ; 

Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 28 ; Beul<5, Atudes sur le Pdloponn^se^ p. 322 sq, 

7. 5. a temple of Dionysus. Just below the theatre Leake found 

"the basis of a column, together with that of one of the antae, of a 

small temple ; the column was two feet seven inches and a half in 

diameter." He thinks that this may have been part of the temple of 

Dionysus, which we know from Pausanias must have been near the 

theatre (Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 369, 371). On coins of Sicyon of 

Imperial times Dionysus is represented standing, holding a goblet 

(cmikarus) and a thyrsus, with a panther at his feet (Imhoof-Blumer 

and Gardner, Num. Comm, on Paui, p. 28, with pi. H iv. v.) Bursian 

(Gtogr, 2. p. 28) conjectured that the Dionysus of this temple may have 

been really Adrastus, because we know from Herodotus (v. 67) that 

there was a shrine (Jieroum) of Adrastus at Sicyon and that the Sicyonians 

celebrated his sufferings in tragic choruses. But Bursian has overlooked 

the feet, mentioned by Herodotus, that the shrine of Adrastus stood on 

the market-place ; and this market-place, being that of the old city, must 

lave been in the plain ; whereas the temple of Dionysus, being near the 

theatre, must have stood on the plateau which was the citadel of the 

<id, and the site of the new, city. 

7. 5. Bacchantes in white marble. On some coins of Sicyon a 
liacdiante or Maenad is represented in an attitude of rapture, holding a 
hife (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Pans. p. 29, with 
|IH VL vii.) 


7. 6. mistaking the meaning of the oracle etc. Hyllus son ol 
Hercules inquired of the Delphic oracle in what manner the banished 
Heraclids might return to Peloponnesc. The oracle told him that they 
should " wait for the third fruit and then return." By " the third 
fruit ^ the god meant the third generation. But Hyllus understood it 
of the third year ; so having waited that space of time he led an army 
into Peloponnese. But he was defeated by the Peloponnesians ; and 
Aristomachus, one of the Heraclids, fell in the battle. See Apollodorus, 
ii. 8. 2. 

7. 6. Artemis of the Lake. " The worship of Artemis, as Curtius 
has observed, was peculiarly associated with low-lying land and reed- 
covered marshes. The reeds shared with men in the worship of the 
goddess, and moved to the sound of the music in her festivals, or, as 
Strabo says, the baskets danced, or in Laconia maidens crowned with 
reeds danced " (Prof. W. M. Ramsay, in Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 4 
(1883), p. 36). A Greek inscription discovered at Gondane in Pisidia, 
near the large double lake Egerdir Gdl and Hoiran Gdl, proves that 
Artemis was the great goddess of this lake district (Ramsay, i.c, ; cp. 
Index s,v, * Artemis'; K. O. Miiller, Die Dorier^'^ i. p. 378 5qq.\ 
Roscher's Lexikon, i. p. 560). For the juxtaposition here at Sicyon of 
Artemis with Dionysus the Deliverer and Dionysus Bacchius, Stephani 
{Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1865, p. 29) compares the similar 
collocation of deities at Corinth (Paus. ii. 2. 6). At Sicyon, indeed, 
Artemis is the goddess of the Lake, and at Corinth she is the Ephesian 
goddess ; but, as Prof. W. M. Ramsay has remarked, "with slight local 
modifications the cultus of Artemis Tauropolus, Limnatis [/>. Artemis of 
the Lake], Orthia, Orthosia, etc., is essentially the same as that of the 
Lydian [Ephesian] Artemis ; and few will now try to maintain that the 
strict separation which prevailed in Hellenic polytheism between the 
different goddesses had any counterpart in the primitive cultus " (Jfoum, 
Hellen. Stud. 3 (1882), p. 55). 

7. 7* the market-place. Not far below the theatre and stadium, 
near the centre of the lower level of the tableland, are the remains of a 
Roman building with several chambers ; there are also some traces of 
the street which led from this quarter to the theatre. From the position 
of this Roman building about the centre of the later Sicyon, Leake 
thought that it probably stood on the market-place ; and he conjectured 
that the building was the palace of the Roman governor in the interval 
between the destruction of Corinth by Mummius and its restoration by 
Julius Caesar ; for during this period the greater part of the Corinthian 
territory was attached to Sicyon, which was the capital of the surround- 
ing country. See Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 369, 370 j^. But the Roman 
building in question was probably the public baths. See above, p. 44 j^. 

7. 7. Aegialea. This was, as we have seen (ii. 6. 5), an old name 
of Sicyon. But there is an island of the same name (Aegialia or Aegilia) 
midway between Crete and Cythera. In 1 889 excavations conducted in 
this little island by the Greek Government revealed the foundations of 
an ancient Greek building, which from an inscription found near it seems 
to have been a sanctuary of Apollo Aegileus. Mr. Staes, who directed 


the excavations, has hence conjectured that the Aegialia to which Apollo 
and Artemis went after slaying the Python was the island of that name, 
and not Sicyon, to which, through a confusion of names, the tradition 
was afterwards attached. It was more natural, he observes, that Apollo 
and Artemis should have gone to Crete from the neighbouring island of 
Aegialia than from the distant Sicyon. See 'KpxaioXoyiKhv AeXriov, 
November 1889, p. 240 sg, 

7. 7- to be purified. The slaughter of the dragon Python by 
Apollo and the subsequent purification of the god from the taint of 
blood-guiltiness were represented every eighth year at Delphi in a solemn 
fcsti\'al, which drew great crowds of spectators, especially from the 
north of Greece. The festival was called the Festival of Crowning (to 
Imnriptov), and is thus described by Plutarch (Quaes f. Graec. 12): 
"The Festival of Crowning seems to be an imitation of the god's battle 
with the Python and of the flight and pursuit to Tempe after the battle. 
For some say that after the fight Apollo fled because he desired to be 
purified. But others say that the Python was hurt and fled away along 
the road which they now call the Sacred Road ; but Apollo pursued 
after it and came up with it soon after it expired. For he found that 
the monster had died of its hurt and had been buried by a boy whose 
name was Goat." In another passage (De defectu orac, 1 5) he describes 
more fiilly one of the scenes of the sacred drama. When the eighth 
>'ear came round a temporary shed was erected upon * the threshing- 
floor.' This ' threshing-floor ' was no doubt one of those large circular 
spaces paved with stones and in the open air, which are still to be seen 
everywhere in Greece and on which the horses tread out the com. 
This house represented the abode of the dragon ; but with the usual 
neglect of scenic propriety the shed, says Plutarch, bore much more 
resemblance to a lordly palace than to a dragon's den. A formal attack 
^■15 then made upon the dragon's house by persons who bore blazing 
torches in their hands and led with them a lad whose father and mother 
were both alive. The lad probably represented Apollo, and shot an 
arrow at the dragon who was supposed to be lurking in the shed. This, 
however, is not expressly said by Plutarch, perhaps because he thought 
it impious to describe the deed of blood. But after the dragon may be 
supposed to have received his deadly wound, the persons who carried 
lighted torches set fire to the shed, upset the table, and fled away without 
turning to look behind them. Last of all, the boy who represented 
Apollo wandered away, served as a menial, and was purified at Tempe. 
The last part of the ceremony, namely the wanderings of Apollo's 
representative and his final purification at Tempe, are described by 
Aelian ( Var. Hist, iii. i ), whose account explains why this festival was 
oiled the Festival of Crowning. After describing in high-wrought 
bnguage the beauty of the Vale of Tempe, he proceeds : "Here the 
Thessalians say that the Pythian Apollo purified himself by command of 
Zeus, after he had shot to death with his arrows the Python, the dragon 
that guarded Delphi in the days when the oracle was in the hands of 
tarth. So Apollo made himself a crown from the laurel tree at Tempe, 
^ taking in his right hand a branch from the same laurel tree he came 

54 PURIFICATION OF APOLLO bk. ii. corinth 

to Delphi and took over the charge of the oracle. An altar stands on 
the very spot where the god twined himself a crown and broke the 
branch. And still, when the eighth year comes round, the Delphians 
send a procession of high-bom boys, with one of the boys as leader. 
They come to Tempe, and after offering a splendid sacrifice they return 
again, but not until they have plaited crowns from the same laurel tree 
from which on the memorable occasion the god himself wreathed his 
brows. The procession goes by the road which is called the Pythian 
road ; it leads through Thessalia and Pelasgia and Oete and the land of 
the Aenianes and of the Melians and of the Dorians and of the Western 
Locrians. All these peoples escort the procession with as much rever- 
ence and honour as is accorded to those who bring to the same god the 
sacred things from the land of the Hyperboreans. And at the Pythian 
games the crowns given to the victors are made from this laurel." On 
his return from Tempe the boy who carried the laurel branch stopped 
at Dipnias, a village near Larissa, to dine ; because according to the 
legend Apollo first broke his fast there on his return from being purified 
at Tempe (Stephanus Byzant. s,v, AciTrvias). Probably therefore the 
boy fasted more or less strictly during the pilgrimage from Delphi to 
Tempe and back to Dipnias. 

The burning of *the Python's shed,' mentioned by Strabo (ix. p. 
422) on the authority of Ephorus, makes certain, what otherwise 
would be only a matter of inference from Plutarch, that the shed 
which was burned at the festival really represented the dwelling of the 
dragon. The menial service which the boy who played the part of 
Apollo was obliged to take is probably to be explained, as K. 0. 
Miiller saw, by the story that Apollo had been forced to serve 
Admetus, king of Pherae, for a year as a punishment for killing the 
Cyclopes (ApoUodorus, iii. 10. 4 ; Servius on Virgil, Aen, vii. 761 ; 
Diodorus, iv. 71, vi. 7; Preller, Grieck. Mythol.^ i. p. 287). Such a 
legend seems to point to an old custom of obliging a manslayer to 
expiate his offence by doing menial service for a certain time among 
strangers. (Similarly Hercules was sold into slavery for three years as 
an expiation for the murder of Iphitus. See ApoUodorus, ii. 6. And 
Cadmus served Ares eight years for killing the dragon which guarded 
the spring at Thebes. See note on ix. 10. i.) Probably the procession 
to Tempe passed through Pherae, and the boy who acted Apollo went 
through some pretence of servitude at the very place where the god him- 
self was said to have served Admetus. See K. O. Miiller, Die Dorier? 
I. pp. 203 sqq.^ 321-324 (English trans, vol. i. p. 230 sqq.^ 336 sqq,)t 
Aug. Mommsen, Delphika^ p. 206 sqq, (Mommsen Lc, and Preller Lc* 
give the name of the festival as Septerion. The sole authority for this 
seems to be Hesychius, (rcTr-nypta* KadapjjAs' lic^wrts. There appeals 
to be no variation in the MSS. of Plutarch). Probably there was » 
local Sicyonian legend that Apollo had killed the Python at Sicyon. 
For according to Hesychius {s.v. To^tov /Sovvos) there was at Sicyon a 
hill of the archer Apollo, and the legend of the slaying of the Python 
seems to have been attached to this hill. See Th. Schreiber, Apollarf 
Pythoktonos (Leipzig, 1879), p. 43 ^99- 


The l^end of the purification of Apollo for killing the dragon 
Python seems to carry us back to the days of primitive Greek savagery, 
when the killing of certain animals was supposed to need expiation, and 
the slayer was deemed unclean until he had performed some purificatory 
or expiatory rites. Examples of similar ideas and customs are to be 
found among savages to this day. For instance in Dahomey, if a man 
bas killed a fetish snake, he is treated as follows. A hut is made of 
iry faggots thatched with dry grass. The culprit is drenched with palm 
ail ; a dog, a kid, and two fowls are fastened on his back ; and in this 
condidon he has to crawl into the hut by a very low entrance. The 
but is then set fire to, and the man has to make his escape through the 
flames as best he can to the nearest running water. During his passage 
thither he has to run the gauntlet, the mob pelting him with sticks and 
:lods. Reaching the water, he plunges into it, and is then ^' considered 
to be cleansed of all the sin or crime of the snake murder.'' Thirteen 
days afterwards a * custom ' or holy day is held for the dead snake. 
Sec John Duncan, Travels in Western Africa^ i. p. 195 J^. ; cp. F. E. 
Forbes, Dahomey and the Dahomans, i. p. 107 ; Bouche, La CSte des 
EsclaveSy p. 397. But it is not only for the slaughter of sacred or 
deified animals that expiation or purification is required on savage 
principles. Amongst the Kafirs "the slaughter of a lion, however 
honourable it is esteemed, is nevertheless associated with an idea of 
moral uncleanness, and is followed by a very strange ceremony. When 
the hunters approach the village on their return, the man who gave the 
lion the first wound is hidden from every eye by the shields which his 
comrades hold up before him. One of the hunters steps forward and 
leaping and bounding in a strange manner praises the courage of the 
Iton-killer. Then he rejoins the band, and the same performance is 
repeated by another. All the rest meanwhile keep up a ceaseless 
shouting, rattling with their clubs on their shields. This goes on till 
they have reached the village. Then a mean hut is run up not far from 
the village ; and in this hut the lion-killer, because he is unclean, must 
remain four days, cut off from all association with the tribe. There he 
dyes his body all over with white paint ; and lads who have not yet been 
circumcised, and are therefore, in respect to uncleanness, in the same 
state as himself bring him a calf to eat and wait upon him. When the 
four days are over, the unclean man washes himself, paints himself with 
red paint in the usual manner, and is escorted back to the village by the 
head chief, attended with a guard of honour. Lastly, a second calf is 
killed ; and, the uncleanness being now at an end, every one is free to 
cat of the calf with him " (L. Alberti, De Kaffers aan de Zuidkust van 
Afrikoy p. 158 j^.) Cp. Lichtenstein, Reisen im siidlichen Africa^ i. p. 
419. Again, among the Kafirs a man who happened to kill a boa- 
constrictor " was formerly required to lie in a running stream of water 
during the day for several weeks together ; and no beast whatever was 
allowed to be slaughtered at the hamlet to which he belonged, until this 
duty had been fiilly performed. The body of the snake was then taken 
and carefully buried in a trench, dug close to the cattle-fold, where its 
remains, like those of a chie^ were henceforward kept perfectly undis- 


turbed" (S. Kay, Travels and Researches in Cajffraria^ p. 341 sq,) 
Among the Hottentots when a man has killed a lion, leopard, elephant, 
rhinoceros, or elk, he is esteemed a great hero, but he is deluged with 
wine by the medicine-man and has to remain at home quite idle for 
three days, during which his wife must not come near him ; she is also 
enjoined to eat no more than is absolutely necessary. On the evening 
of the third day the hero kills a fat sheep and calls all his neighbours to 
the feast. See Kolbe, Present State of the Cape of Good Hope^ i . pp. 
251-254. Similarly the Lapps deem it the height of glory to kill a bear. 
Nevertheless all the men who take part in the slaughter are regarded as 
unclean, and have to live by themselves for three days in a hut made 
specially for them ; during the three days none of them may visit his 
wife. At the expiry of three days they run thrice round the fire ; this is 
regarded as a purification, and they are then allowed to rejoin their 
wives. See Scheffer, Lapfionia, pp. 235-243 ; Leemius, De Lappombus 
Finmarchiae^ p. 502 j^. ; Jessen, De Finnorum Lapponumque Norwegi- 
corum Religione Pagana (bound up with Leemius's work), p. 64 sq. 
Among the Kaniagmuts of Alaska the men who attacked the whale were 
considered, during the fishing season, as unclean, though otherwise they 
were held in high honour (W. Dall, Alaska and its Resources^ p. 404). 
Amongst their neighbours the Aleutians, when a hunter had struck a 
whale with his spear, " he would not throw again, but would proceed at 
once to his home, separate himself from his people in a specially con- 
structed hovel, where he remained three days without food or drink, and 
without touching or looking upon a female. During this time of seclu- 
sion he snorted occasionally in imitation of the wounded and dying 
whale, in order to prevent the whale struck by him leaving the coast. 
On the fourth day he emerged from his seclusion and bathed in the sea, 
shrieking in a hoarse voice and beating the water with his hands. Then, 
taking with him a companion, he proceeded to the shore, where he 
presumed the whale had lodged, and if the animal was dead he com- 
menced at once to cut out the place where the death-wound had been 
inflicted. If the whale was not dead the hunter returned to his home 
and continued washing himself until the whale died " (Petroff, Report 
on Alaska^ p. 154 ^^.) The Central Eskimo think that all sea animals 
were originally made from the severed fingers of the goddess Sedna ; 
hence the Eskimo must make an atonement for every animal he kills. 
When a seal is brought into the hut, the women must stop working until 
it is cut up. After the capture of a ground seal, walrus, or whale, they 
must rest for three days. See Franz Boas, *The Central Eskimo,' 
Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1888), 
p. 595 ; /V/., Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of 
Canada^ 5 (Montreal, 1888), section ii. p. 36; /V/., Zeitschrift fur 
Ethnologic^ 17 (1885), Verhandl. der Berl. Ges. fiir Anthrop. Ethnol. 
u. Urgesch, p. itT, sq,\ C. F. Hall, Life with the Esquimaux^ 2. p. 321 
sq. ; /V/., Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. 
Ifall^ edited by Prof. J. E. Nourse, p. 191 sq. When the Hidatsa 
Indians are out hunting eagles, they pitch a small * medicine '-hut, where 
certain ceremonies are performed. On returning from sitting beside the 


caglMrap the hunter is avoided by every one, for no one may see him 
till he enters the * medicine Modge. His trapping lasts four days, during 
whidi he must see none of his family and speak to none of his friends 
except those who are engaged in the trapping. See Washington 
Matthews, The HidcUsa Indians^ P- 58 sqq. Among the Damaras of 
South Africa when a hunter returns from a successful hunt, he takes 
water in his mouth, and ejects it three times over his feet, and also into 
the fire on his own hearth (C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami^ p. 224). 
When a Catauxi Indian returns successful from the chase, he smears his 
face with soot as he approaches his house (R. Spruce, in Travels of 
Cma de Leon^ trans, by C. R. Markham, p. 342). Some Indian hunters 
after killing an animal used to purify themselves in water as a religious 
rite (Adair, History of the American Indians^ p. 118). Amongst the 
Wagandas of Central Africa it is a rule that the hunter shall return 
from the chase by a path different from that by which he went (R. W. 
Felkin, * Notes on the Waganda tribe of Central Africa,' Proceedings 
of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 13 (1884- 1886), p. 735). All 
these customs may be explained by a desire to elude the angry spirit 
of the slain or wounded animal. The original object of rules of cere- 
monial purity, as Porphyry long ago observed, is not to bring man into 
relation with God, but to keep evil spirits at a distance (Porphyry, quoted 
by Eosebius, Praefiar, Evang, iv. 23). 

7. 7. to Oarmanor in Orete. Carmanor lived at Tarrha, on the 
southern coast of Crete, towards the western end. See x. 16. 5 ; cp. 
X. 7. 2; ii. 30. 3 ; K. O. Miiller, Dorier^ i. p. 208 (i. p. 236, Engl. 
Trans.) We have seen, in the preceding note, that the Delphian legend 
fixed on Tempe in Thessaly, not Tarrha in Crete, as the place where 
Apollo was purified. The Scholiast on Pindar (Introd. to Pyth, p. 
298, ed. Boeckh) combines the two legends by saying that Apollo went 
first to Crete and afterwards to Tempe. In the early days of Greece 
the Cretans seem to have had a high reputation as exorcisers and 
deansers of religious pollution. It was from Crete that Epimenides 
came to purge Athens from the plague (see note on i. 14. 4) ; and it was 
hy the Dactyls of Mount Ida in Crete that Pythagoras was purified. 
"He was purified," says Porphyry ( F//. Pythag. 17), "with the thunder- 
stone, in the morning lying on his face beside the sea, and at night lying 
beside the river, crowned with the wool of a black lamb." There were 
certain Cretan diviners called Cretids (Photius, Lexicon, s.v. KpiyrtSat). 
7. 8. the children go to the Sythas etc. The ceremony may 
have resembled, as K. O. Miiller suggested, the Attic festival of the 
Delphinia, when maidens went as suppliants in procession to the 
Delphinium, or temple of the Delphian Apollo, bearing a branch or 
branches of the sacred olive-tree wreathed with white wool. See 
Plutarch, Theseus, 18 ; K. O. Miiller, Dorier^ i. p. 330 sq. (vol. i. p. 
346 sq, Eng. Trans.) ; Aug. Mommsen, Heortologie, p. 398 sqq. The 
river Sythas to which the children went in procession from Sicyon has 
been identified with the modem river of Xylokastro or Trikkalas, the 
<aly considerable river in this neighbourhood (Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 498). 
But as the Xylokastro is about 10 miles by road from Sicyon, Leake 


(Peloponnesica^ p. 404 sq,) objects that the children could hardly have 
gone in procession there and back. See note on vii. 27. 12. The 
Sythas was at all events to the west of Sicyon. See ii. 12. 2. 

The Sicyonian ceremony implies that Apollo and Artemis were 
supposed to absent themselves annually for a time from their temples. 
So Apollo was supposed to spend the six summer months at Delos and 
then to depart to Patara in Lycia for the winter (Servius on Virgil, Aen, 
iv. 144 ; cp. Horace, Odes^ iii. 4. 65). It seems to have been thought that 
Apollo was absent from Delphi for the three winter months ; for during 
this period the Paean was not sung, and Dionysus was invoked instead of 
Apollo (Plutarch, De EI apud DelphoSy 9 ; cp. Pindar, Pyth, iv. 5 ovk 
ajToSdfiov ' Arrokkisivos tvxovtos). At the temple of Aphrodite at Mt 
Eryx in Sicily the goddess was supposed to go to Africa every year for 
nine days. This period of nine days was called the Anagogia^ because 
the goddess was believed at this time to go to sea (anagesthcu). During 
these days the sacred doves disappeared, having gone with the goddess 
to Africa. But at the end of the nine days a solitary dove used to be 
seen flying from across the sea ; it alighted on the temple and was soon 
followed by all the other doves. This was a signal for a general out- 
burst of joy ; all the people who were well-to-do feasted, all the people 
who were not well-to-do played castanets with great joy ; and all the 
neighbourhood smelt of cow's cheese, which was a sign that the goddess 
had returned. See Athenaeus, ix. pp. 394 f-395 a. In the twelfth month 
of every year the Aztecs celebrated a festival which they called * The 
Return of the Gods,' teotleco. It fell in October, the loveliest season of 
the year on the high plateau of Mexico ; for then the rain is over, the 
sky is blue, and all the land is fresh and green. On the 1 5th of the 
month the altars were adorned with green branches or reeds, tied in 
bundles of three. On the 1 8th the gods began to come. The first to 
arrive was Telpochtli or Tezcatlipoca, for being young and nimble he 
outstripped the other gods, who did not arrive till the last day of the 
month. At midnight on that day a little heap of maize flour, in the 
form of a cheese, was made upon a mat. A priest watched the heap of 
maize, and when he saw upon it the print of a tiny foot, he cried, " His 
Majesty has arrived ! " At these words all the priests and ministers of the 
idols rose up briskly and blew upon their horns and conches in all the 
temples and in all quarters of the town. So all the people were apprised 
of the return of the gods and flocked to the temples to present their 
offerings to the newly arrived deities. See Sahagun, Hisioire gindrale 
des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne (Paris, 1880), p. 139 sq, ; Clavigero, 
History of Mexico, i. p. 308, trans, by Cullen ; Brasseur de Bourbourg, 
Histoire des nations civilisdes du Mexique et de PAmMque-Centrale^ 3. 
p. 526 J^. ; J. G. Miiller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen^ 
p. 618 j^. ; Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, 2. p. 332 sq,\ 
Reville, Les Religions du Mexique^ de PAmMque Centrale et du P^roUy 
p. 1 39 sq, 

7. 8. the temple of Apollo. Beside this temple there was a colossal 
statue of King Attains, i o cubits high, which the Sicyonians set up out of 
gratitude, because he had ransomed for them the sacred land of Apollo 


at a great price. On a subsequent occasion they voted him a golden 
statue and an annual sacrifice. See Polybius, xvii. (xviii.) i6. 

7. 8. Proetus. On Proetus and his daughters see ii. 1 8. 4 ; viii. 
18. 7 note, and Index. 

7. 9- the spear wherewith he despatched the boar. On ancient 
representations of Meleager and the hunt of the Calydonian boar, and of 
hunting in general, see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 
1867, pp. 58-159. In this paper, marked by his usual exhaustive learn- 
ing, Stephani has shown that on the monuments the instrument of the 
boar's death is generally a spear, not an arrow. On the Fran9ois vase, 
indeed, the boar is depicted pierced with many arrows, and several 
archers are represented kneeling (see Baumeister's Denkmdler^ vol. 3. 
Tafel 74) ; and the Greeks certainly used bows and arrows in hunting 
(Oppian, Cyrug, i. 153, iv. 54; /V/., Halieut i. 238; Anthelog. Palat. 
\i 296. 3 ; Pollux, V. 19, V. 20, X. 141). But they seem to have used 
them comparatively seldom. Apart from representations of Artemis and 
Atalanta and of barbarians hunting, bows and arrows seldom appear as 
weapons of the chase on ancient works of art. For representations of 
Meleager slaying the boar with a spear see Baumeister's Denkmdler^ 2. 
figures 990, 992. The skin of the Calydonian boar was shown in the 
great temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (Pans. viii. 47. 2). One of its 
tusks was preserved in the Imperial Gardens at Rome ; the other had 
unfortunately been broken (Paus. viii. 46. 5). The subject of the boar- 
hunt was represented in the eastern gable of the temple of Athena 
Alea at Tegea (Paus. viii. 45. 6 sq.) 

7. 9. the flutes of Marsyas etc. Marsyas was a Phrygian satyr or 
Silenus (sometimes he is called the one and sometimes the other), who 
finding the flutes which Athena had thrown away (see i. 24. i) picked 
them up and practised on them. At last he challenged Apollo to a 
musical contest, he to play on his flutes and Apollo to play on his lyre. 
Being vanquished, Marsyas was tied up to a pine-tree and flayed alive, 
or cut limb hova limb either by Apollo himself or by a Scythian slave. 
See Apollodorus, i. 4. 2 ; Hyginus, Fab, 165. The skin of Marsyas 
was to be seen in historical times at Celaenae in Phrygia ; and it was 
said that whenever one of his native Phrygian airs was played near it, 
the skin of the dead satyr vibrated ; but if the musician struck up an air 
in praise of Apollo, the skin remained motionless (Herodotus, vii. 26 ; 
Xcnophon, Arutd. i. 2. 8; Aelian, Var, Hist. xiii. 21). The river 
Marsyas, which was said to have sprung from the blood of Marsyas 
(Hyginus, Lc.\ is a small tributary of the Maeander in Phrygia. The 
ancient authorities seem to differ as to the source of the river, but their 
statements may be reconciled by supposing that it rose in the little reedy 
lake on the mountain above Celaenae, and that after disappearing under- 
ground it issued from the rock under the citadel of Celaenae, where it 
fell with the roar of a cataract into a rocky basin in the market-place. 
Besides Herodotus and Xenophon,^ see Quintus Curtius, iii. i ; 
Strabo, xii. 8. 5 ; Pliny, iV. ^. v. ^ 106, 113; Paul/s Real-Encyclopadie 
and Smith's Diet of Geography^ s,v, * Marsyas.' 

" The myth of Marsyas and Apollo implies as its scene a place where 


reeds abounded. The basis of the legend is undoubtedly the contrast 
between the music of the lyre employed in the worship of the Ionian 
Apollo Citharoedos and of the flute used in the religion of southern 
Phrygia. The Ionian Greeks were in direct communication with southern 
Phrygia by the Lycus valley route, and Celaenae was therefore a natural 
place in which to localise the mythical contest. The myth was placed 
where the reeds from which the earliest simplest kind of flute was made 
abounded. The actual course of the river Marsyas does not and could 
not in ancient time have afforded such a scene, but the lake from which 
it was believed to rise is not much more than a reedy marsh. Here 
therefore the scene was laid " (Prof. W. M. Ramsay, in Joum. of Hellen. 
Studies, 4 (1883), p. 71). For representations in ancient art of the 
contest of Marsyas with Apollo and the punishment of the former, see 
Miiller - Wieseler, Denkmdler, 2. pi. xiv. ; Baumeister's /?^«^»Mr7ifr, 2. 
p. 887 sqq. The well-known statue at Florence called *the Grinder,' 
representing a man with up-turned face, kneeling and sharpening a knife 
upon a stone (Baumeister, fig. 964), can be shown, by a comparison of 
monuments, to have been one of a group representing the flaying of 
Marsyas, the kneeling man being the Scythian slave who is sharpening 
his knife to do the dreadful deed. See Sir Gardner Wilkinson, * The 
listening slave and the flaying of Marsyas,' Transact. Royal Soc. of 
Literature, 2nd Series, 11 (1878), pp. 263-272, with the note by Mr. 
Vaux, pp. 273-279. The attitude and look of *the Grinder' agree 
with the description which Philostratus Junior {Imag, 3) gives of the 
barbarian who is about to flay Marsyas. * The grinder ' is probably an 
original work of the Pergamene school of sculpture, which excelled in 
the representation of barbarian types, the irruption of barbarians into 
Greece about 288 B.C. having furnished Greek artists with plenty of 
opportunities of studying barbarians from the life. Cp. Archdolog, 
epigraph. Miitkeilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungam, 13 (1890), p. 55 sq. 
The works of ancient art on which the musical contest between Apollo 
and Marsyas is represented are enumerated and described by Ovcrbeck, 
Griech. Kunstmythologie, Besonderer Theil, 3. pp. 420-482. 

7. 9. Pythocles. This may be the sculptor mentioned by Pliny 
(iV. H, xxxiv. 52) in the list of respectable artists who revived the art 
of sculpture after Olympiad 156 (15 6- 153 B.C.) 

8. I. Olisthenes. See note on ii. 6. 6. For his date see Pausanias, 
X. 7. 6. As to Myron see vi. 19. 2. 

8. I. a shrine of the hero Aratns. Aratus died at Aegium ; and 
in order to bury him in Sicyon it was necessary to get leave from the 
Delphic oracle, since an ancient law, backed by a strong superstitious 
feeling, forbade the Sicyonians to bury a corpse inside the walls. The 
shrine of Aratus (the Arateum) was situated in a conspicuous spot, and 
here he was laid with all the honours due to " the founder and saviour 
of the city." Two annual sacrifices were offered to him ; one was 
offered on the anniversary of the day on which he freed Sicyon from 
the tyrant, being the fifth day of the month Daesius ( = the Athenian 
Anthesterion = Feb. - March) ; the other was offered on his birthday. 
The former sacrifice was begun by the priest of Zeus the Saviour ; the 


second by the priest of Aratus, who wore a white headband with a purple 

stripe. The association called *the artists of Dionysus' (see Foucart, 

De collegiis scenicorum artificum apud Graecos ; O. Luders, Die Diony- 

siscke KiinstUr) accompanied the sacrifices with hymns and the music 

of the lyre ; the master of the gymnasium led a procession of boys and 

youths ; and the senators followed wearing wreaths. Most of these 

rites had ^len into disuse when Plutarch wrote. See Plutarch, Aratus^ 5 3. 

8. 2. After the tyranny of Oleon etc. According to Plutarch 

(Aruius, 2) the tyrant Cleon was slain, and after his death the people 

dose as their rulers Timoclidas and Clinias, two citizens of reputation 

and influence. Timoclidas died, and Clinias was murdered by Abantidas 

who raised himself to the tyranny. Abantidas sought also to slay Aratus, 

the youthful son of Clinias ; but in the confusion the boy escaped, and 

being protected by Soso, sister of Abantidas, was sent secretly by night 

to Argos. On the history of Aratus see Plutarch's life of him, and 

Polybius. The delivery of Sicyon by Aratus occurred in 251 B.C. 

(Clinton, Fasti Hellenici^ 3. p. 18). 

8. 4- Oorintli was held by Antigonus etc. Cp. vii. 8. 3. The 
story of the capture of Corinth by Aratus has been told by Plutarch with 
a wealth of picturesque details which he doubtless took from the Memoirs 
written by Aratus himself. The city, and especially the lofty and pre- 
cipitous acropolis of Corinth, was held for King Antigonus by a Mace- 
donian garrison. Aratus resolved to take the place by a night surprise. 
For this perilous service he picked out four hundred men, and led them 
to one of the city-gates. It was midsummer : a full moon rode in a 
cloudless sky, and the assailants feared that its bright beams, reflected 
from so many helmets and spears, might betray their approach to the 
sentinels on the walls. But just as the head of the column neared the 
gate, a heavy bank of clouds came scudding up from the sea and veiled 
the moon, blotting out the line of walls and shrouding the storming- 
party in darkness. Favoured by the gloom eight men, in the guise of 
travellers, crept up to the gate and put the sentinels to the sword. Order- 
ing the rest of his men to follow him at the best speed they could make, 
Aratus now advanced at the head of a forlorn hope of one hundred men, 
planted the ladders, scaled the wall, and descended into the city. Not 
a soul was stirring in the streets, and Aratus hurried along in the 
direction of the acropolis, congratulating himself on escaping observation, 
when a patrol of four men was seen coming down the street with flaring 
torches. The moon shone full on them, but Aratus and his men were 
in shadow. Aratus whispered his men to stand close in the shadow of 
the houses. The unsuspecting patrol came on : in a minute three of 
them were cut down, and the fourth escaped with a gash on his head, 
crying out that the enemy were within the walls. A few moments more 
and the trumpets rang out and the whole city was up. The streets, 
lately silent and deserted, were thronged with crowds hurrying to and 
fro : lights glanced at the windows ; and high above the city a line of 
twinkling points of fire marked the summit of the acropolis. At the 
same time a confused hum of voices broke on the ear f^om all sides. 
Undeterred by these symptoms of the gathering storm, Aratus pressed 


up the winding path towards the acropolis as fast as the steep and 
nigged nature of the ground allowed. 

Meantime the three hundred men whom he had left behind, be- 
wildered by the sudden uproar, the flashing of multitudinous lights, and 
all the tumult of the rudely awakened city, missed the path up the 
acropolis and, knowing not whither to turn, halted under an overhanging 
crag at the foot of the mountain. Here they remained in a state of the 
utmost anxiety and alarm. For by this time Aratus was hotly engaged 
with the garrison on the summit, and the noise of battle and of distant 
cheering came floating down to them, but so faint with distance, so 
broken and distorted by the reverberation of the cliffs, that the men 
below, listening intently, could not tell from which direction the sounds 
proceeded. While they were still crouching under the shadow of the 
precipice, they were startled by a loud peal of trumpets close at hand, 
and peering through the gloom they perceived a large body of men 
marching past them up the slope. It was the king's troops hastening 
to the relief of the garrison on the acropolis. Instantly the three 
hundred charged out from their lurking-place, and taking the enemy 
completely by surprise, broke them and drove them in confusion towards 
the city. They were still flushed with victory, when a messenger came 
hurrying down at break-neck speed from the citadel, telling them that 
Aratus was at it, cut and thrust, with the garrison, who stood bravely to 
their arms, and imploring them to hasten to his assistance. They bade 
him lead the way ; and as they toiled upwards they shouted to let their 
comrades know that help was at hand. By this time the clouds had 
passed over and the sky was again clear ; and so all up the weary ascent 
they could see the weapons of friend and foe glittering in the moonlight, 
as the fight swayed this way and that, and could hear their hoarse cries, 
multiplied apparently a thousandfold as they rolled down on the night 
air from crag to crag. At last they reached the top, and charging side 
by side with their friends, forced the enemy from the walls. Day was 
beginning to break when Aratus and his men stood victorious on the 
summit. See Plutarch, Aratus^ 21 sg,\ cp. Polyaenus, vi. 5. These 
events took place in 243 B.C. (Clinton, Fasti Hellenici^ 3. p. 24). 

8. 5. the coa4it of Argolis. The Greek is t^v 'A/^yoXtSa *A#ctt}v. 
Here Acte (* coast ') is used as a proper name to designate the eastern 
seaboard of Argolis, including the territory of Epidaurus and Troezen. 
It is similarly used by Plutarch, Demetrius^ 25 ; Polybius, v. 91 ; Dio- 
dorus, xii. 43, xv. 31. 

8. 5. the Lacedaemonians captured Pellene etc. Cp. viL 

7. 3 ; viii. 27. 14. 

8. 6. he bribed Diogenes etc. See Plutarch, Aratus^ 34. The 
withdrawal of the Macedonian garrisons from Athens, etc., took place in 
229 B.C. Diogenes seems to have been a soldier of fortune. So grate- 
ful were the Athenians to him that they dedicated a sacred enclosure 
(the Diogenium) to him and established a festival in his honour, at which 
the Athenian lads {ephebot) sacrificed a bull to * Diogenes the Benefactor.' 
The Diogenium became " the centre of what may be called the academic 
life of Athens under the empire " ; in it the youths of Athens attended 


lectures on grammar, geometry, rhetoric, and music. The name of 
* Diogenes the Bene£ictor ' is inscribed on one of the marble seats in 
the theatre of Dionysus at Athens (fourth row behind the seat of the 
priest of Dionysus Eleuthereus). See Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv, ix. i. 

1 ; Kohler, in Hermes^ 7 (1873), PP- 1-6 ; C /. A, ii. No. 379, iii. No. 

299; Hicks, Greek Historical Inscriptions^ No. 181 ; Dittenberger, 

SyUoge Inscr. Graec, No. 180. 

8. 6. Azistomadiiis, tyrant of Argos etc. After joining the 

Adiaean confederacy Aristomachus abandoned it again for an alliance 

with Cleomenes, tyrant of Sparta ; and being taken prisoner by Antigonus 

he was conveyed to Cenchreae and there put to death, either by drowning 

or the rack (Polybius, ii. 44 and 59 J^.) 

8. 6. he captured Mantinea. Cp. Droysen, Gesch. d, Hellenismusy 
ill 2. p. 38 note; Dittenberger, in Hermes^ 16 (1881), p. 177. 

9. I. Oleomenes having succeeded to the kingdom. There 

is some difference of opinion as to the year of Cleomenes's accession to 
the throne. Prof. G. F. Unger (in Philologus^ 46 (1888), pp. 766-770) 
shows some grounds for regarding 227 B.C. as the year of his accession ; 
and he would accordingly correct €KKai8€Ka in Plutarch {Cleomenes^ 
S^jinto c^ icat rjfiurv; for Cleomenes died in exile in 220 or 219 B.C., 
and could not therefore have reigned sixteen years, if Unger is right as 
to the date of his accession. Prof. Unger's views are combated by Mr. 
Max Klatt, who defends the traditional reading €KKat8€Ka in Plutarch. 
Stt RAeiniscAes Museum^ N. F. 45 (1890), pp. 335-360. 

9. 2. Dyme, beyond Patrae. On the battle of Dyme see Polybius, 
il 51 ; Plutarch, Cleomenes, 14. Dyme was situated to the west of, and 
hence beyond (vjrcp) Patrae, considered from Sicyon, the place which 
Pausanias is at present describing. See E. Reitz, De praepositionis 
VHEP apud Pausaniam periegetam usu locally p. 9 sq, 

9. 2. Sellasia. As to the battle of Sellasia see iii. 10. 7 note. 

9. 3. fell by his own hand. On the death of Cleomenes see 
Polybius, V. 39 ; Plutarch, Cleomenes^ 37. 

9. 4. by administering poison. A slow poison was administered 
toAratus by Taurion, a tool of Philip. See Polybius, viii. 14 ; Plutarch, 
Aratus, 52. On Philip as a poisoner cp. vii. 7. 5. 

9. 4. Eoryclides and Micon. Cp. Polybius, v. 106 ; Plutarch, 
Araius, 41. Their names occur in inscriptions and on coins of Athens. 
SccGrotefende in Philologusy 28 (1868), pp. 70-85. 

9. 5. his younger son, Perseus. This is a mistake. Perseus was 
older than Demetrius (Polybius, xxiv. 7 ; Livy, xxxix. 35 and 53). 
Perseus was jealous of his younger brother, who was a favourite of the 
people and of the Romans ; accordingly Perseus feared that on the death 
rf their father his younger brother might succeed to the throne instead 
of himself! 

9. 5. the inspired saying of Hesiod. See Hesiod, Works and 

Days, 265. 

9. 6. that of Zeus resembles a pyramid. No such representation 
tf Zeus in ancient art has survived. But on a vase, representing the 
oath of Pelops and Oenomaus, Zeus appears as a colunm resting upon 


a basis ; the name AI02 is inscribed on the column. See Overbeck, 
Griech. Kunstmythologie^ 2 (Besonderer Theil, i ), p. 5 sq, ; Annali delV 
InsL 12 (1840), tav. d'agg. N ; Archdolog, Zeitung, 11 (1853), Taf. 54. 
I. There was a pyramid-shaped image of Apollo Carinus at Megara 
(i. 44. 2 note). 

9. 6. CliBtlienes bnilt it from the spoils etc. Cp. x. 37. 6 with 
the notes. 

9. 6. SSeus, a work of Lysippns. On a Sicyonian coin of 
Caracalla's reign Zeus is represented standing undraped, and holding 
the thunderbolt and sceptre. "The standing figure would certainly 
well suit the school of Lysippus. . . . Zeus is entirely undraped, and 
of a scheme which especially befits bronze" (Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comm, on Pans. p. 29, with pi. H x.) 

9. 7. Wolfish {Lukios) Apollo. The story which Pausanias tells 
of this shrine seems to make it certain that the adjective Lukios ( Avicios) 
here applied to Apollo meant * wolfish' (from \vkos *wolf'), not *god 
of light' (from Xuki; Might'). Cp. ii. 19. 3 sg,, and the note on i. 19. 
3 *The Lyceum.' 

9. 8. Next to this sanctuary etc. Besides the buildings 
and statues which Pausanias has described there was another edifice 
on the market -place at Sicyon. This was the painted colonnade 
{Stoa Poikile\ which was built for the Sicyonians by Lamia, the 
mistress of Demetrius. It was therefore probably built at the time 
when Demetrius changed the site of the city. It contained paintings, 
works no doubt of Sicyonian artists, which were described by the 
antiquarian Polemo in a separate work. See Athenaeus, vi. p. 253 b, 
xiii. p. 577 c ; Polemonis Periegetcte Fragmenta, ed. L. Preller, p. 45 sg. ; 
Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 493, The building must have lost its importance 
in Pausanias's time, since he does not mention it. Perhaps the paintings 
had been carried away to Rome. 

10. I. insisted on sacrificing to Hercules as to a irocL 
According to Diodorus (iv. 39), after the death of Hercules his friend 
Menoetius instituted at Opus an annual sacrifice of a boar, a bull, and 
a ram to Hercules as to a hero. The Thebans did the same ; but the 
Athenians were the first to honour Hercules as a god, and their example 
was copied by all the Greeks and by all mankind. Herodotus (ii. 145) 
says that Hercules, Dionysus, and Pan were considered by the Greeks 
to be the youngest of the gods ; and he reckons that Hercules (the son 
of Alcmena) lived about 900 years before himself 

10. 2. an image of Sleep lulling a lion. On ancient repre- 
sentations of sleep see G. Kriiger, * Hermes und Hypnos,' Fleckeisefis 
Jahrbiichery 9 (1863), pp. 288-301; H. Bazin, * Hypnos, dieu du 
sommeil,' Gazette Arch^ologique^ 13 (1888), p. 25 sqq, with plate 6; 
Murray, Hist, of Gr. Sculpture^ 2. p. 259. Kriiger, in the article 
referred to, remarks that the ancients represented Sleep either passively 
as himself overcome by drowsiness, or actively as the dispenser of sleep 
to others. The statue which Pausanias here describes evidently be- 
longed to the latter category ; but on the chest of Cypselus at Olympia 
(v. 18. I ) Sleep was represented passively, as a slumbering boy. 


10. 3. an image of the god, beardless. Pausanias mentions 
ioQages of the beardless Aesculapius at Phlius (ii. 13. 5) and at Gortys 
in Arcadia (viii. 28. i). On extant monuments Aesculapius is generally 
represented as bearded, seldom as young. See W. Wroth, in Joum. 
ofHelUn, Studies^ 4 (1883), pp. 46-52. 

10. 3. Calamis. See v. 25. 5 note. 

10. 3. the finit of a cnltiyated pine-tree. That is, a fir-cone. 
Cp. Bekker's Anecdota Graeca^ i. p. 58. A late votive-relief found 
m the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Athens, inscribed with a dedication 
to Aesculapius and Health, represents the snake-encircled staff (the 
common emblem of Aesculapius) with two large fruits on one side of it, 
and two pine-cones on the other. "The pine-cone also enters as an 
ingredient into one of the curious prescriptions ordered by the God of 
Medicine for a patient who probably frequented his temple on the Tiber 
Island at Rome" (W. Wroth, in Joum, of Hellen, Stud, 5 (1884), p. 
93 ^.) The prescriptions referred to by Mr. Wroth are preserved in 
an inscription (C. /. G. No. 5980). A patient named Julianus who 
had been bringing up blood, and whose life was despaired of, was 
ordered to take grains of a pine-cone {kokkov^ crrfM^ikov) from the 
triple altar and to eat them, mixed with honey, for three days. The 
patient was cured and publicly testified his gratitude. 

10. 3. the god was brought to them in the likeness of a 

Mpenl Compare the story told of the foundation of Epidaurus 
Limcra (iii. 23. 7), in which it is plain that the serpent was no other 
than Aesculapius himself. Similarly when Rome had long been 
ravaged by pestilence, the Romans were bidden by an oracle to fetch 
Aesculapius from his great sanctuary at Epidaurus. Ambassadors were 
sent, and the god in the form of a serpent glided down from the temple 
to the sea, embarked on the Roman vessel, and sailed in it to Rome. 
Here the serpent landed at the little island of the Tiber, on which a 
temple was therefore built to Aesculapius. With the arrival of the 
serpent the plague was stayed. See Livy, xi. Epitome ; Valerius 
Maximus, i. 8. 2 ; Ovid, Metam. xv. 626-744 ; Aurelius Victor, De 
vhis illusir. 22 ; Plutarch, Quaes t. Rom. 94. In Epidaurus certain 
serpents, of a species peculiar to the district, were sacred to Aesculapius 
(Pans. ii. 28. i). Sacred serpents were kept in his temples (Aristophanes, 
flutus, 733 ; Pausanias, ii. 11. 8), and visitors to his temple fed the 
serpents with cakes (Paus. /.^. ; Herodas, iv. 90 sg,) All this makes it 
tolerably certain that originally Aesculapius was neither more nor less than 
* serpent, which at a later time was transformed into an anthropo- 
nwrphic god with a serpent symbol. His usual symbol in Greek art is a 
serpent coiled round a staff. Again, the story that Aesculapius brought 
the dead to life (ApoUodorus, iii. 10. 3 ; Schol. on Pindar, Pyth. iii. 96 ; 
Pansanias, ii. 27. 4) points to the serpent origin of Aesculapius. For 
Sttpents are popularly believed to be gifted with a knowledge of the 
pbats which can revive the dead. Thus according to Greek legend 
^ seer Polyidus having killed a serpent, observed another serpent 
approach the dead one and lay upon it a certain grass. The dead 
*pcnt thereupon came to life. Polyidus took the hint, procured some 


66 SERPENTS AND HEALING bk. ii. corinth 

of the same grass and with it restored a dead man to life. See Apollo- 
dorus, iii. 3. i. A similar incident occurs in modem Greek, German, 
Italian, and Lithuanian stories. See Hahn, Griechische und Albanesiscke 
Mdrchen^ No. 9, Var. 2, p. 204, cp. 64, Van i and 3, pp. 260, 274 ; 
Grimm, Kinder- und Hausfndrcken^ No. 16; cp. Panzer, Beitrag zur 
deutschen Mythologies 2. § 360, p. 206 ; Basile, Pentamerone^ First 
day, seventh story, vol. i. pp. 99, 109 (Liebrecht's German trans.) ; 
Schleicher, Litauische Mdrchen^ pp. 57, 59. In a Syrian story the 
king of the serpents restores three slain men to life by washing them 
with the water of life, which one of his subject serpents had fetched for 
him (Prym und Socin, Syrische Sagen und Mdrchen^ No. 33, p. 121). 
In Russian popular tales a serpent is often represented as in possession 
of a magic water, which heals all wounds, restores sight to the blind, 
and vigour to the cripple. Thus one Russian tale "speaks of a 
wondrous garden, in which are two springs of healing and vivifying 
water, and around that garden is coiled like a ring a mighty serpent " 
(Ralston, Russian Folk TcdeSy p. 233). According to a Slavonic notion 
the king of the serpents has a crown on his head and his tongue is a 
diamond. If you can kill him and carry off his crown and his tongue, 
you will be lord of the whole world and immortal to boot (F. S. Krauss, 
Sagen und Mdrchen der SOdslaven, 2. No. 62, p. 107). The ancients 
explained the connexion of the serpent with Aesculapius by saying that 
it is the natural symbol of the healing art, since it periodically renews 
itself by sloughing off its old skin. See Scholiast on Aristophanes, Lc, ; 
Comutus, Nat, Dear, 33 ; Macrobius, Sat, i. 20. 2. With the Jews 
also the serpent seems to have been a symbol of healing {Numbers^ 
xxi. 9). " The south Arabs regard medicinal waters as inhabited by jinn^ 
usually of serpent form" (W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ 
p. 168). "In Cashmere . . . the descendants of the Naga [serpent] 
tribes are to this day remarkable for their medical skill, and possession 
of healing arts and nostrums, which their ancestors (in common with 
Esculapius) received from the health-giving serpent. The same skill in 
healing is attributed to him by many nations. The Celts acquired their 
medical lore by drinking serpent-broth ; the Mexicans hung snake-bones 
round the neck of the sick ; in Pegu, at the birth of a child, a snake's 
tongue is tied within a tiny bell and hung round the baby's neck as a 
preventive of sickness and harm. And in many parts of India it is 
customary to make a serpent of clay or metal, literally a brazen serpent, 
and offer sacrifice to it on behalf of the sufferer" (Miss C. F. Gordon 
Cumming, In the Hebrides (London, 1883), p. 53 j^.) In Fernando Po 
when an epidemic breaks out among children it is customary to set up 
a serpent's skin on a pole in the middle of the public square, and the 
mothers bring their infants to touch it (A. Bastian, Ein Besuch in 
San Salvador^ P- 3i8). In Madagascar "one of the chief idols of the 
central province, which was the god of healing and of medicine, was 
held also to be the patron of serpents, and to be able to employ them 
as the agents of his anger should any one become obnoxious to him. 
And so, when this idol, Ramkhavkly, was carried abroad, his attendants 
used each of them to carry a serpent in his hand, which, as it writhed 


and twined about him, inspired terror in the beholders " (J, Sibree, The 
Great African Island, p. 268, cp. p. 299 sgr, ; W, Ellis, History of 
Madagascar, i. pp. 404-409 ; Folk-lore Record, 2. p. 20). On the 
superstition that great medical skill may be acquired by eating some 
part of a serpent, see The Archaeological Review, i (1888), p. 176 sg, 
10. 5. Oanachus. See note on vi. 13. 7. 

10. 5. the Apollo at Didyma etc. See i. 16. 3 ; viii. 46. 3 (with 
the note) ; ix. 10. 2. 

10. 5. on her head the goddess carries a flrmament. A statue 
found at Pompeii represents a woman wearing the modius or calathus 
on her head. It is supposed to be an Aphrodite (Venus), and Baumeister 
(Denkmaler, i. p. 88) takes the calathus on her head to be the firma- 
ment (Polos) such as crowned the head of Aphrodite at Sicyon. See 
Mullcr-Wieseler, Denkmaler, 2. pi. xxiv. No. 262. As to the meaning 
of the word polos see note on vi. 19. 8. 

10. 5. an apple. The apple was sacred to Aphrodite, and to 
present an apple to a woman was a declaration of love, as it still is 
in sonie parts of Greece. See Schol. on Aristophanes, Clouds, 997 ; 
Propertius, i. 3. 24 ; C. Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen, p. 
461 sqq. ; C. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im neuem, p. 83. 
Amon^t the South Slavonians the apple plays a prominent part at the 
ceremonies of betrothal and marriage. Thus in Bosnia a wooer sends 
a representative ^th an apple to a maiden ; if she accepts the apple, the 
engagement is complete. In Croatia before a bride enters her husband's 
luuse she throws an apple over it ; and bride and bridegroom, after 
marching thrice round the well, fling an apple into it, which the wedding 
goests try to intercept. In Bulgaria three apples are presented to the 
bride ; and a gilded apple is carried as a sort of banner in the wedding 
procession. When the procession reaches the bridegroom's house, the 
apple is thrown over the roof. See F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der 
Sidslaven, pp. 368, 386, 438, 447. 

10. 5. save those of swine. As a rule the Greeks did not sacrifice 
urine to Aphrodite (Aristophanes, Acham, 793, with the Scholium). 
Bat there were exceptions. The Argives sacrified a pig to Aphrodite at 
a festival called *the festival of Swine' (wrr^pta) (Athenaeus, iii. p. 95 f- 
96 a). At Castniiun in Pamphylia Aphrodite was worshipped with 
sacrifices of swine, which led Callimachus to remark that the Aphrodite 
of Castnium was the most sensible of all the Aphrodites because she was 
tbc only one of them who accepted sacrifices of pigs (Strabo, ix. p. 437 
ly.) In Cyprus wild boars were sacrificed to Aphrodite on the 2nd of 
April (Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 45), though as a rule swine were 
not sacrificed to her in Cyprus (Porphyry, De abstin, i. 14). The story 
dot Adonis had been killed by a wild boar was alleged as a reason 
both for sacrificing and not sacrificing the pig to Aphrodite (Schol. on 
Aristophanes, Lc. ; Joannes Lydus, l.c) Probably wherever the pig was 
acrificed to Aphrodite it was an exceptional or mystical sacrifice, the 

Ifif representing the divine Adonis himself. Cp. W. R. Smith, Religion 
^tke Semites,^ p. 290 ^^., 411 ; J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, 2. p. 
In M 


10. 6. paideros. According to Dioscorides, De materia medica^ 
iii. 17 (19), this was another name for the plant called acantha. Pliny 
mentions two plants called paideros. In one place (A^. H, xix. 170) he 
says that paideros is the Greek name for caerifolium (chervil) ; in 
another place (xxii. 76) he says it is a kind of acanthus with smooth 
leaves. The phallophori in the theatre used to wear, instead of a 
mask, a propolium (?) made of paideros and creeping thyme, and this 
again was surmounted by a thick wreath of violets and ivy (Athenaeus, 
xiv. p. 622 c). Demetrius Phalereus, who, possessed of an enormous 
revenue, lived in the most extravagant luxury, used to dye his hair 
yellow, and to stain his face white with paideros (Athenaeus, xii. p. 
542 d, cp. xiii. p. 568 c). Th^ paideros is perhaps the quercus Ballota^ 
or the quercus coccifera (Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 585). 

10. 6. less than those of the oak etc. In the present passage 
Pausanias uses three different words for * oak,* namely drus (the generic 
name for all species of oak), phegos (a species of oak which has not 
been identified with certainty, see note on i. 17. 5), and prinos (the 
evergreen or holly oak, a tree with small dark prickly leaves like those 
of holly, but smaller; see note on x. 36. i, kokkos). Cp. viii. 12. i 

10. 7. Pheraean Artemis. On Sicyonian coins of the reigns of 
Geta and Caracalla, Artemis is represented (Fig. 16) in a long mantle, 

with torches in her raised hands. " There can be little 
doubt that we have in this figure a copy of the statue 
which stood in the temple of Artemis Pheraea. We 
are told that it was brought from Pherae. The coins 
of Pherae, from the fourth century onwards, present us 
with a female figure holding two torches or one torch, 
which may be meant for Artemis, but more probably 
FIG. 17.— PHERAKAN represeuts Hecate, a deity greatly worshipped in the 
ARTEMIS ?(sicY- south of Thessaly. But the distinction is not important, 
oNiAN coiN> ^g ^^ torch-bearing Artemis and Hecate are closely 
allied " (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 30 sq.^ 
with pi. H xvii. xviii. xix.) On the other hand Stephani (in Compte 
Rendu (St. Petersburg) for i860, p. 46) holds that the Pheraean 
Artemis, whose worship was imported into Sicyon, Athens, and Argos 
(see ii. 23, 5), was represented riding on horseback. He refers to a 
coin of Pherae on which Artemis is represented riding on horseback 
and carrying a torch (Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. pi. xvi. No. 173). 
On Artemis as a goddess of horses see viii. 1 4. 4 ; Pindar, Olymp. iii. 
27 ; Pyth, ii. 7 sq. On vases she is frequently represented in a chariot 
with horses (K. O. Miiller, Dorier^ i. p. 383). It was natural, as 
Stephani remarks, that Artemis should be associated with horses at 
Pherae, since the Thessalian breed of horses was esteemed the finest in 
Greece (Herodotus, vii. 196). 

11. I. the gate called Sacred. Leake thinks that the Sacred Gate 
must have been near the village of Vasiliko at the remarkable gully or 
opening in the cliffs, down which a steep and narrow path leads from 
the tableland to the plain below (see above, p. 44). He would there- 


fore look for the temple of Athena and the sanctuary of Hera on the 
site of the modem village. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 372, q). p. 364. 
Beul^ and Curtius apparently share this view (Beul^, Etudes sur le 
Pilopannisey p. 319; ZmxXxms^ Pelop, 2. pp. 495, 496, 498). W. G. 
Clark, however, while he admits that one of the city-gates must have 
been at this natural gully, thinks that the Sacred Gate " probably led 
to the sanctuary of Titane, the especial object of Sicyonian veneration, 
and was therefore on the landward side" (Clark, Pelap, p. 343). 
11. 2. Flenmaens. See ii. 5. 8. 
11. 2. Fhalces. See ii. 6. 7. 

11. 3. Followiiig the direct road Pyraea. The direct road 

from Sicyon to Phlius lies up the narrow glen of the Asopus. See note 
on ii. 12. 3. As Pausanias does not say how far along this road he 
went before taking the turning to the left which led to Pyraea, we cannot 
determine the site of this place. All we can say is that it must have 
been among the hills about a mile to the east of the Asopus. 

11. 4- libations of honey mixed with water. Similarly Sophocles 
represents Oedipus as pouring out a libation of water and honey to the 
Furies {Oed. CoL 481). The Scholiast on Sophocles {Oed, CoL 100) 
speaks as if only water were offered to the Furies, but this is doubtless 
a mistake. The poets speak of the Furies and their offerings as * wine- 
less' (Aeschylus, Eumenides, 107; Sophocles, Oed. Col. 100). On 
wineless libations see note on v. 15. 10. Honey was offered especially 
to the nether gods and to the dead. See Robert-Tomow, De apium 
nullisqiu apud veteres significatione (Berlin, 1893), p. 135 sqq. 

11. 4. flowers. On a relief, found near Argos, the Eumcnides are 
represented as women of mild aspect carrying serpents in their right 
hands and flowers in their left. See MittheiL d. arch. Inst, in Athen, 
4 (1879), plate ix. 

11. 5. Titane. The site of Titane was first identified by Ludwig 

Ross. It lies a few minutes to the north of the village of Voivonda. 

At this point a spur projects eastwards, promontory-like, into the valley 

from the line of heights which dominates the left bank of the Asopus. 

The top of this spur forms a plateau, terminating at the eastern end, i.e. 

towards the valley, in a hill, the rocky sides of which drop steeply down 

into the valley on the north and east This terminating hill must have 

been a small acropolis, for it is enclosed by walls of fine Greek masonry, 

which on the south and south-west rise to the height of 20 or 30 feet, 

and are flanked by three or four square towers. The towers are built 

of great rectangular blocks in regular horizontal courses ; the walls 

between the towers are mostly polygonal. Upon this little acropolis 

are some ancient foundations and a chapel of St. Tryphon. In the 

chapel are fragments of Doric columns and a small Doric entablature, 

the triglyphs of which are 40 centimetres high, and the metopes 33 

centimetres broad. The columns would therefore seem to have been 9 

or 10 feet high. Probably the chapel occupies the site of the temple of 

Athena, which Pausanias describes (ii. 12. i) as standing on a hill. 

The fragments of Doric architecture in the chapel probably belonged to 

the temple in question. 


The view from this acropolis is very fine, embracing in the northern 
distance the peaks of Parnassus, Helicon, and Gerania, while below 
stretches the green vale of the Asopus. 

The plateau immediately to the west of this acropolis is strewn with 
ancient remains, including foundations, square blocks, fragments of thin 
white marble plates, and bits of tiles and pottery. Ross thought that 
the sanctuary of Aesculapius (see §§ 5-8 of this chapter) must have stood 
on this plateau, and Bursian shares this view. But Prof. Curtius, with 
whom Mr. Martha agrees, objects that the plateau is too small to have 
contained the sanctuary with its dependant buildings. He therefore 
inclines to think that die sanctuary of Aesculapius may have occupied 
one of the lower slopes towards the Asopus. 

Near the chapel of St. Tryphon Mr. Martha copied the following 
fragmentary inscription. It contains a dedication to "Titanian 
Aesculapius '' by a certain man, a son of Eucaerus. 


\//{rj<t>ur/JLaTi) ^(ovX^s). 

See L. Ross, Reisen und Reiserouten durch Griechenland^ pp. 50-54 ; 
Curtius, Pelop, 2. pp. 500-503 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 30 sq, ; Jules 
Martha, in Bulletin de Corresp, HelUn. 3 (1879), p. 192 ^7. ; Guide- 
Joanne^ 2. p. 393 sq, 

11. 6. suppliants of the god. That is, patients who came to be 
cured, as at the sanctuaries of Aesculapius at Athens, Oropus, and 

11. 6. a white woollen shirt and a mantle. For other examples 
of the custom of dressing images in real clothes see vol. 2. p. 574 sq, 

11. 6. image of Health. On the goddess Health {Hygieid) and 
her representations in Greek art see Mr. Warwick Wroth, in Joum. of 
Hellen, Studies^ 5 (1884), pp. 82-101 ; Thraemer, in Roscher*s Lexikon^ 
I. pp. 2772-2792. She is commonly represented feeding a serpent. See 
Muller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. pi. Ixi. Nos. 780-784, 792b; Thraemer, 
op, at, I. p. 2779 •^^7' Mr. Thraemer thinks that the worship of 
Health at Titane was probably the most ancient worship of the goddess 
of which we have any knowledge. 

11. 6. so covered is it with women's hair etc. The hair was 
probably a thank-offering for a cure. The Madonna of Tenos at the 
present day receives similar offerings from all parts of Greece. ** If a 
peasant girl is ill she vows what she likes best to the Queen of queens ; 
on recovery she reflects that it is her hair. Accordingly, next year she 
takes or sends her long tresses as a present to the shrine " (J. T. Bent, 
The CycladeSy p. 249). 

11. 7- lie whom the Pergamenians name Telesphoros. On 

Telesphorus see Mr. Warwick Wroth, * Telesphorus,' y^7«r«. of Hellen, 
Studies^ 3 (1882), pp. 283-300. Telesphorus was a minor divinity, a 


sort of £unulus of Aesculapius. In art he is represented as a child, 
shioaded in a mantle which never reaches below his ankles and some- 
times falls a good deal short of his knees. The mantle forms a hood 
whidi shrouds his head all but his face, above which it rises in a high 
peak. See Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. pi. Ixi. Nos. 788, 789. 
Telcsphorus is seldom mentioned in literature. The rhetorician Aristides, 
like Pausanias, speaks of Telesphorus as a divinity of Pergamus, and 
says that he was indebted to Telesphorus for a healing balsam, with 
whidi he rubbed himself in the baths on passing from the hot to the 
cold water (Aristides, Orat. xxiv. vol. i. p. 467, ed. Dindorf). Marinus 
tells how once when the philosopher Proclus lay dangerously ill a boy 
stood beside his bed, young and fair to see, who announced himself as 
Telesphoras, and touching the sick man's head straightway made him 
whole; then the vision vanished (Marinus, Proclus^ 7). For our 
bowledge of the diffusion of Telesphorus's worship we are chiefly 
dependent on the monuments, especially the coins. His worship was 
widely prevalent in Asia Minor; the centre from which it seems to 
liave spread was Pergamus. But though the worship of Aesculapius 
flourished at Pergamus from the third century B.C. onward, there is no 
record of Telesphorus there until Hadrian's time (a.d. i 17-138). He 
first appears on a coin of Pergamus, which bears the image of Hadrian 
on the obverse side and that of Telesphorus on the reverse. From 
Hadrian to Gallienus (a.d. 117-268) there occur at least fifteen sets of 
coins representing Telesphorus. His worship was also practised in Thrace, 
as appears firom coins. In Greece proper he was worshipped in Attica ; 
for a hymn in honour of him and Aesculapius has been discovered en- 
graved on a stone. See Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecia^ 
No. 1027. Two terra-cotta figures of Telesphorus have been found in 
Attica, one of them in the sanctuary of Aesculapius. On coins Teles- 
phorus often appears alone ; but the favourite representation of him seems 
to have been one in which he appears with Aesculapius and Health. On 
tbe left stands Health, feeding a serpent from a saucer, her head turned 
towards Aesculapius, who stands to the right, leaning on his serpent- 
todrcled staff. Between them stands the tiny figure of Telesphorus, in 
2 determined attitude, but reaching no higher than the top of Aescu- 
hpius's staff. This group occurs on coins of Pergamus and of many 
Asiatic and Thracian cities. It sometimes appears on gems. This 
onion in art points, as Mr. Wroth remarks, to their union in worship. 
There was an image of Telesphorus in the sanctuary of Health at 
Pergamus (Aristides, Orat, xxvi. vol. i. p. 506, ed. Dindorf). The 
meaning and functions of Telesphorus are uncertain. Some regard him 
as concerned with mystic rites (Jeletai) ; others, arguing from the mean- 
^% of his name as * the accomplisher,' regard him as a god of con- 
valescence. The foregoing account of Telesphorus is summarised from 
Mr. Wroth's article referred to above. See also Joum, ofHellen, Studies^ 
4 (1883), p. 161 sq,\ id.^ 5 (1884), p. 82, note 2. A statuette of Teles- 
phorus was discovered at Mantinea in December 1888. It represents 
a boy wrapt from his head to his ankles in a sleeveless mantle. See 
BmlUtin 3e Corresp, HelUniqttey 14 (1890), pp. 595-601, with plate viii. 


11. 7. whom the Epidaorians name Acesis. This is confirmed by 
the hymn to Telesphorus mentioned in the preceding note. See Kaibel, 
Epigr. Gr. No. 1027, line 35 sq, : 

#cai (r€ 'EiriSavptoi \tkv dk€^i)(6pouriv doiSaU 
yr)66(rvvot /MkiroxxriVy ava^, 'AKCtrev icaXcovTcs, 

" And thee, my lord, the Epidaurians hymn joyfully in choral songs^ 
calling thee Acesis." 

11. 7. Goronis. She was the mother of Aesculapius. See iL 26^ 
The fact that her image was taken into the temple of Athena whexft. 
sacrifice was being offered to Aesculapius, points to a connexion between, 
the worship of Athena and Aesculapius. Their legends are connected, 
by the story that Aesculapius received from Athena the blood that: 
flowed from the veins of the slain Gorgon ; the blood from the veins oik. 
the left was used by Aesculapius to destroy men, the blood from th& 
veins on the right was used by him to heal men, and by means of it h^ 
even restored the dead to life (Apollodorus, iii. 10. 3). Again, Athena, 
like Aesculapius, was a healing goddess ; both at Athens and at Epidaurus 
she bore the surname < Health' (see Pausanias, i. 23. 4 note). But a. 
more curious point of similarity between the two is the mythical relaticns. 
in which they both stand to the crow or the raven. In the first place, 
the name of Aesculapius's mother Coronis is probably connected witlm 
kordniy * a crow ' ; and this probability is confirmed by the story thalt 
when she proved unfaithful to her lover Apollo (the father of Aesculapius), 
the news was brought to Apollo by a crow. Apollo cursed the bird 
a bearer of evil tidings ; and so the crow, which before was white, 
been black ever since. See Apollodorus, iii. 10. 3 ; Scholiast on Pindar, 
Pyth, iii. 48. Yet, though Apollo cursed the crow, it was sacred to him 
(SchoL on Aristophanes, Clouds^ I33; Plutarch, his et Osiris^ 71 ; 
Aelian, Nat, An. i. 48; cp. Herodotus, iv. 15). Indeed the crow is 
called the child of Apollo (Athenaeus, viii. p. 359 e). Thus Aesculapius 
seems to have been related to the crow both through his father and his 
mother. Again, the crow stood to Athena in much the same sort oi 
ambiguous relation as it did to Apollo. On the one hand, the crow 
brought bad tidings to Athena, as it did to Apollo, and was therefore 
forbidden by her ever to alight upon her great sanctuary, the Acropolis 
at Athens (Antigonus, Histor, Mirab, 12). Hence a crow was never 
seen on the Acropolis ; and between the setting of Arcturus and the 
arrival of the swallows, the crow was rarely seen at any of the sanctuaries 
of Athena (Pliny, Nat, Hist, x. 30 ; Aelian, Nat, An. v. 8). When 
the Athenians were preparing to sail on the fatal Sicilian expedition 
crows pecked the gold from the image of Athena at Delphi (Paus. x. 1 5. 
5) ; and while the Athenian fleets and armies were perishing under the 
walls of Syracuse, crows pecked at the shield of Athena's ancient statue 
at Athens (Plutarch, De Pyth, Orac. 8). Again the hostility of the crow 
to Athena seems implied in the popular Greek idea of the enmity between 
the crow and the owl, the owl being pre-eminently the bird of Athena. 
On the enmity of the two birds see Aelian, Nat, An. iii. 9 ; Antigonus, 


HisLMirab. $7 (62), The opposition between the birds is also implied 

in the ancient Greek proverb, " The voice of the owl is one thing, and 

the voice of a crow is another." See Zenobius, i. 69; Diogenianus, ii. 16 ; 

Gregorius Cyprius, i. 39 ; Apostolius, ii. 32 ; Paroemiogr. Gr, ed. Gais- 

ford, p. 10, No. 97. The idea of the enmity between the crow and the 

owl is not confined to Greece, but appears in the literature of India and 

Cambodia. The Pancka-tantra (bk. iii. at beginning) tells how the king 

of the crows lived with his people the crows in a great shady fig-tree ; 

and how the king of the owls lived with his people the owls in a cavern 

which was his castle. Every night the king of the owls used to come 

prowling round the fig-tree, snatching away and killing every crow he 

could get hold of, till all were gone. See Benfey's Pantschatantra^ vol. 

I- p. 334 sqq.^ vol 2. p. 213. Cp. Monier Williams, Religious Thought 

and Ufe in India^ p. 329 ; Bastian, Die V'olker des bstlichen Asien^ 4. 

p. in. Yet in spite of this opposition between the crow and Athena, 

the crow in one place (Nonnus, Dionys, iii. v. 122) calls itself "the bird 

of Athena," and perches under her sacred olive (ib, z/. 98). Again, on the 

acropolis at Corone (Crow-town) in Messenia there was a bronze statue 

of Athena holding a crow in her hand (Paus. iv. 34. 6). Again, at 

Titane, as Pausanias relates in the present passage, the image of Coronis 

(whose kinship with the crows seems indubitable) was brought into the 

sanctuary of Athena whenever a sacrifice of a bull, a lamb, and a pig 

was being offered to Aesculapius. How these apparent contradictions 

are to be explained, and what exactly was the relation between Athena 

and her crows on the one side and Aesculapius and his crow kindred 

on the other side, I do not pretend to say. Mr. Schwenk, in Rheinisches 

Museum, N. F. 11 (1857), p. 492 sqq., has tried to solve some of these 

difficulties, but hardly with success. 

11. 7* sacrificing a bull, a lamb, and a pig. On the custom of 

sacrificing a triplet {trittya or trittys) of victims see P. Stengel, in Neue 

JohrbOcheTy 133 (1886), p. 329 sqq. In Homer {Od, xi. 130 sq,) 

Ulysses is bidden to ofifer to Poseidon a lamb, a bull, and a boar (the 

same triplet as Pausanias here mentions). Eustathius on this passage 

of Homer says that a trittya consisted of a sacrifice of three animals, as 

two sheep and a cow, or a cow, a she-goat, and a sheep, or a boar, a 

ram, and a bull. Aristophanes {Plutus^ 819 sq.) speaks of sacrificing a 

pig, a he-goat, and a ram to Aesculapius. Callimachus speaks of a trittys 

consisting of a ram, a bull, and a boar ; Ister mentions one of cows, she- 

^oats, and male pigs, all the victims being three-year-olds. See Etymol. 

Magnum^ s.v. rpirrvv, p. 768. 17 sqq, ; Photius, s.v. rpirrvav ; Hesy- 

chius, s.v. TpiKTva. Suidas, s.v. rpirrvs, speaks of a sacrifice of a pig, 

a ram, and a he-goat Menoetius is said to have instituted at Opus an 

annual sacrifice of a boar, a bull, and a ram to Hercules, as to a hero 

(Diodorus, iv. 39). In Theocritus (Epigr. iv. 17) a sacrifice of a heifer, 

a be-goat, and a lamb is promised to Priapus. In an inscription found 

at Eleusis a triad of victims with gilded horns, of which the first was to 

be a cow, is voted to Demeter and Proserpine (Dittenberger, Sylloge 

Inscr. Grace . No. 13, line 37 sq.) 

11. 8. Aescnlapius, sumamed Gortynian. He was so called from 

74 SACRIFICES TO WINDS bk. ii. corinth 

Gortyna or Gortys in Arcadia, not from the city of that name in Crete. 
See V. 7. I ; viii. 28, i. 

12. I. a sanctuary of Athena. See note on 11. 5 above. 

12. I. the priest sacrifices to the winds. On Greek sacrifices to 
the winds see P. Stengel, * Die Opfer der Hellenen an die Winde,' 
Hermes^ 16 (1881), pp. 346-350. There was an altar to the winds at 
Coronea (Paus. ix. 34. 3). The people of Megalopolis honoured the 
North Wind as much as any of the gods ; he had a sacred enclosure 
near Megalopolis, where sacrifices were annually offered to him (Paus. 
viii. 36. 6). When the Persians were marching against Greece, the 
Delphians inquired of the oracle, and the god bade them to pray to the 
winds ; for the winds, he said, would be great allies of Greece. So the 
Delphians built an altar to the winds and sacrificed to them ; and they 
continued to propitiate the winds down to the time when Herodotus wrote 
(Herod, vil 178 ; Clement of Alex. Strom, vi. 3 § 29, p. 753 ed. Potter). 
When Dionysius of Syracuse approached Thurii at the head of a gpreat 
fleet crowded with soldiers, a north wind wrecked and destroyed his ships. 
So the people of Thurii offered sacrifice to the North Wind, voted him 
the citizenship, assigned him a house and lands, and offered sacrifices ta 
him every year ( Aelian, Var, Hist, xii. 61). The Athenians sacrificed 
to the winds (Aelian, Nat, An, vii. 27). In an Attic sacrificial calendar 
it is prescribed that a cake should be offered to the winds in the month 
. Poseideon (C /. G, No. 523). (As to the Athenian worship of the North 
Wind see note on i. 19. 5.) At Tarentum sacred asses were kept and 
sacrificed from time to time to the winds (Hesychius, s,v. dve/iiiiTas}. 
The Lacedaemonians sacrificed horses to the winds on Mount Taygetus^ 
and burned the carcases on the spot, in order that the winds might 
disperse the ashes far and wide over the land (Festus, p. 181, ed. 
Miiller). When the Ten Thousand had waded through the Euphrates 
waist-deep, and were marching through deep snow with a freezing north, 
wind blowing in their teeth, one of the diviners advised that sacrifice 
should be offered to the wind. The sacrifice was offered, and the 
violence of the wind perceptibly abated (Xenophon, Anabasis^ iv. 5. 4). 
At Corinth there was a set of men who professed to be able to calm the 
winds (Hesychius, s,v, av^iwKolraC), 

The Persians as well as the Greeks sacrificed to the winds. After 
the destruction of their ships at Artemisium, the storm continuing to 
rage for three days, the Persian magicians offered sacrifice and used 
enchantments to still the wind (Herodotus, vii. 191). In various parts 
of Germany it is customary during a storm to throw a handful of meal 
or a bundle of hay to the wind, saying, ** There, wind, there is meal for 
your child, but you must stop blowing," or " Mr. Wind or Mrs. Wind, 
here is thine, leave me mine," or some such words. This is called 
"feeding the wind." Or food in a wooden trencher is placed on a tree 
as an offering to the wind. See Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaubey^ 
§ 430 ; Grimm, Deutsche Mythologies^ i. p. 529 ; Zingerle, Sitterty 
Brduchcy und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes^ No. 1046 ; Zeit, f, deutsche 
Mythologie^ 4. p. 300 ; Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebrduche aus 
Bohmen und Mdhren^ p. 2 sq, ; Bavaria^ Landes- und Volkeskunde des 

CH. xji PHLIASIA 75 

KmgrHchs Bayem^ 2. p. 235 ; Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophte, iv. 3 ; 
Panzer, Beitrag zur deuischefi Mythologie^ 2, p. 528 ; Leoprechting, Aus 
dmLtchrcdn^ p. loi 5q,\ Birlinger, Volksthumliches aus Schwaben^ i. 
pi 190 sq. ; iVi, Aus Schwabetiy i. p. 100 ; A. Peter, Volksthumliches aus 
Oesterreich-SchJesien^ 2. p. 259 ; U. Jahn, Die deutschen Opfergebrduche 
hdAckerlniu und Viehstucht^ P* 57 ^99' 

Attempts like these to appease the wind by sacrifice and prayer 
should be distinguished from attempts to subdue it by force or by magic. 
Examples of these latter modes of working on the wind have been 
collected by mc in The Golden Bought i. p. 26 sqq. See also Pausanias, 
ii. 34. 2 note. 

12. 2. the harbonr of Sicyon. The harbour of Sicyon had 
fortifications of its own, and could be held by troops apart from Sicyon 
(Xenophon, HelUnica^ vii. 3. 2 ; Polyaenus, Strat, v. 16. 3). Still part 
of the old city, before Demetrius's time, seems to have adjoined the 
harbour (Diodorus, xx. 102. 2). The harbour is now sanded up, and 
its site is only marked by a marsh (Vischcr, Erinnerungen^ p. 271 ; 
Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 30). 

12. 3. Phliaaia, The valley of the Asopus above Sicyon is a deep 
and narrow glen shut in on either hand by mountains, the steep sides 
of which are thickly overgrown with bushes. In some places, where the 
nnd is hemmed in between the roots of the mountain and the white, 
torbid, rushing river, the bank is occasionally undermined and swept 
away by the stream, and the path disappears altogether. In its upper 
reaches the glen widens so as to admit of here and there a small river- 
side meadow, prettily situated among oaks and shrubbery, with now and 
then a patch of ploughed land. After we have followed the glen upwards 
from Sicyon for about four hours, it opens out into a broad and fertile 
plain, encircled by steep mountains, down which brooks flow on all sides 
to join the Asopus. This upland plain, some four miles long and 
standing about 1000 feet above the sea, is Phliasia, the district of which 
Phlius was the ancient capital. On the west its level expanse is bounded 
by the picturesque, rugged, woody mass of Mount Gavria (about 5000 
feet high), above which appears the snowy top of the lofty Cyllene in 
Arcadia. The eastern side of the valley is bounded by the Tricaranian 
range (Xenophon, Hellenica^ vii. 2. §§ i, 5, 1 1, 13 ; Demosthenes, xvi. 
P- 206), which with its three flat summits divides the Phliasian valley 
from the vale of Nemea. The Asopus rises among the southern hills 
and flows northward through the valley in a deep grassy bed. It is here 
a dear and tranquil stream, very different from the rapid and turbid 
river which it becomes in the glen below, where it takes its colour from 
the soil which is washed down into it by the numerous torrents from 
the white argillaceous mountains through which it threads its way. 
About the middle of the plain it is joined by a tributary, longer than 
the Asopus itself, flowing from the mountains which enclose the south- 
western comer of the plain. The soil of the Phliasian valley is 
excellent ; the central part of it is given up almost exclusively to vine- 
yards which furnish now, as they did in antiquity, a fine fiery wine like 
Burgundy. The principal modem village is St George {Hagios 
Gi&rgios) situated at the southern end of the Tricaranian range. 


The ancient Phlius, the capital of the district, was situated toward 
the north-east end of the plain, on a low spur which stretches from M 
Tricaranum towards the Asopus, a little below the junction of the Asopu 
with its main tributary (see below). But the still more ancient capita 
as Pausanias informs us (§ 4 sq,\ was called Arantia or Araethyrea, an 
was situated round about a hill called the Arantine hill. This hill, h 
tells us, was not far from the hill upon which Phlius was afrerward 
built ; and Strabo (viii. p. 382) says that Araethyrea was beside Mour 
Celossa, at a distance of 30 Greek furlongs from the later city of Phliuj 
Hence modem topographers have identified the Arantine hill with th 
modem Polyphengo^ a steep rocky mountain, full of clefts and fissure 
which rises at the southern end of the valley, near the springs of th 
Asopus. On the west side and at the back of the mountain there ar 
some ancient Greek remains which are taken to be those of Aranti 
(Araethyrea). The site agrees well with the description of ApoUoniu 
Rhodius, who says (i. 115 sqq.) that Araethyrea was at the springs < 
the Asopus. See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 211 5q,\ Leake, Morea^ 3. p| 
339-356; /V/., Peloponnesiaca, p. 401 sq. (Leake gives the name c 
Polypfiengo to the hill upon which Phlius stands, and takes the Asopu 
to be the longer branch which joins the river on the west, rising at th 
foot of Mt. Gavria; hence he looks for Arantia or Araethyrea on th 
slope of Mt Gavria) ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 32 ; Ross, Reisen^ pj 
25-39; Curtius, Pelop, 2. pp. 470-480; Welcker, Tagebuch^ i. pp. 30^ 
311; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ pp. 278-282; Bursian, Geogr, 2. pj 
32-35 ; Philippson, Peloponnes, p. 117. 

12. 4. Arantia. See the preceding note. Strabo (viii. p. 382 
says that Araethyrea {t,e, Arantia) was at the foot of Mt. Celossa, an 
that part of Mt. Celossa was called Cameates, where the Asopus too 
its rise. The Arantine hill must have been a spur of Celossa or Cameate 
When the Lacedaemonians garrisoned Phlius, Agesipolis led a body < 
Lacedaemonian troops against Argos, and after ravaging the countr 
built a fort "at the pass beside Celusa" (Xenophon, Hellen. iv. 7. 7 
This was probably in the glen to the east of the Arantine hill ; for th 
direct road from Phlius to Argos is through this glen. See Ross, Reiset 
p. 27 sq. The Celossa of Strabo is doubtless identical with the Celus 
of Xenophon. "Mt. Celossa and the Cclossan pass are for us th 
Megalo- Vouno and the gorge which leads from Phlius to Mycenae, i 
spur of this chain, Mt. Polyphengos^ all riddled with caverns, is probabl 
Mt. Cameates, which was itself only a part of Mt. Celossa. It advanc* 
into the plain to a distance of 30 furlongs (stades) from Phlius, an 
it is at its foot that Strabo appears to place the Araethyrea of Home 
Mr. Peyetier observed the ruins of a temple on the ridge whic 
connects Mt. Pofyphengos with the Megalo- Vouno " (Boblaye, Recherche 
p. 32). 

12. 4. Oelnsa. This is clearly the name of the mountain in whic 
the Asopus rises. See preceding note. 

12. 4. Oeleae. See ii. 14. i note. 

12. 5. Aras had a son Aoris etc This passage is quoted I 
Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, 'ApatOvpia, 

CH. xiii PHLIUS 77 

12. 5. Homer has the verse etc. See Iliad^ ii. 571. 

12. 5. the mysteries of Demeter. See ii. 14. 

12. 6. is called a son of Dionysus. This was an appropriate 
parentage for Phlias, since the wine of this district was famous 
(Athcnaeus, i. p. 27 d). According to Hyginus {Fab, 14, p. 41, line 12, 
ed. Bonte) Phliasus (Phlias) was a son of Dionysus and Ariadne. The 
wine of the district, called St. George's wine from the village of St, 
George^ is still excellent ; it is largely exported to Athens. See Gell, 
Itinerary of Greece^ p. 75 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 470 ; Vischer, 
Erinnerungen, p. 281; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 33; Philippson, Pelo- 
foftnes^ p. 117. Bunches of grapes appear on coins of Phlius {Brit. 
Mus. Cat. of Gr, Coins^ Pelop. p. 35, pi. vii. 3. 4). 

12. 6. the verses of the Bhodian poet. See ApoUonius Rhodius, 
Argonaut, i. 1 1 5-1 1 7. 

13. I. The retnm of the Heraclids. Prof. J. Beloch has recently 
attempted to prove that the tradition of the Dorian immigration or the 
return of the Heraclids to Peloponnese was nothing but a myth invented 
not earlier than the eighth century B.C. to explain the difference between 
Greece as it was at that time and Greece as it was depicted in the 
Homeric poems. See J. Beloch, * Die dorische Wanderung,' Rheinisches 
Museum^ N. F. 45 (1890), pp. 555-598 ; /V/., Griechische Geschichte^ i. 
p. 149 sqq. But the tradition of the Dorian invasion and conquest is 
strongly confirmed by the archaeological evidence which goes to show 
that the Mycenaean civilisation in Argolis came to a sudden and violent 
end just about the time to which tradition assigned the Dorian invasion. 
SeeTsountas, MvKiJvai, p. 238 sq. 

13. 3. the acropolis of Phlius. The acropolis or citadel of Phlius 
occupied a hill on the eastern bank of the Asopus. A neck or ridge joins 
the hill to Mt. Tricaranum on the east and the higher Mt. Spina on the 
Dorth. A brook flowing from Mt. Tricaranum falls into the Asopus at right 
angles, a little to the south of the hill. " The town appears to have 
covered the southern side of this hill, and below it to have occupied all the 
angle bounded by the river Asopus, and the brook already mentioned. 
The wall is traceable on the south-eastern descent from the acropolis to 
the brook and for a short distance along its bank. On the south-west it 
seems not to have enclosed so much of the plain ; for after its descent 
^om the hill, it is traced for a short distance only along the foot and 
then crosses to the Asopus " (Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 340). The top of the 
bill is of some extent ; in antiquity it included not only a grove of 
c>'presses, as Pausanias mentions, but also some corn-land (Xenophon, 
Hellernca^ vii. 2. 8). Several remains of ancient foundations may still 
be seen on it. The walls of the citadel are traceable in many places, 
but especially across the neck of the hill on its highest part ; they are 
constructed in the polygonal style of masonry ; the material is a hard 
conglomerate. The brook which bounded the city on the south is 
enclosed on both sides with polygonal walls, doubtless for the pro- 
tection of the city on this side. A suburb seems to have extended 
beyond this brook, for to the south of it there are many remains of walls. 
Sec Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 339 sq. ; Ross, Reisen^ pp. 32-34 ; Curtius, 


Pelop, 2. pp. 471-473; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 280 sq,\ Bursian, 
Geogr, 2. p. 33 sq, ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 391 sq. 

Some light is thrown on the topography of Phlius by the events 
which followed the battle of Leuctra. The Phliasians had been friends 
of Sparta when Sparta was at the height of her power ; and after the 
disastrous day of Leuctra, when Sparta was deserted by allies and 
subjects alike, the Phliasians stood loyally by their old friends. This 
drew down on them the hostility of the victorious Thebans and their 
allies. In 368 B.C. a body of Arcadians and Eleans, marching through 
the pass of Nemea to join the Thebans, were induced by some Phliasian 
exiles to make an attempt to surprise and capture Phlius. Six hundred 
men, supplied with ladders, being sent in advance, concealed themselves 
by night at the foot of the citadel walls. Next morning the sentinels on 
Mt Tricaranum, to the east of the town, signalled the approach of the 
enemy from the valley of Nemea. The eyes of the citizens were thus 
turned to the hills, over which they momentarily expected to see the 
enemy appearing. Taking advantage of their distraction the six hundred 
men under the acropolis planted their ladders and were soon masters of 
the almost deserted citadel. But the citizens rallied, and after a fierce 
struggle drove the enemy with fire and sword over the ramparts. See 
Xenophon, Hellenica^ vii. 2. 1-9. Next year the allies made a more 
determined attempt to get possession of Phlius. The Theban conmiander 
at Sicyon marched from that city against Phlius at the head of his 
garrison and of a body of Sicyonian and Pellenian troops. He was 
supported by Euphron, tyrant of Sicyon, with 2000 mercenaries. The 
attack was again made from the hills on the east of the town. On the 
neck of land which joins the citadel of Phlius with the hills a detachment 
of Sicyonians and Pellenians was posted, to prevent the Phliasians fix>in 
ascending the hills and taking their enemies in the rear. The rest of the 
army then descended from the hills in the direction of a sanctuary of 
Hera, meaning to ravage the cornfields and vineyards in the valley. 
But the Phliasian cavalry and infantry met them and prevented them 
from carrying out their intention. Skirmishing went on most of the day 
with varying fortune. At one time Euphron with his mercenaries drove 
the Phliasians over the broken ground. But as soon as they reached 
open ground, where the Phliasian cavalry could come into play, they were 
in turn driven back up the hills as far as the sanctuary of Hera. At last , 
the assailants abandoned the attack and retreated up the hill, purposing 
to join the detachment of Sicyonians and Pellenians, which they had 
left on the neck of ground leading to the citadel. To reach them they j 
had to make a long detour up the hill, for a ravine lay between them and 
their friends, the ravine namely along which the city-walls were built 
The Phliasians pursued them up hill a little way, then perceiving the 
enemy's intention of forming a junction with the detachment on the neck, 
they turned back and taking a short cut close under the town-walls 
hastened to attack the detachment of the enemy before the main body 
could come up to their assistance. In this race the cavalry outstripped 
the infantry and charged the Pellenians alone. The latter stood to their ■ 
arms and repelled the cavalry, till the Phliasian infantry came running j 


up. Then, attacked by horse and foot simultaneously, the Pellenians 
and Sicyonians gave way. The victorious Phliasians erected a trophy 
and sang a loud paean. The enemy watched the scene from the hills ; 
then, drawing together his beaten and scattered forces, fell sullenly back 
on Sicyon. See Xenophon, Hellenica^ vii. 2. 11-15. The sanctuary of 
Hera about which the battle raged was not of course the temple of Hera 
described by Pausanias in ii. 13. 4. The latter stood on the acropolis of 
Phlius ; the former must have stood on one of the lower slopes of the 
mountain (Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 349 sq.) 

13. 3. Ganyxneda Hebe. According to Strabo (viii. p. 382), 

Hebe was worshipped both at Phlius and at Sicyon under the title of Dia. 
In a tomb at Megara there was found a terra-cotta figure which has been 
supposed to represent the Hebe of Sicyon. It represents a young god- 
dess leaning with her left elbow on a rectangular monument. She is clad 
in a long tunic and a great veil which envelops the lower part of her 
body and is gracefully disposed over her head to form a kind of nimbus. 
All round her head the veil is bordered with ivy leaves. This suggests 
the Hebe of Sicyon, since her festival (as Pausanias mentions immediately) 
was called Ivy-cutters. On several vases Hebe, associated with Hercules, 
holds branches of ivy in her hands. The name Hebe has been given by 
Panofka to a statuette of a goddess holding a wine-jug and bowl. Along 
with the statuette of Hebe found at Megara there were found in the same 
tomb a statuette of Aphrodite with her dove in her hand and a statuette 
of Hera. The writer of the notice thinks that the three goddesses formed 
a triad, with a mystic and sepulchral significance ; and that the 
Dionysus who was worshipped at Naples with the surname of Hebon 
(Macrobius, Sat. i. 18. 9) may have been related to Hebe. A fine 
amphora of Nola, he says, represents the Dis-Hebon and the Dia- 
Hebe standing face to face. At Aegina, as we learn from an 
inscription (C /. G, No. 2138), a statue of Colian Aphrodite was 
placed in a sanctuary of Hebe. See De Chanot, * Terres-cuites de 
M^ara,' Gazette ArMologique^ 2 (1876), pp. 46-50, with pi. 15. The 
geographer and antiquarian Mnaseas described a sanctuary of Hebe 
beside a sanctuary of Hercules. In these sanctuaries it was the custom 
CO keep sacred cocks and hens, the cocks in the temple of Hercules, the 
hens in the temple of Hebe. The sanctuaries were divided by a channel 
of pure and ever-fiowing water ; a hen never crossed the water, but at 
the proper season the cocks flew over the channel and visited the hens. 
On their return the cocks cleansed themselves in the running water. See 
Aelian, NcU. Anim, xvii. 46. 

13. 3. Homer also mentions Hebe etc. See //. iv. 2 sq, ; Od, xi. 

13. 4. Ivy-cutters. Wreaths of ivy appear on the reverse of coins 
of Phlius, encircling a large ^ (for Phlius). See E. Curtius, Religious 
ckaracter of Greek coins^ p. 6 (Gesammelte Abhandlungen^ 2. p. 447) ; 
Leake, Numismata Hellenica^ Europ. p. 92 ; Head, Historia Nummorum, 
p. 344 ; Brit, Mus, Cat. of Gr, Coins^ Pelop. p. 34 sq.y pi. vii. 2. 5. On 
the obverse of these coins is a bull butting, which may, as Leake suggests, 
represent the Asopus. For the ivy cp. i. 31. 6 ; ii. 29. i. 


13. 4. temple of Hera. At the village of SL George near Phlius 
there is a large stone with the inscription H PAS. It was brought from 
Hagios Ntcolacces, It may have marked the sacred precinct of Hera at 
Phlius. At the same village of St. George there is an archaic inscription 
written from right to left >A AT AA« The stone is broken just at the last 
down stroke. The inscription was perhaps 'Aprdfiiros and may have 
marked the limits of a precinct of Artemis. Pausanias, in the next 
section, mentions a statue of Artemis at Phlius. See Bulletin de Corresp. 
HelUn. 6 (1882), p. 444. 

13. 5. a temple of Aescnlapius. From Pausanias's description we 
infer that this temple was situated on the southern slope of the acropolis 
between the summit ^d the town which lay at the foot of the hill. It 
may therefore have octpupied the site of the ruined chapel of the Panagia 
Rachiotissa, * Our Lady of the Hill,' which stands on a terrace half way 
down the slope of the acropolis. The chapel is built of squared blocks. 
It contains some Doric capitals and drums. The echinus of the capitals 
is very straight ; the drums have twenty flutes. There are also some 
triglyphs. All these remains are of soft whitish limestone. See Ross, 
Reisen^ p. 32 sq.\ Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 473 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 392. 

13. 5. Below this temple is a theatre. The shape of the theatre 
may be discerned on the southern slope of the acropolis, under the 
chapel of the Panagia Rachiotissa. See Ross, Reisen^ p. 33 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, 2. p. 473 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 281. 

13. 6. a bronze she-goat, mostly gilded. On the goat in 
ancient religion see Stephani, in Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 
1869, pp. 19-139. It may be conjectured that the image of the goat in 
the market-place of Phlius represented Dionysus himself. For Dionysus 
was represented in goat-form (Hesychius, ''E/ot</>os o Aio vixros ; cp. Tht 
Golden Bought i. p. 326 sqq,^ 2. p. 34 sqq,) ; the worship of the vine-god 
in a wine-growing district would be appropriate ; and Phlias, the mythical 
founder of Phlius, was a son of Dionysus. See notes on ii. 12. 3 and 
6. The idea that by worshipping the bronze goat they preserved their 
vines from blight points strongly in the same direction. With the 
custom of gilding the goat we may compare a similar practice in Cam- 
bodia. " There are idols which contain spirits ever ready to heal the 
sick who worship them. One thing which is thought to be especially 
agreeable to these spirits is to gild them wholly or in part. So the 
pilgrims always bring with them some gilt paper when they are going to 
pray to these spirits. To stick a gold leaf on the statue is a meritorious 
act which secures for the worshipper the cure of the corresponding part 
of his body. If a man prays for success in speculation, for wealth to be 
acquired in commerce, industry, fishing, etc., he gilds the whole statue 
from head to foot. It is the traces of gilding to be seen almost every- 
where on the statues and chief figures in the bas-reliefs which led people 
to suppose that formerly all these sculptures were gilded all over " (J. 
Moura, Le royaume du Cambodge (Paris, 1883), i. p. 179). Lucian 
describes a statue adorned with ribbons and withered wreaths, its breast 
plastered over with gold leaf. The gold leaf had been put on by a man 
whom the statue had cured of the ague. Patients who had been cured 


of fever by the statue stuck silver coins or silver leaf on the statue, 
making them adhere by means of wax. See Lucian, Philopseudes^ 1 9 
sq. Similar customs arc still practised by the Greeks. In a church in 
Rhodes Sir Charles Newton saw people sticking gold coins with wax on 
the faces of saints, and in a church in Lesbos he saw a gold coin stuck 
on the fcice of the Panagia, and was told that it was a votive offering for 
recovery from sickness {Travels and Discoveries in the Levant^ i. p. 
187, 2. p. 4). 

13. 6. The constellation which they name the Qoat. It was on 
the left shoulder of the constellation called the Charioteer. According 
to one story, the Goat was the goat which had suckled the infant Zeus ; 
according to another, it was the goat with whose skin Zeus had covered 
himself when he fought the Titans. See Hyginus, Astronomica^ 1 3. 

13. 7* what they call the Navel (^Omphalos), On the reverse of 
some coins of Phlius is represented a four-spoked wheel, which may 
symbolise the Omphalos. It resembles the Navel {Omphalos) on coins 
of Delphi. See Brit, Mus. Cat. Gr. Coins, Pelop. p. 33, pi. vi. 20. 23 ; 
cp. Head, Historia Nummorum, p. 344. The idea that Phlius stood at 
the centre of Peloponnese is of course absurd. 

13. 8. Oenens, from Aetolia etc. Oeneus was king of Aetolia (ii. 
25. 2), and the legend of the death of the cupbearer was properly an 
Aetolian one, the scene of the tragedy being Calydon in Aetolia. The 
name of the cupbearer is variously given as Eunomus, Eurynomus, 
Archias, and Cherias. See ApoUodorus, ii. 7. 6 ; Diodorus, iv. 36 ; 
Athenaeus, ix. p. 4iof. At Proschium in Aetolia the slain Cyathus 
had a sacred precinct, which was said to have been dedicated to him 
by Hercules. It was called *the sanctuary of the cup-bearer.' See 
Athenaeus, ix. p. 411 a. 

14. I. Celeae. Leake thought that the site of Celeae may have 
been at a spot on the left bank of the Asopus, about half a mile from 
Phlius. Foundations of an ancient Greek building are to be seen there. 
Sec Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 345 sq. ; cp. Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 475. 

14. 2. Dsrsanles. See i. 14. 3. It has been suggested that the 
original form of the name was Disaules, *he who ploughs (furrows) 
twice.' Cp. Trisaules (viii. 15. 4), * he who furrows thrice,' and Tri- 
ptolemus, which may have had the same meaning (Preller, Griech, 
Myth.^ I. p. 770). 

14. 3. The verses are these. See Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 

14. 4. the tomb of Dsrsanles etc. See ii. 1 2. 4. 

14. 4. the so-called aborigines. The word here translated 

'aborigines' {autochthones) means more properly * earth-bom.' Many 

primitive peoples believe that their ancestors issued from the ground or 

vere actually formed from the soil. The Basutos in South Africa think 

that " both men and animals came out of the bowels of the earth by an 

immense hole, the opening of which was in a cavern, and that the animals 

appeared first" (Casalis, The Basutos, p. 240). Similar legends are 

common among the North American Indians. For example the now 

extinct tribe of Mandans believed that their ancestors at first lived 

VOL. Ill G 

82 CLEONAE bk. ii. corinth 

underground beside a subterranean cave. A grape-vine extended its 
roots down to them ; some of the people climbed up the vine to the 
surface of the earth and were delighted with the earth and sky. They 
returned with grapes to their people and told them what they had seen. 
So all the people proceeded to climb up the vine ; but when about half 
of them had reached the surface of the earth, a fat woman broke the 
vine with her weight ; and all the rest of the people tumbled down. Sec 
Lewis and Clarke, Travels to the Source of the Missouri River (London, 
1815), I. p. 190 ; Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord- 
America^ 2. p. ito sq. The Black Bear clan of the Omahas have a 
tradition that their ancestors were made underground and afterwards 
came to the ^Mxi^s:^ {Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology 
(Washington), p. 237). The Minnitarees think that they formerly lived 
underground. Two boys, they say, "strayed away from them and 
absented themselves several days. At length they returned and informed 
the nation that they had discovered another world, situate above their 
present residence, where all was beautiful and light. They saw the sun, 
the earth, the Missouri, and the bison. This account so delighted the 
people, that they immediately abandoned their subterranean dwelling, 
and, led by the boys, arrived on the surface of the earth, at the spot 
which their villages now occupy, and where they have dwelt ever since " 
(E. James, Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains^ i. p. 
258). All the Califomian Indians "believe that their first ancestors 
were created directly from the soil of their respective present dwelling- 
places" (S. Powers, Tribes of CcUifomia^ p. 5, cp. p. 147 ; cp. D wight, 
Travels in New England and New York, 4. p. 185 ; C. C. Jones, 
Antiquities of the Southern Indians y p. 4 sq,) 

14. 4- what is called the Anactonun. At Eleusis the name 
Anactorum {cmaktoron) was applied to the whole or a part of the 
sanctuary of Demeter (Herodotus, ix. 65, with Bahr's note ; Athe- 
naeus, v. p. 213 d; Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 59 J^.) It has been 
suggested (vol. 2. p. 510) that at Eleusis the name, designated the 
great Hall of Initiation. At Celeae the name may have had a 
similar application, since, as Pausanias has told us, the rites at Celeae 
were a mere copy of the rites at Eleusis. 

15. I. Oleonae. The ruins of Cleonae are situated in a valley 
about 10 miles south-west of ancient Corinth and 16 miles south-west 
of modem Corinth. Strabo (viii. p. 377) gives the distance of Cleonae 
from Corinth as 80 furlongs ; he mentions that Cleonae was situated on 
a hill and was well fortified. In antiquity the direct road from Corinth 
to Argos went by Cleonae (Strabo, Lc,)\ in modem times the railway 
from Corinth to Argos runs through the valley on its south-eastern side. 
The valley of Cleonae and the valley of Nemea both lie at the northern 
foot of Mt. Tretus ; they run parallel to each other in a northerly direc- 
tion, being separated from each other by Mt. Apesas. The valley of 
Cleonae is the broader. From the semicircle of wooded mountains 
which bounds it on the south and west flow many brooks which unite 
to form the stream called the Longopotamos, At its north end the 
valley contracts into a narrow glen, through which the Longopotctmos 


flows northward to the Gulf of Corinth. On the western side of this 
valley rises an isolated hill of moderate height, overgrown with bushes, its 
steepest side turned to the west, where a stream flows at its foot. The 
hill consists of two parts, an eastern and a western, connected with each 
other by a ridge. The western and higher part seems to have been the 
citadel of Cleonae. On its highest point may be seen the remains of a 
small quadrangular building constructed of square blocks. On the 
lower but broader eastern portion of the hill appear to have stood some 
temples. The foundations of four buildings may be distinguished, and 
in two at least of them are fragments of columns and triglyphs, of rather 
small dimensions. The temple of Athena, mentioned by Pausanias, 
may have stood on this eastern summit. Remains of other buildings 
are to be seen especially on the southern slope of the hill. Six. ancient 
terrace walls rise one above another on the side of the hill ; they 
probably supported the houses and streets. Fortiflcation-walls of con- 
siderable extent enclose the hill They are of polygonal masonry, about 
6 feet thick, and were defended by towers. See Leake, Morea, 3. p. 
325 ; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 206 ; Cell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 20 sq, ; 
Boblaye, Recherches, p. 4 1 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 510; Vischer, Erin- 
nerungieny p. 2Z6 sq, ; Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 173 j^. ; }A\it^, Journal, 
2. pi 142; Conze e Michaelis, *Viaggio fatto nella Grecia,' Annali 
ddP Instiiuto, 33 (1861), p. 14 sq.\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 37 ; Bae- 
deker,* p. 247 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 202. The khan of Coriesa or 
Cttrtesa stands about a quarter of an hour to the south-east hill of 
Qeonae ; beside it are a chapel and a fountain (Gell, Itinerary of Greece, 
p. 21 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 38). 

Seneca describes a curious custom which prevailed at Cleonae. 
Watchmen were maintained at the public expense to look out for hail- 
storms. When these watchmen saw a hail -cloud approaching they 
made a signal, whereupon the farmers turned out and sacrificed lambs 
or fowls. It was thought that when the clouds had tasted the blood, 
they would turn aside and go somewhere else. People who were too 
poor to offer a lamb or a fowl pricked their fingers and off*ered their 
own blood to the clouds to induce them to go away. If the vines 
and crops suffered from a hail -storm, the watchmen were brought 
before the magistrates and punished for neglect of duty. The watch- 
men uttered incantations and used mole's blood or menstruous rags 
to avert the clouds. See Seneca, Quaest, Natur. iv. 6 sq, ; Clement of 
Alex. Strom, vi. 3. 31, p. 754, ed. Potter ; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. vii. 2. 
2. Among the Aztecs of Mexico there were sorcerers who by their spells 
endeavoured to charm away hail from the maize and divert it to waste 
lands (Sahagun, Histoire gSndrale des c hoses de la Nouvelle Espagne 
* (Paris, 1880), p. 486). There are villages in India at the present day 
in which a professional charmer is kept for the sole purpose of repeating 
incantations to drive away the hail from the growing crops (Monier 
Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, p. 241). 

15. I . Scyllis and Dipoenus. These artists are of interest as the 
earliest Greek sculptors who are known to have founded a school. Our 
knowledge of their personal history is derived almost entirely from a 

84 SCYLUS AND DIPOENUS bk. ii. corinth 

passage in Pliny, who says {^Nat HisL xxxvi. 9) that they were the first 
artists who gained a reputation by carving statues in marble. They 
were natives of Crete, and flourished in the days when the Medes ruled 
in Asia, before Cyrus reigned over Persia, that is, says Pliny, about the 
50th Olympiad (580-577 B.C.) They betook themselves to Sicyon, 
where they received a public commission to execute images of the gods. 
But before they had completed the statues, the artists complained of 
being ill-treated and withdrew to Aetolia. Immediately afterwards a 
dreadful famine and failure of the crops afflicted Sicyon. The people 
inquired of the oracle and were told that the distress would cease if 
Scyllis and Dipoenus finished the statues. This, by the promise of high 
rewards, the artists were induced to do. They made images of Apollo, 
Artemis, Hercules, and Athena. This last image was afterwards struck 
by lightning. It was probably the image in that temple of Athena at 
Sicyon which Pausanias describes as having been destroyed by light- 
ning (ii. II. i). Moses of Chorene, an Armenian historian, has recorded 
(see Overbeck, Schrifiquellen^ No. 326 ; Robert, Archdologische Mdrcken^ 
p. 19) that when Cyrus conquered Croesus he carried off gilt bronze 
statues of Artemis, Hercules, and Apollo. These he transported to 
Armenia. The statues of Apollo and Artemis were set up at Armavir ; 
but the statue of Hercules, which was the work of the two Cretans 
Scyllis and Dipoenus, was set up at Aschdischad. In another passage 
{N, H, xxxvi. 14) Pliny says that Ambracia, Argos, and Cleonae were 
full of the works of Dipoenus. K. O. Miiller ingeniously conjectured 
that the images of Artemis, Hercules, and Apollo which Cyrus carried 
off to Armenia were identical with those which Scyllis and Dipoenus 
made for the Sicyonians. He supposed that the four statues mentioned 
by Pliny (/.r.) formed a group representing the contest between Apollo 
and Hercules for the tripod, a favourite subject with ancient artists, as 
we see from vase-paintings ; and that when one of the group (Athena) 
had been destroyed by lightning, the Sicyonians sold or presented the 
remaining figures of the group to Croesus, from whose hands they fell 
into those of the victorious Cyrus. The whole question has been a good 
deal discussed of late and arguments have been adduced on both sides. 
On the whole the evidence seems against Miiller's view ; it appears more 
probable that the statues mentioned by Pliny were separate statues, not 
a group ; if one of the group had been struck by lightning, was it likely 
that the others would escape ? Again, from the way in which Moses of 
Chorene speaks of the statue of Hercules carried off by Cyrus, we 
infer that it was a separate statue. The exact date of the sculptors 
Scyllis and Dipoenus has also been lately the subject of much barren 
discussion. There seems to be no sufficient ground for questioning the 
date assigned to them by Pliny. See K. O. Miiller, * Ueber Dip6nos 
und Skyllis nach Armenischen Quellen,' Kunstarchdologische Werke^ 4. 
pp. 66-70; Brunn, Gesch. d, griech, Kiinstler^ i. p. 43 sqq, ; /V/., Die 
Kunst bet Horner^ p. 46 j^.; /V/., *Zur Chronologie der alt griech. Kiinstler,* 
Sitzungsberichie d. philos.-philolog. u. histor, Ciasse der k. b. AkeuL d, 
Wissen, zu Miinchetiy 1871, pp. 545-552; L. Urlichs, Skopas^ 
227 ; H. V. Rohden, * Die Gdtterbilder des Dipoenos und 


'^OTi^ Archdolog, Zeitung, 34 (1876), p. 122; W. Klein, * Die Dadali- 

en,' Archdolog.-epigr, Mitiheil. aus Oesterreich^ 5 (1881), p. 93 sqq, ; 

lilchhofer, Die Anfdnge der Kunst in Griechenland^ p. 167 sq, ; Over- 

cck, Gesch, d, griech, PlasHk^^ i. p. 84 sqq, ; /V/., * Nochmals Dipoinos 

nd Skyllis/ Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 41 (1886), pp. 67-72 ; C. Robert, 

irchdologiscke Mdrcheriy p. 1 8 sqq. On another statue of Athena by 

hcse artists, said to have been presented by Sesostris to Cleobulus 

Overbeck, Schriftquellefiy No. 327), see M. Zucker, *Zur altem griech. 

Kiinstlergeschichte,* iV«^ /dc^r^«V:^<?r / PhiloL u, Pddag, 135 (1887), 

PP- 78 5-79 1 • The statue of Athena at Cleonae, mentioned by Pausanias, 

appears to be represented on a coin of Cleonae of the 

age of Geta ; an archaic Athena stands holding lance and 

shield. ** The Athene of the coin §eems an interesting 

record of the archaic statue of Dipoenus and Scyllis, 

wbom Pliny gives to the 50th Olympiad, and who were 

among the first to produce national Greek types of 

various divinities. The present coin-type represents a 

figure of Athene retaining the pose of the still older fig. x8.— athena 

Palladia, but far more refined in detail. The helmet is ^l^^J^ ^'^' 

laiger, the aegis on the breast worked out ; folds appear 

bthe chiton, and the feet are articulate" (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, 

l^um, Comm. on Paus, p. 32, with plate H i.) Cp. Head, Historia Num- 

^tffmm, p. 369. 

15. I. the tomb of Eorytns and Oteatns. In the open field, 
about fifteen minutes from the khan of Cur/esa, there were found some 
years ago the remains of a great circular or semicircular structure, 
which probably served as the basis of some large monument. It is 
composed of well- wrought blocks of marble. An inscription on two 
blocks runs thus : 

Hcvo</>tAos Ktti Sr/ottTwv 'A/oycioi ciroirycav 

"The Argives Xenophilus and Straton made (the statue or statues)." 
From the shape of the letters the inscription seems to belong to 
about the middle of the second century B.C. Mr. J. Schmidt suggests 
that possibly these blocks may have been part of the tomb of Eurytus 
ad Cteatus. S^^ Bulletin de Corr, HelUnique^ 4 (1880), p. 46 5q,\ J. 
Sdimidt, in Mittheilungen d. archdol, Inst in Athen^ 6 (1881), p. 
355 ^9' \ Loewy, Inschriften griech. Bildhauer^ No. 262. As to the 
Kulptors Xenophilus and Straton, see ii. 23. 4 note. 

15. 2. From Oleonae there are two roads to Argos etc. At the 
•outhem end of the valley of Cleonae there rises like a wall of rock the 
oountain of Tretus, which forms the watershed between the Corinthian 
nd the Argolic gulfs. A straight, toilsome path led from Cleonae in 
ntiquity, and still leads past the village of Hagios Vasilios^ over the 
lountain, descending into the Argolic plain at the ruins of Mycenae. 
ut the more convenient way from the valley of Cleonae to the plain of 
rgos bends round to the west, where the mountain is not so high, and 
ns up a gradually ascending gully. This was the pass of the Tretus, 
e chief line of communication between Corinth and the south. In 

86 PASS OF THE TRETUS bk. ii. corinth 

antiquity it was, as Pausanias tells us, a driving road, and the ruts worn 
by the chariot -wheels can still be seen in many places. The defile, 
though long and narrow, shut in by high mountains on either hand, is 
nowhere steep, and the rise is not considerable. The road runs by a 
deeply worn watercourse, at the bottom of which a clear and shallow 
stream finds its way amid luxuriant thickets of oleander, myrtle, and 
arbutus. The lower slopes of the mountains are also green with shrubs, 
but their upper slopes are grey and rocky. The pass is easily defended. 
On both sides, towards Cleonae and towards the plain of Argos, may be 
seen traces of ancient works built to defend the defile. Near the highest 
point of the pass, where the road begins to descend towards Argos, 
there are low Turkish watch-towers called Derweni on both sides, and 
rough stone walls such as the Greeks threw up in many passes during 
the War of Independence. In 1822 the Turkish army under Dramali 
Pasha, retreating from the plain of Argos, was caught by the Greeks in 
the pass of the Tretus and nearly annihilated ; for years afterwards tbe 
defile was strewed with skeletons and skulls of men and horses. " Everf 
part of the Argolic plain is considered unhealthy in summer, and the 
heat is excessive ; that of the ravine of the Tretus, in the mid-day hows, 
is said to be something beyond bearing, which I can easily concdTe, 
having passed through it in August, at an hour in the morning when tbe 
heat was comparatively moderate. Not long since, a Tartar, after hanring 
drunk plentifully of wine and raki at Corinth, was found to be dead when 
the suriji held his stirrup to dismount at the khan of A^^orz/o// (Mycenae)^ 
just beyond the exit of the Tretus" (Leake). The name Tretus ('per- 
forated ') was supposed by the ancients to be derived from a great cave 
in the mountain where the Nemean lion had his lair (Diodorus, iv. 11; 
cp. Hesiod, Theog, 327-331). As to the ancient name of the pass, and 
the supposed wheel-marks in it, W. G. Clark says : " This is the road 
known by the name of Tretos, or * the perforated * ; not, I conceive, in ; 
consequence of the caverns in the neighbouring rocks, which are not 
more numerous hereabouts than elsewhere, but because the glen is, as 
it were, drilled through the rock. And drilled it has been by the stream j 
which flows at the bottom. We saw, or fancied we saw, frequent wheel- 
marks in the rocks, and we know that this was the direction of a carriage- 
road. But from my subsequent observations I learned to distrust these 
marks. The ordinary mode of carrying wood in Greece is to tic the 
heavier ends of the poles on each side to the back of the horse or 
donkey, and suffer the other ends to trail along the ground, thus making 
two parallel ruts which in course of time may attain the depth of and be 
mistaken for wheel-tracks. When a depression is once made, it becomes 
a channel for the winter rains, and so is smoothed and deepened." Tht 
modem name of the pass is DerveTuM. The railway from Corinth to 
Argos runs through it. Towards the northern end of the pass the khan 
of Dervenaki stands in a little glade overshadowed by tall poplan, 
cypresses, and mulberry -trees, beside a murmuring spring. At the \ 
southern outlet of the pass the whole plain of Argos, with the mountains 
on either hand and the sea in the distance, bursts suddenly on the view. 
On the left, nestling at the foot of the hills, are Mycenae and Tiryns, 


with Nauplia and its towering acropolis rising from the sea and bound- 
ing the plain on this side. On the right is Argos with its mountain 
dtadd, and beyond it the Lemaean lake glimmers faintly in the distance. 
In the centre of the picture, beyond the long foreground of level plain, 
stretches the blue line of the Argolic Gulf. 

Sec Chandler, Travels in Greece ^ p. 231 sq, ; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 213 sq, \ 
Gdl, Itinerary of Greece, p. 25 sqq. ; icL, Itinerary of the Morea, p. 161 sq, ; 
Lake, Morea, 3. p. 337 sq. ; Boblaye, Recherches, p. 42 ; Mure, Journal, 2. p. 
158 sq. ; Welcker, Tagtbuch, i. p. 177 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 512 j^y. ; W. G. 
Oark, Peloponnesus, p 64 ^ f . ; Vischer, Erinnerungtn, p. 289 sq, ; StefTen, 
KvUn von MykencU, Erlduternder Text, p. 1 1 sq, ; Guide- JoanfU, 2. p. 203 ; 
Phifippson, Pelaponnes, p. 41. 

So much for the pass of the Tretus. The other and shorter route 
from Qeonae to Argos here described by Pausanias avoids the long 
detour to the west and strikes straight up the face of the mountain, past 
the village of Hagios Vasilios^ which stands high up on the mountain- 
side. Beyond the village, near which may be seen some remains of an 
aqueduct supposed by Bursian to have formed part of the aqueduct by 
whidi Hadrian brought water from Stymphelus to Corinth (Paus. ii. 3. 
5; viiL 22. 3), the path climbs the steep slope in a series of toilsome 
flgzags to the pass of Guni, where a large and well-preserved mediaeval 
castle stands in the defile between Mount Daphnia on the east and 
Mount Kuttdia on the west. The footpath then keeps on through the 
narrow defile as far as the solitary chapel of St. John. Here the valley 
opens out, and after following the bed of a stream downwards for about 
half an hour we come to the ruins of an ancient fort situated at the 
northern foot of the rugged and lofty Prophet Elias mountain. The 
fortress, which is of some extent, is enclosed by a wall of polygonal 
nasonry and is strengthened with a tower, also built in the polygonal 
st>'le. The intention of this fort clearly was to defend the path, which 
indeed runs straight through it. A little beyond the fort the path turns 
southward, and keeping along the western slope of the Prophet Elias 
nu)untain leads to Mycenae and so down into the Argolic plain. Traces 
rfthe ancient road may be seen at intervals along the western slope of 
the Prophet Elias, 

Leake thought that the path just described was the one to which the 

ancients gave the name of Kontoporeia or * staff-road.' The Kontoporeia 

is mentioned expressly by only two ancient writers, Athenaeus and 

Polybius. Athenaeus quotes (ii. p. 43 e) from the memoirs of King 

Ptolemy a passage in which the king says that once, marching to Corinth 

by the road called the Kontoporeia^ he came to a spring of water colder 

than snow on the summit of the ridge ; he drank of it himself, but many 

of the thirsty soldiers would not taste it from fear of being frozen to 

death. From Poly bins (xvi. 1 6) we learn that the Kontoporeia led from 

Corinth past Mycenae to Argos. The name Kontoporeia (* staff-road ') 

iccms to imply that the way was not a highroad, but a steep footpath, 

diere the traveller was glad to support his steps with a staff. Thus the 

ath from Cleonae by Hagios Vasilios to Mycenae and Argos answers 

cU to the description of the Kontoporeia ; for it is a mere footpath and 


88 THE KONTOPOREIA bk. ii. corinth 

it leads over a mountain and past the ruins of Mycenae. The icy spring 
of which Ptolemy speaks may have been one of the many springs near 
the ruined fort which once barred the pass. 

Prof. E. Curtius, however, and the late H. G. Lolling have proposed 
to identify the Kontoporeia with another pass about four miles further 
east, which starting from the village of Klenia (the ancient Tenea, see 
note on ii. 5. 4) debouches on the plain of Argos to the south of the 
Heraeum. This was undoubtedly the road followed by the Spartan 
army under Agesilaus in 393 B.C., for Xenophon tells us {Hellenica^ iv. 
4. 19; cp. /V/., AgesilauSy ii. 17) that Agesilaus marching on Corinth 
from the plain of Argos crossed the mountains at Tenea. The ascent 
begins above the village of Klenia. The path here goes up a narrow 
glen and then traverses a fertile plain, which is dominated on the south- 
east by the sharp-peaked mountain of Hagionori^ crowned with the well- 
preserved wall and towers of a mediaeval castle. At the south-western 
foot of this mountain there is a spring close to the road ; its water used 
to be conducted into a well-house, and is famed for its coldness. H. G. 
Lolling conjectured that this was the cold spring of which Ptolemy drank 
on his march to Corinth. From the plateau a steep and tortuous path 
leads down, beside a wild ravine, in about an hour's time to the village 
of Berbati, situated in a valley. Here there are some ancient remains, ] 
including the foundations of a square Greek tower at the village spring, 
and some Roman brick-buildings near a ruined chapel of St John a 
little way beyond the village. Pursuing our way we follow the valley 
for half an hour or so till it contracts into the Klisura^ a narrow defile, 
the bottom of which is entirely occupied by the bed of the river which 
Captain Steffen identifies as the Asterion of Pausanias (ii. 15. 5 ; ii. I7* 
I sq,) The glen is about two miles long. At its lower end it opens on 
the plain of Argos, about two and a half miles to the south-east of the 

The existence of the cold spring on this latter pass is certainly an 
argument in favour of identifying the pass with the ancient Kontoporeia, 
But on the other hand a fatal objection to the identification appears to 
be the statement of Polybius that the Kontoporeia led past Mycenae, 
since the pass in question does not go by Mycenae at all, but opens on 
the Argolic plain about four and a half miles to the south-east of Mycenae. 
On the whole, then, it seems best to adhere to Leake's view that the 
Kontoporeia was the short way from Cleonae to Argos which Pausanias 

See Leake, Morea^ 3. pp. 325-328 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 39 sq, ; 
L. Ross, Reisen^ P* 2 5 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 513 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr, 
2. p. 38 ; Lolling, in StefTen's Karten von Mykenai^ Erldutemder Text, 
pp. 43-46 ; Steffen, ib, p. 41 (on the defile of the Klisura), 

15. 2. the lion's cave. The valley of Nemea lies to the west of 
the valley of Cleonae, with which it runs parallel, north and south. 
Crossing the stony ridge which separates the valley of Cleonae from the 
valley of Nemea, Col. Leake observed " several natural caverns on the 
right of the road. These may have been the abode of wild beasts when 
the Nemeian forest covered all Tretus and Apcsas, but none of them has 



any pretensions, if we follow Diodorus and Pausanias, to the honour of 
ha\qng been the ^vourite dwelling of the celebrated lion slain by 
Hercules, by command of Eurystheus, king of Mycenae. That cavern 
was in the Tretus between Nemea and Mycenae ; Pausanias says, at 
onJy fifteen stades [furlongs] from the former place. In that narrow pass, 
indeed, like a kleft [robber] of the present day, he was more certain of 
intercepting a traveller than in these more open hills " (Leake, Morea^ 3. 
p. 329; cp. Chandler, Travels^ p. 231 ; Dodwell, Toury 2. p. 207 ; 
Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 41). Diodorus (iv. 11) says: "the lion dwelt 
somewhere between Mycenae and Nemea, about the mountain called, 
from its nature, Tretus ; for right along the whole foot of the mountain 
ran a channel or ravine ; and in this ravine the lion used to lurk in his 
den." Hesiod (Theog. 331) speaks of the lion "lording it over Tretus, 
and Nemea, and Apesas." Apollodorus (ii. 5. i) says that the lion 
lived in a cave with two mouths ; Hercules blocked up one mouth of 
the cave, then entered by the other and slew the beast. The traveller 
E. D. Clarke made diligent inquiry after the lion's den and was shown 
as the spot "a hollow rock, hardly deserving the name of a cave,"* 
situated to the south-east of the Nemean temple, on the top of the 
mountain just before the descent begins towards Nemea, but upon the 
side looking to the Gulf of Argos {Travels^ 3. p. 711 sq.) Nowadays 
the den is identified by the natives with a cave on the Korakovouni 
(Crow's Hill) above the theatre syid stadium of Nemea (Baedeker,* 
p. 247), but this clearly cannot be the one of which Pausanias speaks, 
since the latter H'as fifteen furlongs from Nemea. In an article on 
the Nemean lion Mr. Maury argues (Revue ArMologique^ 1845, pp. 
521-543) that lions were unknown in Peloponnese and that the story 
of the Nemean lion was probably imported by the Pelopid dynasty 
when they came over from Asia Minor to settle in Greece. The lion 
was the royal emblem all over the East ; and it may well, he thinks, 
have been the crest of the Pelopids ; hence they placed it over the gate- 
i»-ay of their royal castle at Mycenae. The view that the device of the 
lions over the gate at Mycenae is of Phrygian origin has the high support 
of Prof. W. M. Ramsay. See below, p. 102 sq. Hercules's combat with 
the lion is depicted in a vigorous painting found at Pompeii. See Over- 
beck und Mai, Pompeji^^ p. 589 ; and on representations of the subject 
in ancient art generally see Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 2195 sqq. On coins 
of Argos of the Imperial times Hercules is represented strangling the 
lion (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Pans, p. 33, with 

Pl. 1 i.) 

16. 2. Nemea. Between the valley of Cleonae on the east and the 

valley of Phlius or St, George on the west is interposed the valley of 

Nemea, running like its sister valleys fi-om south to north. It is a 

narrow dale, some two or three miles long, and from half to three-quarters 

of a mile broad. At its northern end it contracts to a mere gully. 

Through the bottom of the valley, which is almost a dead flat, meanders 

like a thread the brook Nemea, fed by the numerous rills which descend 

firom the neighbouring hills. When swollen by heavy rain, these 

tributaries, having an insufiScient outlet through the gully at the north end. 



keep the bottom of the valley green, moist, and marshy. The dale is thus 
better adapted for pasturage than tillage ; indeed from the rich pastures 
which clothe its bottom and the lower slopes of the hills it received its 
I name of Nemea, * the pastoral vale.* Byt if the valley itself, especially 
after rain, is green and smiling, the surrounding hills, scarred and 
seamed with the beds of torrents, are of a dark and melancholy hue, and, 
combined with the absolute solitude — not a human habitation being 
visible through the length and breadth of the dale — affect the mind with 
a sense of gloom and desolation. The solitude is only broken by the 
wandering herds of cattle, and from time to time by a group of peasants, 
who come over from St, George to till their fields in this secluded valley. 
A white track winds up the western slope to the mouth of a glen which 
opens in the hill side. Through this glen is the way to St George and 

See Dodwell, T&ur^ 2. p. 210 j^. ; Leake, Aforea, 3. p. 335 ; Muie, Jbumal, 
2. p. 154 s^. ; Curtius, Pg/op, 2. pp. 505 j^., 510 ; Vischer, Erinfierungen, p. 282 
s^. ; W. G. Clark, Fe/op. p. 61 sa. ; Bursian, Geojp'. 2. p. 35. For the deriva- 
•tion of the name Nemea from the same root that appears in pifiofuu see G. 
Curtius, Grieck, Eiymol^ p. 313. The Scholiast on Pindar, Nem, Introd., 
mentions the view that the valley of Nemea was so named because the sacred cows 
of Hera browsed in its meadows. In recent years the foundation of the new 
village of HeraJkieia has somewhat broken the solitude of the pastoral valley 
(Baedeker,' p. 247 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 203). 

15. 2. a temple of Nemean Zens. Of this temple three columns 
still stand in the midst of the valley of Nemea. They are of the Doric 
order. " Two of these columns belonged to the pronaos [fore-temple], 
and were placed as usual between antae ; they are 4 feet 7 inches in 
diameter at the base, and still support their architrave. The third column 
which belonged to the outer range is 5 feet 3 inches in diameter at the 
base, and about 34 feet high, including a capital of 2 feet. Its distance 
from the corresponding column of the pronaos is 1 8 feet. The total 
height of the three members of the entablature was 8 feet 2 inches. The 
general intercolumniation of the peristyle was 7 feet ; at the angles, 
5 feet I o inches. From the front of the pronaos to the extremity of the 
cell within, the length was 95 feet ; the breadth of the cell within, 31 
feet ; the thickness of the walls, 3 feet. The temple was a hexastyle, oi 
about 65 feet in breadth on the upper step of the stylobate which consisted 
of three steps : the number of columns on the sides, and consequently th< 
length of the temple, I could not ascertain. The slendemess of the 
columns is particularly remarkable, after viewing those of Corinth ; it i; 
curious that the shortest and longest specimens, in proportion to theii 
diameter, of any existing Doric columns, should be found so near to on< 
another. The columns of Nemea are more than six diameters high, oi 
as slender as some examples of the Ionic ; those of Corinth, as we hav< 
seen, very little above four. The entablature of Nemea was less thai 
one-fourth of the height of the column, whereas at Corinth it was abou 
a half" (Leake). The temple must have been thrown down by ai 
earthquake or earthquakes ; for besides the three standing columns mos 
of the other columns may be seen lying just as they have fallen ; many 
the drums lie in straight lines in front of each other, so as to occup 


the same relative positions in their prostrate state that they did when the 
columns were entire. The walls of the alla^ in their entire length, are 
also preserved to the height of several feet ; and a great part of the floor 
of the temple is entire. The material is a soft calcareous stone, an 
aggregate of sand and small petrified shells, and the columns are coated 
with a fine stucco. Some have thought that there were fourteen columns, 
others that there were only thirteen, on each of the long sides of the 

There is no evidence in ancient literature as to the date when the 
temple was built. Leake, on historical grounds, is inclined to assign its 
erection to the half-century between the Persian and the Peloponnesian 
wars. Prof. Curtius, on architectural grounds, especially on the ground 
of its very marked difference from the more massive style of the old 
Doric temples, considers the Nemean temple later than the temple at 
Bassae, but older than the walls of Messene ; in other words, he would 
assign it to the end of the fifth century or to the beginning of the fourth 
century B.C. Vischer, arguing from the slendemess of the columns, the 
straightness of the abacus^ and the wide spaces between the columns, 
held that the temple was considerably later than the Peloponnesian war. 
The cypress grove which surrounded the temple in antiquity has entirely 
disappeared. Nemea was not a town. Like Olympia, the Isthmian 
sanctuary, and some other religious establishments of smaller note in 
Greece, it consisted only of a sacred enclosure containing a temple, with 
a stadium, theatre, and gymnasiums attached to it. There was, however, 
a village near it called Bembina (Strabo, viii. p. zn\ the site of which 
has not been discovered. 

The remains of the stadium are at the foot of the hill on the eastern 
side of the valley, a little to the left as you approach Nemea from Cleonae. 
"The circular end is the only part of which the form is well preserved ; 
this made me suppose it at first a theatre ; but the parallel sides of the 
stadium, although almost levelled by the continued effects of the rain- 
water fh)m the mountain, are still perfectly traceable, and there is even 
a part of the wall remaining which supported the rectilinear extremity 
towards the plain ; I measured 650 feet from this wall to the circular 
end ; it is the usual extreme length of the Greek stadium, and would 
leave about 600 Greek feet between the aphesis and campter^ or two 
extremities of the course" (Leake). It was of course in this stadium 
that the contests took place at the great Nemean games. Near the 
stadium Curtius and Vischer speak of finding traces of the theatre. 
Curtius says that the traces of it are clearer than those of the stadium ; 
Vischer says that nothing but the shape of it can be seen in the slope of 
the hill. Perhaps they mistook the round end of the stadium for a 
theatre, as Leake did at first. 

See Chandler, Travels in Greece, 2. p 232 s^. ; Clarke, Travels, 3. pp. 714- 
718; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 209 s^.; Aftiiquiiies of Ionia, Part II. plates xv.-xvii. ; 
GcII, Itinerary of Greece, p. 22 sq, ; Leake, Morea, 3. pp. 330-335 ; Mure, 
Journal, 2, p. i$6 sq.; Welcker, Tagebuck, 1. pp. 174-176 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. pp. 
508-510; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 284 sq. ; W. G. Clark, Pelop. p. 63 sq. ; 
Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 36 sq. ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 202 sq. ; Baedeker,' p. 247. 


16. 2. tlie serpent killed Opheltes. The story of the Toundation o 
the Nemean games, to which Pausanias only alludes, was this. Lycurgu 
or Lycus, king or priest of Nemea, had an infant son Opheltes. Th' 
oracle had warned the father that his son should not be set on the grouni 
till he could walk ; so the child's nurse had strict orders accordingly 
But when Adrastus and the rest of the Seven Champions were marchinj 
with a host against Thebes, it chanced that they passed through th- 
vale of Nemea, and being athirst and meeting the nurse with the chil- 
they begged of her water to drink. So she led them to a spring c 
water which bubbled up beside a thick bed of celery. Mindful of he 
orders the nurse set down the child on the bed of celery and not on th 
ground. But while she was serving out the water to the warriors, th 
dragon that guarded the spring stole out and killed the child. Whei 
the Seven Champions found what had happened they slew the dragoi 
and buried the child ; and the prophet Amphiaraus told them that thi 
infant's tragic end was an omen of coming doom to themselves. St 
they called the child Archemorus (' the beginner of doom '), and insti 
' tuted in his memory the Nemean games. A crown of wild celery 
was the prize of victory ; and the umpires always wore sad-coloured 
raiment, because the games were fiinereal. Sec Hyginus, Fab- jf, 
Apollodonis, iii. 6. 4 ; Scholia on Pindar, Pytkians, Introduaion. The 
death of Ophehes is frequently 
represented on coins of Argos, 
the variety of types seeming to 
show that the subject was there 
favourite one with anists. 
Sometimes Opheltes is repre- 
sented in the coils of the ser- 
pent, sometimes the serpent is 
bending over him, sometimes a 

nCS. 19 AND aa— OPHBLTK^AKD THK SKKfENT j^^^^ j^ fighting thC SCTpent. 

while the nurse flees, etc. Sec 
Imhoof- Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 33, with pi. 
I ii.-ix. The subject is also represented on a relief in the Palanc 
Spada at Rome, See Roschet's Lexikon, i. p. 473. On the crown ol 
celery, see Pausanias, viii. 48. 3. It is commonly said that the Nemean 
crown was of parsley ; but the word translated parsley {ai\i.vav) seem: 
to have meant 'celery.' The plant was represented on coins of Selinus 
and, to judge from these representations, it appears to have been celcrj 
rather than parsley. See Droysen, in Hermes, 14 (1879}, p. 3 ; Head 
ffistoria Nummorum, p. 146 sq. ; Imhoof- Blumer und Otto Keller, Tier 
und Pflanzenbilder auf Miimen und Gemmen, PI. vi. 8, vii. 2, ix. 9-13 
XXV. 19. The celery had lo be fresh; whereas the crown at thi 
Isthmian games was made of withered celery (Schol. on Pindar, Nem 
Introd. p. 426, ed. Boeckh ; cp. Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. v. 3. 3 ; id. 
Timoleon, 26). 

16. 3' the winter celebration of the Nraiean featival. Thi: 
winter celebration of the Nemean festival seems to be mentioned onl; 
by Pausanias here and in vi. 16. 4. The mention of a winter celebia 


tion implies of course a summer celebration also. The Scholiast on 
Pindar, Nem. Introd., says that the festival was held every second 
year (rpienys) on the 1 2th day of the month Panemus. (According to 
Abel's edition of the Scholia on Pindar the festival fell on the 1 8th, not 
on the 1 2th of Panemus. But oKrcoKaiSeKarj; appears to be an alteration 
of the MS. reading ^(oSeKary, introduced on the strength of a later scho- 
lium published by Tycho Mommsen in 1867, r^yero 8^ firjvl IXaveyx^ irf os 
miv'lovXios. See Philologus^ 34 (1876), p. 64 ; Rheinisches Museum^ 
N. F. 40 (1885), p. 364.) The month Panemus fell at different times 
in different calendars, but seems to have been always a summer month. 
The Scholiast on Pindar makes no reference to a winter celebration of 
the games. To explain the fact of a winter and summer celebration 
•nore than one theory has been started. Scaliger's view was that the 
l2stival was celebrated alternately in summer and in winter, and this 
\'iew has had some currency, being accepted, e.g, by K. H. Hermann 
and Schomann. In recent years Prof G. F. Unger has maintained that 
the winter celebration was first introduced by Hadrian, and that it was 
held not at Nemea, but at Argos, and had nothing to do with the great 
national Nemean games. The latter, he holds, were invariably cele- 
brated every second year on the i8th day (he accepts the reading 
0KT(tf«rai£eicar2/ in the scholiast, l.c) of the first lunar month after the 
summer solstice. See Schomann, Griech, Altertkiimer^^ 2. p. 67 sq.\ 
K. F. Hermann, Gottesdienst Alter.^ § 49 1 G. F. Unger, * Die Zeit der 
ncmcischen Spiele,' Philologus, 34 (1876), pp. 50-64 ; zV/., *Die Winter- 
nemeen,' PAilologus^ 37 (1877), pp. 524-544; J. G. Droysen, *Die 
Festzcit der Nemeen,' Hermes^ 14 (1879), pp. 1-24. Prof. H. Nissen 
holds that ancient temples were always built east and west in such a 
direction as to face the point of the heavens at which the sun rose upon 
the day of the great festival of the god to whom the temple was dedi- 
cated. He thinks therefore that it is possible, by determining the exact 
'orientation' of any temple, to discover the day of the month on which 
the great festival of the temple was held ; or rather (since the sun rises 
at the same point of the horizon on two days in each year, once on his 
passage to the equator and once on his passage from it) to determine two 
days, on one of which the chief festival must have been held. The orienta- 
tion of the temple at Nemea is 250°, according to an observation made 
by Schoene in 1867, or 252*, according to an observation made by von 
Duhn in 1877. Nissen prefers the former observation, as made with a 
better instrument. " Thus the axis of the temple points to a sunrise 40 
days distant from the equinox and 54 from the summer solstice, ue, to 
the beginning of May or the middle of August." Nissen thinks that 
the latter date agrees with the traditional evidence as to the time of the 
celebration of the Nemean festival. See Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 40 
(1885), pp. 363-366. 

15. 3. the grave of Opheltes. About twenty paces to the south of 
the temple of Nemea there is a regularly shaped mound of earth with a 
ruined chapel on it. Small Doric pillars, fragments of an Ionic entab- 
latare, etc., are built into the chapel, which stands on the west side of 
the mound. The mound is forty-four paces long by thirty-four broad. 

94 MOUNT APESAS bk. ii. corin 

Besides the chapel there are remains of small square enclosures on 
This spot may have been the grave of Opheltes, or perhaps rather of ; 
barrow of Lycurgus. See Clarke, Travels^ 3. p. 7 1 6 ; Cell, Itinerary 
Greece^ p. 23; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 210; QMt\x\x&^ Pelop. 2. p. 5c 
Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 285 ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ i. p. 176 j^. 
few inscriptions have been found in the chapel. The most interestii 
perhaps, is one which mentions three of the old Doric tribes of Argo 
the Hylleis, the Pamphyli, and the Hymathii. See Bulletin de Corrc 
HelUnique^ 9 (1885), p. 349 sqq, ; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 26. On th< 
tribes at Argos see G. Gilbert, Griech, Staatsalterthiimer^ 2. p. 77. 

15. 3. The spring is named Adrastea. On descending into 1 
valley of Nemea from Cleonae we come to a Turkish fountain, n 
dry, and a natural spring near it. The latter is probably the Adrast 
which doubtless received its name from the tradition (see note on § 
that Adrastus and the rest of the Seven Champions drank of its wa 
on the way to Thebes. It seems strange that Pausanias should \vi 
been ignorant of this part of the legend, though he knew the part ab( 
the death of Opheltes. See Leake, Morea^ 3. p. 330 ; Dodwell, To\ 
2. p. 208; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 41 ; Chandler, Travels in Grei 
p. 233 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 509 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 285 j$ 

16. 3. Mount Apesas. Travellers agree in identifying Mt. Apej 
with the modem Mt Pkouka^ a table-mountain at the north-east extrem 
of the valley of Nemea, which it separates from the valley of Cleon; 
It towers above its neighbours to a height of 2700 feet. The top 
broad and flat, from which the sides slope, at first almost perpendicular 
and then more gently with a gradual sweep towards the plain. T 
remarkable truncated top is a conspicuous landmark for many mi 
round. I saw it from the plain of Argos, rising up against the northc 
sky, on my way to the pass which leads over the mountains to Tsipia 
in Arcadia. On the summit of the mountain near a chapel are some mi 
which perhaps belonged to the sanctuary of Apesantian Zeus. S 
Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 210; Gell, Itinerary of Greece^ p. 24; Leal 
Morea, 3. p. 325 ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 41 ; Mure, Journal^ 2. 
155 sq,\ Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 505; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 2 
sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 35 sq. Stephanus Byzantius, s,v, 'Attcot^ 
thinks that the name Apesas was derived either from a hero of that nai 
or from the fact of the starting {aphesis) of the chariots or from t 
emission of the lion, who was hurled down from the moon on the top 
the mountain. The writer of the Etytnolog, Magnum {s.v. *A</>€0-to9, 
176 line 32 sqq.) quotes from the Bithyniaca of Arrian the followin 
" Aphesian Zeus is worshipped in Argos. It is said that when Deucali 
escaped from the deluge and got safe to the top of Argos [for t^s * Apyc 
read tov "Apyovs] he founded the altar of Aphesian Zeus, because 
had escaped from [df^i^ry] the deluge. The summit was afterwar 
called Nemea, from the herds of Argos that pastured there." 

15. 4* Having resumed the road to Argos, we have on t 

left the ruins of Mycenae. Passing southwards through the pass 
the Tretus, we see the spacious plain of Argolis stretched out befc 
us. Mycenae lies to our left at the roots of the mountains whi 





bound the eastern side of the plain, not far from the point where the 
pass of the Tretus opens out on the plain. The Argolic plain may be 
roughly described as a great triangle, the base of which, on the south, 
is formed by the Argolic Gulf, while the eastern and western sides are 
formed by the ranges of mountains which converge till they meet in 
Mt. Tretus, at the northern apex of the plain. The length of the plain 
from north to south is about twelve miles, the greatest breadth from 
east to west perhaps not much less. The mountains which enclose it 
are barren and rocky, the highest being those on the west which form 
the boundary between Argolis and Arcadia. The whole plain appears to 
have been once a bay of the sea, which has been gradually filled up by 
the deposits brought down froin the surrounding mountains. The Gulf 
of Argolis, a broad and beautiful sheet of water winding between 
mountains, must originally, before its upj)er waters were expelled by 
the alluvial deposit, have resembled still more closely, what it still 
recalls, a fine Scotch sea-loch or a Norwegian fiord. This alluvial 
plain, situated at the head of a deep and sheltered frith or arm of the 
sea, which opening on the Aegean gave ready access to the islands of 
the Archipelago and the coasts of Asia, was naturally fitted to become 
one of the earliest seats of civilisation in Greece. And in point of 
fact legend and archaeology combine to show that in prehistoric times 
Greek civilisation reached a very high pitch in the plain of Argolis. It 
contained at least three fortified town^ of great inyiortance, of which 
remains exist to this day, Tii^ns, Argos and Mycenae (mentioning 
them in the order in which they lie from south to north). Tiryns and 
Mycenae stand on the eastern, Argos on the western side of the plain. 
Of the three Tiryns is nearest to the sea, from which it is distant not 
much more than a mile. It, or rather its citadel, occupies a low rocky 
mound, not loo feet above the level of the sea, and rising in perfect 
isolation from the plain. Further inland Argos lies at the foot of the 
last spur which projects into the western side of the plain from the 
range of Artemisius. Its citadel, the Larisa, is a fine bold peak nearly 
I coo feet high. Further inland, nine miles from the nearest point of 
the sea, stands Mycenae, near the northern extremity of the plain, but 
on its eastern side. Its citadel, in respect of elevation and natural 
strength, occupies an intermediate position between the low citadel of 
Tiryns and the high mountainous one of Argos. It lies at the mouth 
of a wild and narrow glen, which here o^ns on the eastern side of the 
Argolic plain, between two lofty, steep, and rocky mountains. The 
mountain on the north side of the glen is now called the Prophet 
Elias (2648 feet), that on the south side is Zara (2162 feet). From 
the mouth of this glen two deep ravines diverge, one (the Kokoretza 
ravine) running due west, the other (the Chavos ravine) running south- 
west The triangular tableland formed by the divergence of these 
ravines is the citadel of Mycenae. The apex of the triangle is to the 
east, at the point of the divergence of the ravines ; its base is towards 
the plain and faces south-west. The whole scene, viewed from the 
citadel, is one of desolate grandeur. The ravines yawning to a great 
depth at our feet (especially on the south side, where there is a sheer 





r T ^ 


96 MYCENAE bk. ii. corini 

drop in many places of 150 feet into the glen), the rugged, utter 
barren mountains towering immediately across them, the bleak hig 
land glen winding away into the depth of these gloomy and forbiddir 
hills, make up a stem impressive picture, the effect of which 
heightened if one sees it, as the present writer chanced to do, on 
rainy day. Then with a lowering sky overhead and the mist clingir 
to the slopes of the mountains, no sound heard but the patter of tl 
rain and the tinkling of sheep -bells from the glen, the whole Ian 
scape seems to frown and assumes an aspect more in keeping wA\ 
the mist-wrapt stronghold of some old robber chief in Skye or Loc 
aber, than with the conception which the traveller had formed 
Agamemnon's "golden city." 

See Curtius, Pelofi. 2. pp. 335 sqq.^ 400 sgg, ; Vischer, Erinne 
ungen^ p. 291 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 39 sqq, ; Schlieman 
Mycenae^ pp. 24-29 ; Steffen, Karten von Mykenaiy Erldutemder Tex 
p. 12 sq. ; Baedeker,^ p. 264 sqq. ; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgr 
bungen^ P- 1 1 7 sqq, 

15. 5. neither the Inachus nor any of the said rivers has an 
water etc. This is still true of the rivers of the Argolic plain. D 
Philippson says {Peloponnes, p. 62) : " All these streams are torrent 
in which water flows only exceptionally. Though I visited the neig 
bourhood at different times of the year, I never found a drop of wat< 
in them. But when heavy rains have fallen in the mountains, the 
broad shingly beds fill in a surprisingly short time with a raging ma 
of water, which often spreads stones and sand over the fruitf 
meadows." So Vischer says of the Inachus and Charadrus that " f« 
the greater part of the year their beds are quite dry and water flows : 
them only after rain. When I went to Argos (on April i6lh), tl 
Inachus had a little water, whereas the broad pebbly bed of tl 
Charadrus showed not a trace of it. Nor does one observe on tl 
banks of either of them those shrubs and plants which elsewhere fring 
the banks of even feeble brooks" {Erinnerungen^ p. 292). A simil; 
statement is made by Schliemann {TirynSy p. 12). Homer {Iliad^ i 
171) calls Argos "very thirsty." According to Prof. Curtius nor 
of the great plains of Greece is so scantily supplied with water as tl 
plain of Argos. This applies particularly to the northern end of i 
towards Mycenae. On the other hand the land close to the sea, wit 
the exception of some higher groimd about the mouth of the Inachu 
is a marsh, hardly accessible even in midsummer. Here must ha> 
been the pastures of the horses for which Argos was femous in Homer 
times (Homer, Iliad^ ii. 287). Between this marshy tract and the ari 
upper reaches of the plain is a great stretch of arable land. The pr 
ducts of the plain vary with the nature of the soil. Towards tl 
mountains com is grown ; in the moister parts cotton, tobacco ar 
vines ; on the coast rice and maize. Before the Greek War of Indepe 
dence the plain was rich in mulberry-trees, orange-trees, and olive 
Different from the rest of the Argolic plain is its narrow continuatic 
to the south of Argos between the mountains and the sea. He: 
plentiful streams flow from the mountains and form the Lemean mars! 


See Curtius, Pelop. 2. pp. 338-342 ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 
61 sqq, 

15. 5. Phoroneus who brought mankind together for the 

finttime. Cp. Tatian, Or. adv. Graecos^ 39, p. 148, ed. Otto, who 
says that before the time of Phoroneus human life had been bestial and 
nomad Hyginus says {^Fab. 143) that Phoroneus was the first human 
king, and that before his time men had lived without cities and without 
laws, speaking one tongue, under the rule of Jupiter. There was an 
epic poem called Phoroms on the subject of Phoroneus. A few lines 
of it have been preserved. See Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, i. 1 129 ; 
Strabo, X. p. 471 ; Epicorunt Graecorum fragmenta^ ed. Kinkel, p. 
211 sqq. The author of the epic described Phoroneus as the father of 
mortal men. See Clement of Alexandria, Strom, i. 21. 102, p. 380, 
ed. Potter. 

16. I. in the way that Herodotus states. The Persian tradition, 
according to Herodotus (i. i ), was that lo had been seized by Phoenician 
merchants and carried on board their ship to Egypt. The common 
Greek tradition, referred to by Pausanias, was that lo, transformed 
into a cow, journeyed to Egypt by land. See Aeschylus, Prometheus 
Vinctusy 700 sqq. 

16. 3. he founded Mycenae. Thus tradition represented 
Mycenae as founded later than Tiryns and Argos. So far as Tiryns 
is concerned, the tradition is borne out by the evidence of archaeology, 
for " the walls of Tiryns give one the impression of being older than 
even the oldest part of the circuit-wall of Mycenae. They consist of 
colossal blocks very little hewn, and show no trace of having been 
repaired at a later time. The circuit-wall of Mycenae, on the other 
hand, was built originally of somewhat smaller stones and has been 
subsequently strengthened and completed at various times with carefully 
executed ashlar and polygonal masonry" (Schuchhardt, Schliemanns 
Ausgrabungen?" p. 1 1 9). 

16. 4. Homer mentions a woman Mycene etc. See Odyssey^ ii. 

16. 4. Acuselaus was an old Greek historian, who seems to have 

lived in the first half of the 5th century B.C. A spurious work on 

genealogies appears to have been circulated under his name in later 

times. See Fragmenta Histor, Graec. ed. Miiller, i. pp. xxxvi. sqq.y 

100 sqq. c 

16. 5. The Argives destroyed Mycenae. This took place in . /^ 

468 B.C. The Mycenaeans, on the strength of their illustrious history, 

refused to acknowledge the supremacy of Argos and claimed to have 

the direction of the Nemean games. This excited the anger and 

jealousy of the Argives who, seizing an opportunity when Sparta, the 

aJly of Mycenae, was distracted by a rebellion of the Helots and 

Messenians, besieged and captured Mycenae, sold the people into 

captivity, and destroyed the city (Diodorus, xi. 65 ; cp. note on v. 23. 

3 ;. Diodorus adds that the city had remained uninhabited till his day ; 

and Strabo says (viii. p. 372) that not a trace of the city was to be 

seen, which shows that he had not visited the site. Though no ancient 

VOL. Ill H 


98 MYCENAE bk. ii. corinth 

historian mentions the fact that Mycenae was ever rebuilt after its 
destruction in 468 B.C., yet the excavations of recent years show that 
the acropolis must have been inhabited again for a long period, 
perhaps two centuries, in the Macedonian age. For Dr. Schliemann 
found on the surface of the acropolis a layer, 3 feet thick, of ddbris^ 
which from the character of the pottery and the terra-cottas he con- 
cluded must belong to this later period Dr. Schliemann's conclusion 
has since been confirmed by the discovery of inscriptions which prove 
that a small town or village existed at Mycenae for some time from the 
third century B.C. onwards. The settlement must have existed in the 
time of Nabis, tyrant of Sparta, since one of the inscriptions mentions 
that the youth of Mycenae had been carried off by him to Sparta. 
Indeed from the potsherds found on the site it has been inferred that 
Mycenae was never wholly deserted in antiquity. See Schliemann, 
Mycenae^ P« 63 sq, ; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^ p. 118 
sq, ; *E<fnifi€pls apx**'°^°7*'^> 1887, p. 156 sqq, ; American J ourncU oj 
Archaeology, 5 (1889), p. 102; Berliner philologische Wochenschrifty 
9 (1889), p. 129 sq, ; Ch. Belger, Die mykenische Lokalsage (Berlin, 
1893), p. 39. From the statements of Diodorus and Strabo (see above) 
we should infer that the place had been again wholly abandoned before 
the beginning of our era. But it is certain that Strabo, and not unlikely 
that Diodorus, was misinformed as to the condition of Mycenae in his 
day. Still the settlement, if it existed in the Imperial age, was 
probably small and insignificant ; and when Pausanias visited the place 
in the second century of our era he may have seen the remains of the 
ancient city in much the same state in which they continued down to 
the excavations of Dr. Schliemann in 1876. 

16. 5. the Mycenaeans sent eighty men to Thermopylae. See 
Herodotus, vii. 202. The Mycenaeans and Tirynthians together 
contributed a contingent of 400 men to the Greek army which fought 
at Plataea (Herodotus, ix. 28). Accordingly the names of the 
Mycenaeans and Tirynthians were carved on the famous bronze 
serpents, now at Constantinople, which supported the commemorative 
offering at Delphi. See note on x. 13. 9. 

16. 5. i^aits of the circuit wall are still left etc. As to the site 
of the citadel of Mycenae see above, note on 1 5. 4. In describing the 
remains of Mycenae it will conduce to clearness if we divide them as 
follows: I. the walls; II. the gates; III. the graves in the citadel; 
IV. the palace ; V. the lower city with the beehive tombs, etc 

I. The Walls. The length of the citadel is about 350 yards, its 
breadth about half as much. The circuit- walls of the citadel are preserved 
in their entire extent (though not at their original height) with the 
exception of a small piece on the precipitous slope to the Chavos ravine. 
They follow the natural sinuosities of the rock. According to Leake, 
they are 15 or 20 ft. high in places ; according to Schliemann, they 
vary from 13 to 35 feet in height In thickness they vary from 10 to 
23 feet ; the average thickness is about 16 feet But in places on the 
N. and S.E. sides the wall seems to have been as much as 45 feet 
thick ; here probably there were galleries or casemates in the thickness 


100 GATES OF MYCENAE bk. ii. corintk 

of 1890 have proved that this inner wall is nothing but a terrace 
wall built to support the ancient road which led from the Lions 
Gate to the palace. A piece of the road about 80 feet long and i i 
feet wide was laid bare by the excavations. It is laid on great blocks 
of stone and paved with pebbles. See JIpaKTiKa rrjs *Ap\aioX.oyiKrji 
'Eraiptas for 1890, p. 35 sg. This discovery confirms Dr. Schuch 
hardt's opinion that owing to the configuration of the ground the 
citadel- wail must always have run on the outer side of the circle oi 
graves. At the same time he admits that polygonal masonry of thi* 
closely jointed sort has not been shown to occur in any buildings of the 
* Mycenaean ' age unless at Mycenae itself, whereas it regularly occun 
in Greek walls from the 7th to the 3rd century B.C. While therefore 
he holds that the citadel-wall must always have run on the outer side 
of the terrace on which are the graves, he admits that the polygona 
masonry at this point may have been introduced later at the time wher 
the erection of the great circle of stones necessitated some alterations 
in the outer walL Polygonal masonry is also found at the so-caliec 
tower (marked B) on the south-west, and lastly at the north-east comei 
of the wall. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 368 ; Schliemann, Mycenae. 
pp. 28-31 ; Steffen, Karten von Mykenaiy Text^ p. 21 sqq,\ Adler, ir 
Schliemann's Tiryns, p. xiii. sqq, ; Schuchhardt, SchHemanns Ausgra 
bungen^ pp. 169-172 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dam 
VAntiquiU^ 6. p. 303 sqq, ; Tsountas, MvK^vat, p. 13 sqq, 

IL The Gates, There are two gates to the citadel of Mycenae. The 
chief gate — the famous Gate of the Lions — is on the western side, neai 
the northern comer. The postern gate is on the north side. Boti 
gates are so placed that an enemy approaching them would have tc 
pass between two walls, and would thus be exposed to a cross-fire o 
missiles. But whereas at Tiryns the approach to the great gate is sc 
arranged that persons attempting to enter it would present their righ 
and therefore unshielded side to the inner wall of the fortress, a 
Mycenae the approach to the gates is in the opposite direction, so tha 
an enemy would have his left and therefore shielded side to the innei 
wall. No doubt the garrison reckoned on raking him well from th< 
tower-like projections which he must pass on his right in order tc 
reach the gate. The great gate (the Gate of th"e Lions) stands at righ 
angles to the adjoining wall of the fortress, and is approached by : 
passage 50 feet long and about 30 feet wide, formed by that wall anc 
by another exterior wall which runs nearly parallel to it and whicl 
forms part of a large quadrangular tower built for the defence of th< 
entrance. " A zigzag road on immense Cyclopean substructions, nov 
covered with large blocks which have ^Ilen from the wall, led up t( 
the entrance of the gateway " (Schliemann). 

The opening of the gate itself is i o ft. 8 in. high ; it is somewha 
narrower at the top than at the bottom, its width at the top being 9 ft 
6 in., at the bottom 10 ft. 3 in. The lintel is composed of a massivi 
block 15 ft. (Schliemann) or 16^ ft. (Baedeker) long, by 8 ft. broad 
and 3 ft. thick in the middle. The threshold, a very hard block o 
breccia 1 5 ft. long by 8 ft. broad, had ' been buried under debris fo 


ages, till if was excavated by Dr. Schliemann in 1876. In the lintei 
are round holes, 6 inches deep, for the hinges. In the threshold are 
mo quadrant-shaped holes, one on each side, also for the hinges ; and 
in the middle of the threshold is a quadrangular hole ( i ft. 3 in. long by 
I ft. broad), where the two doors of ihe gate met. In the right-hand 
door-post is a square hole for the bolt. On the outer side of the 
threshold is a remarkable, roughly triangular hole, Ihe purpose of which 
is unknown. According to Dr. Schliemann there is a similar hole in the 
threshold of the great gate at Troy. The gateway leads into a short 
passage 13 feet square, in the left-hand wall of which, close to the 
gate, is a small chamber, probably for the use of the porter, 

" Over the lintel of Ihe gate is a triangular gap in Ihe masonry of 
the vail, fbrtned by an oblique approximation of the side courses of 
stone. The object of this was to keep off the pressure of the super- 

incumbent wall from the flat lintel." This niche is filled up by a 
triangular slab of whitish grey limestone (chemical analysis proves it to 
be anhydrite). Where the slab was quarried is uncertain. It is 10 
feet high, 12 feet long at the base, and 3 feet thick. On the outer side 

102 GATES OF MYCENAE bk. ii. corinth 

of this slab are carved in relief, in a stiff heraldic style, two lions, or 
rather lionesses, which face each other, their front paws resting on two 
bases or altars placed beside each other. The heads, which are missing, 
were made of separate pieces and fastened to the bodies with bolts, as 
appears from the borings in the animals' necks. The heads must have 
protruded and ^ced the spectator. Between the lions is a round pillar 
of peculiar character. It rests on a small plinth placed directly over 
the joint of the two bases referred to above. The pillar increases 
slightly in thickness towards the top and is surmounted by a capital 
ending with an abacus or plinth ; over the abacus are four round discs 
in a horizontal row, and over them is another abacus. The meaning of 
this pillar has been much discussed. It has been regarded as a symbol 
of Apollo, God of Streets (see note on i. 31. 6.), or of the Pelasgian 
Hermes, or of Hestia ; others have seen in it a fire-altar, appealing to 
representations of fire-altars of similar form on coins of the Sassanids 
Artaxerxes I. and Sapor I. All such interpretations may safely be dis- 
missed as fanciful. The pillar is simply a pillar ; the four round discs 
undoubtedly represent (as Dr. Adler seems to have been the first to 
point out) the ends of wooden beams, as they often do in rock-cut tombs 
in Lycia. See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de PArt dans fAntiquiU^ 
vol. 5, figures 250, 260, 261, 264, 266. In fact the pillar with its 
capital, round discs, and upper abacus is, like Greek architecture in 
general (see Vitruvius, iv. 2), simply a literal translation into stone of 
wooden architecture. The lower abacus of the pillar represents the 
wooden architrave beam which stretched from one pillar to another. 
The round discs represent the ends of the unhewn tree-trunks which, 
laid side by side, formed the roof, being supported at both ends by the 
architrave beams. The upj)er abacus represents the boarding of planks 
which, to complete the roof, were laid over the tree-trunks, at right 
angles to them but parallel to the architrave. From the resemblance 
of the pillar with its capital etc. to the architecture of Lycia, Dr. Adler 
infers that it was a copy of the latter ; and in support of this view he 
refers to the tradition that Tiryns and Mycenae were built by seven 
Cyclopes who had been fetched for the purpose from Lycia. See Strabo, 
viii. p. 372 sq, \ Apollodorus, ii. 2. 2 ; Euripides, Iphig, in AuL 1500 
sq,y iphig, in Taur. 845, Hercules Furens^ 943 sqq, ; and the statement 
of Pausanias in the present passage. This may or may not be so ; but 
Dr. Adler's idea that the double basis under the lions' paws represents the 
thrones of the king and his wife, and that the slab upon which the lions' 
paws immediately rest represents the threshold of the king's house 
seems purely fanciful. Perhaps they are altars ; for on a painted plinth 
found on the citadel of Mycenae in 1886 an exactly similar object is 
depicted, standing between a female worshipper and what seems to be 
an idol {*^<fyrjfi€pis dp^aioXoyiKiQ, 1887, pi. 10). An object of a similar 
shape was found in the beehive-tomb at Menidi {Das Kuppelgrab bei 
Menidi (Athens, 1 880), pi. v. 34). On the other hand the researches 
of Prof. W. M. Ramsay and others in Phrygia have proved that the 
whole device of the rampant lions facing each other with a pillar has its 
analogies in Phrygia, where it is a conmion device on rock-cut tombs. 


This, however, hardly justifies us in supposing, with Prof. Ramsay, that 
the device must have beeri actually imported into Argolis by Phrygian 
colonists, though certainly the legend that Pelops, the ancestor of the 
kings of Mycenae, migrated to Greece from Phrygia points to a con- 
nexion between the two countries in prehistoric times. In the excava- 
tions of the lower city in 1887 there were discovered some engraved 
gems, on one of which two lions are represented in a position closely 
resembling that of the lions over the gate of the citadel (IIpaKriica r^$ 
'Kp^wik, 'Eratp. 1887, p. 66 ; Perrot et Chipiez, op, ciL 6. pi. xvi. 
No. 20, cp. No. 11). On another engraved gem found in a tomb at 
Mycenae two griffins are represented standing on either side of a 
colunm just like the lions over the gate ; the column rests on an altar 
of the same shape as those which support the lions in the relief (Perrot 
et Chipiez, op. ciL 6. p. 801, fig. 374 ; Tsountas, Mvic^vai, pi. v. No. 6). 

See Clarke, Travels, 3. p. 699 sqq. ; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 238 s^g. ; Gell, 
Itifurtuy of Greece, p. 36 sqq, ; Lealce, Morea, 2. p. 369 sqq, ; Curtius, Pehp, 
2. 404 sqq, ; 'bA.xat, joumal, 2. p. 167 sqq. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 306 so. ; 
W. G. Clark, Pelop. p. 68 sq, ; Welcker, Tagebtuh, i. p. 317 J^. ; Mahaffy, 
Rambles and Sludus in Greue, p. 407 ; Baedeker,^ p. 264 ; Schliemann, Mycenae, 
pp. 32 sqq., 121 sqq. ; Schuchnardt, Schliemanns Atisgrabungen? ^9' '72-174 ; 
GottUng, 'Das Thor von Mykenae,' Rheinisches Museum, N. F. I (1842), pp. 
161-175; E- Gerhard, 'lo die Mondkuhe und das Loewenthor zu Mykenae,' 
GesammeUe Akcuiemische Abhandlungen, 2. pp. 514-530 ; F. Adier, ' Das Relief 
vom Lowenthore zu Mykenae,* Archdologiscnt Zeitung, Jan. 1865, pp. 1-13 ; 
Overbeck, Gesch, d, griech, Plastik,^ I. pp. 24-26 ; W. M. Ramsay, m/ourn, 
Hellen, Studies, 3 (I082}, pp. 18 sqq., 256 sqq. ; ib. 5 (1884), p. 24 1 sqq. ; ib, 
9 (1888), p. 367 sqq. ; ib. 10 (1889), P* 148* with plates xvii. xxvii. xxviii. 
xliv. of the Journal of Hellenic Studies (for the years 1882, 1 884) ; Perrot et 
Chipiez, Histoire 4e I Art dans VAntiquiti, vol. 5, figures 64, 75, 79, 80, 83, 84, 
92, 108, 109, no, 120, 121, 122, 139; id., vol. 6. pp. 314 sq., 799-806; 
Tsountas, Mvic^eu, pp. 16-19 ; Collignon, Hist, de la Sculpture Grecque, I. 
pp. 3^-37. Gell, Curtius, and Vischer recognised that the animals over tne gate 
were lionesses, not lions. 

The postern gate on the northern side of the citadel of Mycenae is 
built and fortified like the Gate of the Lions, but on a smaller scale. 
The approach to . it is through a passage formed by the wall of the 
citadel on the left and a projecting bastion on the right. The gate is 
constructed of three great blocks, namely two uprights with a lintel. 
The opening of the gate, like that of the Lions* Gate, widens slightly 
from top to bottom ; it is 5 ft. 4 in. wide at the top, and 5 ft. 1 1 in. at 
the bottom. Over the lintel is a triangular slab, but it is unsculptured. 
See Leake, Moreoy 2. p. 371 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2, p. 406 ; Schliemann, 
MycenaCy p. 35 sq, ; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^ p. 174 ; 
Tsountas, MvK^vai, p. 18 sq, ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans 
PAnHquit^y 6. p. 313 sq, 

III. The graves in the citadel. Inside the Lions* Gate, and only 
a few paces from it, to the right of the path which leads to the upper 
citadel, stands a circle of upright slabs of stone enclosing the famous 
graves discovered in 1876 by Dr. Schliemann, to whom also the 
discovery of the circle of stones is due. Before he began his excava- 
tions the whole place was buried in deep soil, part of which had been 

104 MYCENAE — THE SHAFT GRA VES bk. ii. corinth 

swept down in the course of ages from the rocky ground above. Within 
the circle of stones Dr. Schliemann discovered five graves, and about a 
year after his departure a sixth grave was discovered, also within the 
circle of stones. The diameter of the circle is 87 feet ; its surface was 
levelled. The enclosure is formed by two concentric circles of stone 
slabs ; the circles are about 3 feet from each other and were joined by 
cross-slabs laid horizontally on the tops of the upright slabs. The cross- 
slabs, of which only six are in their places, were firmly fitted to the 
upright ones by means of notches, so as to form what is called the mor- 
tice and tenon joint. The space between the two circles of upright slabs 
appears to have been originally filled with stones and earth, the whole 
forming a massive wall. Towards the Lions' Gate there is an opening 
in the circle more than 6 feet wide, which seems not to have been closed 
with a gate. On its eastern side the circle of stones rests directly on 
the rock ; on its western side it rests on a Cyclopean wall, for the ground 
falls away rapidly here. The height of the upright slabs is about 3 feet on 
the east, and about 5 feet on the west. At present they incline inwards ; 
but this inclination appears to have been produced by the pressure of 
soil from without and not to have been original, for all the angles on 
the stones, both uprights and cross-slabs, are right angles. The stone 
of which the slabs are formed is a shell-limestone. Dr. Schliemann 
concluded that this circle of stones with its enclosed space must have 
been the agora or market-place, and that the double circle of stones 
with the cross*pieces were benches for the people to sit on. He shows 
from Pindar and Pausanias that there were tombs in the market-places 
of Cyrene and Megara. See Pindar, Pyth, v. 125 ; Pausan. i. 42. 4, 
i. 43. 8, and the note on i. 43. 3. He might have added that the 
grave of Danaus was shown in the centre of the market-place at Argos 
(Strabo, viii. p. 371). But against this view it may be urged (i) that 
the stones are far too high to have been benches ; (2) that the existence 
anywhere of a round agora or market-place is not proved by the passages 
adduced by Dr. Schliemann ; (3) that nowhere else, so far as appears, 
was the market-place within the citadel. There was a lower city at 
Mycenae (see below), and the market-place would naturally be in it. 
The circle of stones would therefore seem to have been intended simply 
to enclose the graves. Perhaps, as Mr. Tsountas thinks, it served as a 
retaining-wall to hold together the earth which was heaped over the 
graves so as to form a tumulus or barrow. Mr. Tsountas believes that 
the circle of stones is of later date than the graves, and that the wall of 
the acropolis at this point is of later date than both the graves and the 
circle of stones ; in his opinion the graves were originally outside of the 

Within the area of the circle the ground falls away abruptly 
towards the west, so that while the floor of the area is flush with 
the rock on the east, it is raised many feet above it by a deep bed 
u ^'\Z' ^^"^ '''''* side of the circle. The graves discovered 
by Dr. Schliemann were not m this deep bed of earth, but were hewn in 
the rock under it. At the time when Dr ^rl^v ^. ^^ 

tions the whole area of the circle was hvik^AA^"^^ ^^^"^ ^'^ ^'^^^^' 

*^^ «ieep under an accumulatiot^ 




of soil, and in this layer of soil he found a number of tombstones and a 
small round altar with a well-like opening in the middle, which had 
doubtless been used for sacrificing to the dead. It is not clear from his 
account at what depth beneath the surface he found the tombstones. 
The question has been carefully examined by Mr. Ch. Belger ; his 
conclusion is that the tombstones were found at a depth of 1 2 to 1 4 feet 
beneath the surface, and that they all stood on the same level as the 
enclosing circle of stones. The tombstones seem further to have been 
arranged in groups of two to three together, and all faced the west. 
See Ch. Belger, Die mykenische LokcUsage (Berlin, 1893), pp. 25-32. 
The graves are hewn vertically in the rock ; the sides of most of them 
have crumbled away in the upper part, but in graves I and v ^ we see 
that the sides were from 10 to 16 feet high. The shai)e of all the 
graves is rectangular, but they differ much in size. The largest (No. 
IV) measures 6.75 metres (22 feet) long by 5 metres (16 ft. 5 in.) 
wide; the smallest (No. Il) measures 3 metres (9 ft. 10 in.) long by 
2.75 metres (9 ft.) wide.^ The former grave contained five bodies ; the 
latter contained only one. When the graves were opened, the sides 
were found to be lined with a wall of small stones and clay. Numerous 
slabs of slate were found leaning against the walls of the graves, and 
many of the slabs were lying across the corpses. Schliemann supposed 
that these slabs had lined the walls of the graves. Further, as the 
space over the corpses was filled with earth, he concluded that the 
graves had been filled up immediately after the burial, and from the 
crushed state of some of the bodies, pressed down by the superincum- 
bent slabs and rubbish, he concluded that the burial had been a hurried 
and careless one. A much more probable explanation of the state of the 
graves when they were discovered has been suggested by Dr. Dorpfeld. 
He conjectures that the disorder in the graves may have been produced 
by the falling in of the roof, which had been partly formed of the slate 
slabs in question. This theory explains the meaning of the numerous 
well-preserved pieces of wood found in the graves. One or two strong 
beams had been stretched across each grave, supporting a roof of slabs. 
When the wooden beams rotted, the slabs tumbled in, some of them 
^ing right across the bodies ; and the whole space was at once filled 
up with the earth which previously had been piled over the roofs of the 
graves. In the third grave were found the four bronze casings with 

^ I have followed Stamatakis's numbering of the graves, as it is the one now 
Senerally adopted. It differs somewhat from Schliemann's numbering, as the 
I J following table will show : — 

I Stamatakis . . . . i Schliemann 





1 1 







' These are Schuchhardt's measurements (SchlUmanns Ausgrabungen,^ p. 188). 
^hliemann's own measurements are somewhat larger ; according to him the largest 
^ve is 34 feet long by 18} feet broad, and the smallest grave zi ft. 6 in. long by 
9 ft. 8 in. broad. See Schliemann's Mycenae^ pp. 313, 391. 

io6 MYCENAE— THE SHAFT GRAVES bk. ii. corinth 

which the ends of the two beams were shod. Each of these casings 
contained remains of the wooden beam which was fastened into it by 
strong copper nails driven into it on all four sides. 

Ten tombstones were found over the graves, to wit, two on grave I, 
one on grave 1 1, two on grave in, one on grave iv, three on grave v, 
and one on grave vi. Fragments of others have also been discovered. 
Most of the tombstones are made of a yellowish shell-limestone, soft 
and friable, the same material of which the circle of slabs enclosing the 
graves is constructed. The place from which the stone was brought is 
not Iqiown. The tombstones found on graves i, ill, and vi are plain ; 
the others are adorned with sculptures in low relief. It has been 
suggested that the plain tombstones were placed over the graves of 
women, and the sculptured tombstones over the graves of men. But 
this distinction can hardly hold. For though women seem certainly to 
have been buried in grave ill, and perhaps in grave i, the two bodies 
found in grave vi were those of men. The tombstones faced to the 
west, from which Mr. Tsountas infers that they were set up before the 
western wall of the acropolis was built, at a time when a highroad ran 
along the west side of the circle of graves. The carvings on the tomb- 
stones consist partly of spiral ornaments, partly of scenes of war and 
the chase. A man driving in a chariot is represented on three of the 
tombstones ; on one of them the charioteer is being attacked by a man 
with a long spear ; on another a man with a raised sword is standing 
at the horse's head facing the same way as the charioteer. On one of 
them, beneath the man in the chariot, a lion is represented chasing an 
ibex or some such animal The fragment of another tombstone presents 
us with the foreparts of two horses galloping to the right, one above the 
other. (In the second edition of his work Dr. Schuchhardt interpreted 
this scene as two goats or anteloi)es browsing on a tree, and compared 
it to similar scenes in Egyptian and Asiatic art.) The carving on all 
the stones is very rude and barbarous. The figures and ornaments are 
not modelled, but cut so as to present a flat surface, like figures cut out 
with a saw and stuck on a background. Both in style and material 
they are far inferior to the lions over the great gateway, from which it 
is a natural inference that they are older than the lions. Mr. W. 
Reichel, however, who has carefully examined the tombstones, considers 
that they are certainly not older than the lions, and possibly much 
later {Eranos Vindobonensis (Wien, 1893), p. 33). But this opinion 
will probably commend itself to few. 

The human bodies found in the graves niunbered nineteen in all. 
They were thus distributed : — three bodies in grave i ; one body in 
grave il ; five bodies (apparently three women and two children) in 
grave in ; five bodies in grave iv ; three bodies in grave v ; and two 
bodies in grave vi. From the contents of graves i and iv Dr. Schuch- 
hardt argues that all three bodies in grave i and two of the five bodies 
in grave iv were those of women. The bodies seem to have been 
buried, not at full length, but in a half-sitting posture, with the head 
propped on a high support and the legs doubled up under the thighs. 
Pieces of skin and flesh were still adhering to some of the skeletons at 


the time of their discovery, from which Mr. Helbig has inferred with 
great probability that these bodies were embahned {Das homerische 
Epos aus den Denkmdlem erldutert?' p. 53). At all events it seems 
clear that the bodies were buried, not burnt. Ashes indeed were found 
in the graves and on the walls of tomb i (Schliemann's tomb 11). Dr. 
Schliemann observed black marks, which he took to have been pro- 
duced by three separate fires lit in the grave ; from which he inferred 
that the bodies had been burnt. But the state of the bodies and of the 
vessels, jewels, and ornaments found in the graves (which are quite 
uninjured by fire) is conclusive against this view. The ashes found in 
the grave may have been those of victims offered to the dead ; and the 
black patches on the walls may either have been produced by the 
sacrificial fires or, as Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez suggest, have been 
nothing but the stains produced by moist and decaying matter. Bones 
of oxen, goats, swine, and deer, which were found in great quantities 
over the graves, prove that sacrifices were offered to the dead ; and the 
skulls and skeletons of men which were found scattered in disorder 
among the earth may be those of slaves or captives who were slain in 
order to accompany the departed princes to the spirit -land, just as 
Achilles slew twelve Trojan prisoners at the funeral pyre of Patroclus 
(Homer, //. xxiii. 175 sq,) The round altar, which stood exactly over 
the middle of the fourth grave, was doubtless used in these sacrifices. 
It is 4 feet high, and contains a round well-like aperture or funnel, 
down which the blood of the victims was probably poured into the 
grave (cp. Paus. x. 4. 10 note). 

To enumerate all the treasures which were found with the dead in 
the graves would be out of place here. But a brief notice of the more 
important objects can hardly be dispensed with, since their discovery 
opened up a new vista in the history of Greece and of Greek art The 
objects fall into two classes, according as they are either substantial 
articles for use or ornament in daily life, or mere fiimsy imitations of 
them made only to be buried with the dead. Many of the ornaments, 
for example the bracelets, are made of sheets of gold so thin that 
they could not - have been used in real life ; they are clearly sub- 
stitutes for the real jewellery, which the living doubtless kept for 
themselves, while they satisfied the demands of piety by burying the 
sham jewellery in the grave, deeming these splendid but unsubstantial 
baubles good enough to deck the unsubstantial figures of the shadowy 
dead. "Every archaeologist knows that sometimes the graves of 
Greece and Etruria contain the mere pretence of offerings : gold 
ornaments as thin as paper ; leaves and fruits of terra-cotta ; weapons 
unfit for use, and vases of the most unserviceable kind " (P. Gardner, 
New Chapters in Greek history^ p. 343). In a similar spirit of econo- 
mical piety the Chinese bum paper houses, paper furniture, paper ingots 
of gold and silver for the use of their departed kinsfolk in the other 
world (E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture^ i. p. 493 ; cp. Sir J. Lubbock, 
Prehistoric Times^ p. 158). 

Amongst the objects made on purpose to be placed in the graves 
the most remarkable are seven golden masks, which were found in the 

io8 MYCENAE— THE SHAFT GRA VES bk. ir. corint 

third, fourth, and fifth graves, covering the faces of five men and t\ 
children. The faces modelled in these masks are clearly portrait 
Indeed the children's masks, being made of thin gold leaf, must ha 
been moulded with the hand on the faces of the dead. The mei 
masks, being made of thicker plates of gold, cannot have been 
moulded. In one of the children's masks holes are cut out for tl 
eyes ; but in the men's masks there are no such holes. The hands ai 
feet of the children were also wrapt in gold leaf, which still retains t 
shape of the fingers and toes. The custom of covering the faces of t 
dead with masks appears to have prevailed widely in the world and 
still practised in some places. Thus golden masks are regularly plao 
on the faces of dead kings of Siam and Cambodia (Pallegoix, Royaw 
That ou SicuHy i. p. 247 ; J. Moura, Royaume du Cambodge^ i. 
349) ; and among the Shans of Indo-China the face of a dead chief 
invariably covered with a mask of gold or silver (A. S. Colquhoi: 
Amongst the Shans ^ p. 279). In ancient Mexico masks made of gc 
or turquoise mosaic or painted were placed on the faces of dead kin 
(Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States^ 2. p. 606 ; cp. Clavigei 
History of Mexico^ i. p. 324, Cullen's translation). The Aleuti; 
islanders put large wooden masks on the faces of their dead with t 
intention of thereby protecting the deceased against the glances 
spirits on his way to the spirit-land (W. H. Dall, Alaska and 
resources^ p. 389 ; iVil, * On masks, labrets,' etc., in Third Anntt 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1884), p. 139). 
ancient Egypt every mummy had its artificial face ; and masks ma 
of gold, silver, bronze, and terra-cotta found in Mesopotamia, Phoenic 
the Crimea, Italy, the valley of the Danube, Gaul, and Britain, appc 
to testify to the extent to which a similar custom prevailed both 
Western Asia and Europe. See O. Benndorf, Antike Gesichtsheh 
und Sepulcralmasken (Wien, 1878); R. Andree, Ethnographisi 
Parallelen und Vergleiche, Neue Folge (Leipzig, 1889), pp. 120-134. 
Two pairs of golden balances, found in the third of the royal gra> 
at Mycenae, are of interest as showing that the Mycenaeans wc 
familiar with the use of the balance. They are made of such thin g( 
that they could not have been used for weighing anything, and < 
therefore part of the sham outfit made on purpose to be laid with t 
dead. To the same class should probably be referred several gold 
breastplates, some plain, some decorated, which were found on t 
breasts of some of the men in graves iv and v. In the fourth gra 
a golden mask representing the head of a lion was discovered. I 
Schliemann believed that it had covered the face of one of the de 
men. If this could be proved, it would go to support Mr. A. 
Cook's theory that the lion was worshipped by the men of t 
Mycenaean age, who assimilated themselves to their god by weari 
artificial lion-skins at certain solemn ceremonies (A. B. Cook, * Anir 
worship in the Mycenaean age,' fournal of Hellenic Studies, 
(1894), pp. 103-120). But Dr. Schuchhardt denies that this lion-m« 
could have covered the face of a man. He holds that it was faster 
as the central device to a shield, for all round the head is a horizor 


rim, the edge of which is perforated and coated with a deposit of green 
oxide, as if it had been set in bronze. 

A large silver head of an ox, admirably modelled and true to life, 
was found in grave iv. The horns are of thin gold plate, and there are 
traces of gilding on the ears, eyes, muzzle, and mouth. On the fore- 
head is fastened a large gold rosette. The head is hollow. In the 
same grave were found fifty-six small heads of oxen, cut out of gold 
plate, each with a double-headed axe between the horns. Perhaps 
they, as well as the large silver head, represent victims which had 
been offered in sacrifice to the dead. In this connexion the golden 
horns of the large head remind us of the Homeric custom of gilding the 
horns of an ox before sacrificing it (Od, iii. 425 sq,^ 437 sq,) 

The quantity of men's and women's jewellery found in the graves was 
immense. It includes diadems, pendants, armlets, shoulder-belts, 
sword-belts, crosses, rings, pins, buttons, beads, figurines, etc. Almost 
all these articles are of gold except the beads, which are mostly of stone 
or amber. Seven golden diadems were found, namely three in grave 
I, two in grave ill, and two in grave iv. Each diadem consists of an 
oval-shape plate of gold, about 20 inches long, adorned with bosses 
or rosettes in repouss^ work. On four of the diadems the pattern 
consists of a single row of bosses surrounded by concentric circles 
and diminishing in size on either side of the largest central boss. 
Another diadem is decorated with a triple row of circles filled alternately 
with a rosette and with seven small bosses. Another exhibits a single 
row of rosettes ; and the last is adorned with many small protuberant 
knobs or bosses. The diadems seem to have been worn by women 
only. In graves I and ill a considerable number of golden pendants 
were found. They are formed of gold plates in the shape of a half 
oval, and are adorned with bosses and rosettes in repouss^ work like 
the diadems. Holes in some of them show that they were hung with 
the broad end up and the point down. From the representation of 
somewhat similar pendants on a very archaic female statuette foimd at 
Tiryns it is inferred that these pendants were attached to a band which 
crossed from shoulder to shoulder, so that the pendants hung down on 
the wearer's breast. They appear to have been worn by women only. 
Thirteen of them were found in grave in. Further, a number (nine at 
least) of golden armlets were found in graves 11, iv, and v ; two of 
them being discovered actually on the arm-bone of the skeleton. Some 
of them are shaped like the diadems, consisting of a plate of gold 
tapering down at the two ends, and adorned, like the diadems, with 
repouss^ work. Dr. Schliemann, indeed, mistook them for diadems ; 
and he fell into the same error with regard to the pendants, each of 
which he supposed was half of a diadem. Both mistakes were corrected 
by Dr. Schuchhardt. The armlets are much narrower than the diadems, 
and seem, unlike the diadems, to have been worn by men only. A 
large golden bracelet was found in grave iv. It may have been worn 
by a woman. Other feminine jewellery consists of twenty golden crosses, 
irfjich were found in graves i and in. Fourteen of them (found in 
grave i) are fashioned in the shape of laurel-leaves meeting at right 

no MYCENAE— THE SHAFT GRAVES bk. ii. corinth 

angles and decorated with bosses. The other six cross^ (found in 
grave ill) consist of four narrow lancet-shaped leaves laid on another 
cross of broad leaves, so that the narrow leaves alternate with the 
broad. In one of these crosses the broad leaves seem to be laurel- 
leaves, in the others they are probably fig-leaves. 

No less than 701 golden discs, each about 2\ inches in diameter, 
were found by Dr. Schliemann in the third grave, some of them above and 
some of them below the skeletons. They were probably fastened on 
the garments in which the dead were buried, though not one of them 
is perforated or shows any trace of a fastening. They are beautifully 
decorated with exquisitely wrought patterns, consisting either of a 
natural object (cuttle-fish, butterfly, palm-leaf, etc.) conventionally treated, 
or of circles, wave-lines, and spirals variously combined. All are 
believed to have been struck with the hammer. 

A number of small golden figures found in the third grave were 
probably also, like the golden discs, fastened as ornaments to the 
dresses of women. A few of them represent a naked woman standing 
with her hands crossed over her breast ; on her head is perched a dove, 
and on one at least of the figurines two more doves are represented 
flying away from each of her arms. These figures are supposed to 
represent the Oriental Aphrodite or Astarte, to whom doves were 
sacred (Lucian, De dea Syria, 54 ; W. Robertson Smith, The Religion 
of the Semites,^ p. 294; cp. note on i. 22. 3 * Vulgar Aphrodite '). 
Two of these little golden figures exhibit a woman seated, with her arms 
folded on her breast ; she wears a skirt which is adorned with stripes 
and points. Others represent pairs of animals feeing each other in 
heraldic style, for example two stags crouching head to head, two cat- 
like creatures supported on a palm-tree, two swans, and two eagles. 
Others again represent single animals, as foxes, jackals, sphinxes, and 
(a solitary instance) a flying g^ffin. Further, there are miniature 
representations in gold of temples viewed in front, with three doors and 
a high fantastically shaped pinnacle in the middle. On two lower 
pinnacles at the sides are perched two doves, from which it is inferred 
that the temples are those of Aphrodite or Astarte. Here may be 
mentioned the golden buttons of which great numbers were found in 
the graves ; Dr. Schliemann coimted as many as 340 of them in the 
fifth grave alone. They are decorated with circles, spirals, etc., 
arranged in various patterns, and seem to have adorned the sheaths 
of swords. 

The vessels found in the graves include many large copper caldrons 
and jugs, gold and silver cups, painted terra-cotta vases, two large vases 
of alabaster (one of them with three handles), and a tall alabaster cup 
with perpendicular sides. Thirty-four large copper jugs and caldrons 
were found in the fourth grave, and others were found in the third 
grave. Perhaps these copper caldrons may have circulated as a 
medium of exchange instead of money, which was certainly not coined 
in the Mycenaean age. Caldrons or kettles perhaps served a 
similar purpose in the Homeric age (cp. Homer, //. ix. 123, xxiii. 
259, xxiv. 233), and in the great inscription of Gortyna certain sums 


are reckoned by kettles, which, though the reference may be to coins 
stamped with a kettle, at least makes it probable that kettles once 
circulated in place of money at Gortyna (W. Ridgeway, Origin of 
Metallic Currency and Weight Standards ^ p. 3 1 4 j^.) Nine gold cups 
were found in the fourth grave alone, which was indeed the richest in 
treasure. Most of the gold and silver cups have a single handle 
riveted on, and have either no stand or one of moderate height Others 
have two handles. One such golden goblet, resting on a high stand, 
is adorned with a golden dove on each handle, reminding us of Nestor's 
cup in Homer (//. xi. 632 j^.) Some of the gold and silver cups are 
plain, while others are decorated in various ways. Among the latter 
may be noticed especially a golden cup adorned with two rows of fish 
charmingly modelled in relief. Still more valuable' is a fragment of a 
silver vase found in the fourth tomb. Being encrusted with oxide it 
was neglected by Dr. Schliemann ; but when, a few years ago, the oxide 
was removed by Mr. Koumanoudes, there appeared wrought in relief 
on the silver a scene of remarkable interest. It represents a city in a 
state of siege. On the slope of a steep hill, which is planted with olive- 
trees, rise die lofty walls of the beleaguered city, built of quadrangular 
blocks laid in horizontal courses. Above the walls are seen, piled one 
above the other, a number of square buildings, each provided with 
windows, but without any lines to indicate courses of stones. Probably 
they represent houses built of unbumt brick or wood. On the walls 
women are stretching out their hands and gesticulating wildly, as in the 
act of praying or encouraging the men, who have sallied from the gate 
and are meeting the foe on the hill-side. Some of the men, quite 
naked, are standing and whirling their slings above their heads ; 
others, also naked, are kneeling and shooting with bows and arrows. 
In the foreground, lower down the hill than the archers and slingers, 
is a man wearing a conical cap or helmet, and clad in a sort of jerkin ; 
he seems to be holding a sling in his hand. Behind the slingers and 
archers, higher up the hill, stand two other men carrying angular 
shields, which are slung by straps round their necks, and descend to 
their knees. They are not fighting, but in their right hands they 
hold something, perhaps spears. None of the assailants is visible, the 
scene being a mere fragment. Hesiod has described a siege in words 
which might almost pass for a description of this scene (Shield of 
Hercules^ 237 sqq.) The precious fragment which thus in a small 
compass brings before us so vividly one aspect of life in the Mycenaean 
age was first published by Mr. Tsountas, in 'E^/xcpU o.p\o.i.o\oyi.K'r\^ 
1 89 1, pi. ii. 2, with comments, p. 11 sqq, Cp. /V/., Mvic^vat, p. 92 
^q. ; P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek history^ p. 66 sq, ; Perrot et 
Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans VAntiquitiy 6. p. 773 sqq. Some silver 
vases (two of them broken) were found in the graves, also a golden 
box with a lid, and a small golden jug. Twelve rectangular gold plates, 
decorated with lions pursuing stags, palm-trees, spirals, etc., were found 
'n the fifth grave. They formerly cased the sides of two hexagonal 
wooden caskets, of which the bottoms have been preserved. 

The painted terra-cotta vases found in the graves fisdl into two 


classes in respect of their shape and decoration. In the one class 
large-bellied vesseb prevail ; in the other more or less slender jugs and 
ewers. In the former class the decoration is effected by dull, lustreless 
colours (dark red, brown, violet, and occasionally white) laid on so as 
to form geometrical patterns (siiatght, curved, and twisted lines, parallel 
bands, circles with crosses in them, and especially spirals). In the 
latter class the decoration is effected by a lustrous glaze, of brown, red, 
or occasionally white colour, and the designs are mostly copied from 
the organic world, especially marine objects, such as sea-weed, shells, 
polyps, cuttle-fish, star-fish, and sea-nettles. The distinction between 
these two classes of painted ware (the dull ware and the lustrous ware, 
as they may be called for shortness) is not confined to the vases found 
in the royal tombs at Mycenae, but prevails over the wide area covered 
by the ancient civilisation to which the name of Mycenaean is now 
given as a general designation. The duII-painted pottery is of earlier 
origin and rarer occurrence than the lustrous pottery. At Mycenae it 
is found only in the circle of the royal graves and, outside of that circle, 
in the lowest strata of the excavations. Specimens of it have also come 
to light at Tiryns, Thera, Amorgos, Melos, Daulis, Orchomenus, Aegina, 
and on the Acropolis at Athens. On the other hand, no examples of 
it have been found in the graves of the Mycenaean period at Nauplia, 
at Spa/a and Menidi in Attica, and at lalysus in Rhodes. The lustrous 
Mycenaean pottery is much more widely difTused. It has been found 
in prodigious quantities in Argolis (Mycenae and Nauplia), Attica 
{Menidi, Spata, and the Acropolis of Athens), and the islands of the 
Aegean (particularly Rhodes, Calymnos, and Carpathos) ; and specimens 
of it have been met with in Egypt, Phoenicia, Cyprus, the west coast of 
Asia Minor, the Ionian islands, 
eastern Italy, and Sicily. The 
vases of this lustrous Mycenaean 
ware are, as has been indicated, 
more elegant in shape than those 
of the dull-painted ware. Wide- 
bellied vessels are found among 
them also, but as a nile the 
forms are more elongated and 
taper from the upper part down- 
wards. One particular form of 
jar is especially characteristic of 
the lustrous Mycenaean ware, 
being found in no other known 
style of pottery. Its peculiarity 
is that the neck of the jar is 
closed, and that the liquid was 
poured through a short spout in 
the upper part of the vessel. 
Two short handles rise, one on 
each side of the closed neck, to which they are joined ; so that together 
they present the likeness of a pair of stirrups, which has earned 

■ (BSstOuaau). 


for this kind of jar its German name of Bugelkanne or stirrup-jar 
(French amphore ^ itrier), English archaeologists have proposed to 
call it the false-necked jar. Some jars of this class have two such 
closed necks instead of one. With regard to the decoration of the 
lustrous Mycenaean ware, geometrical patterns, including spirals, often 
occur on it ; but the characteristic decoration, as already indicated, is 
the imitation of the lower forms of marine life, both vegetable and 
animal. Birds also appear on it, but quadrupeds and men occur only 
on the latest samples of it. On a sherd of a vase of this sort found at 
Mycenae we see oxen browsing ; and on another potsherd, also found 
at Mycenae, a dog is depicted chasing a hare. Among the few speci- 
mens on which human figures are portrayed the most notable is one 
found at Mycenae in the ruins of a house to the south of the circle of 
graves. On this fragment a row of warriors is depicted marching in 
single file ; they are all armed with spear, helmet, coat of mail, shield, 
and greaves or leggings ; each wears a pointed beard, but no moustache ; 
and at one end of the row of warriors a woman, clad in a long gown, 
stands with uplifted arm watching them depart. The questions, where 
did this lustrous Mycenaean pottery originate? and where was it 
manufactured? have been variously answered. It appears to be a 
purely Greek product, betraying no traces of Oriental influence ; the 
griifin, sphinx, and lion, which appear on other objects of Mycenaean 
art, never figure on the lustrous pottery. And it is of very ancient 
origin, for specimens of it have been found at Thera under the volcanic 
matter which was thrown out in the great eruption of about 2000 
B.C. Professors Furtwangler and Loschcke, the authors of the chief 
work on Mycenaean pottery {Mykenische Vasen^ Berlin, 1886), are of 
opinion that all the lustrous Mycenaean ware was manufactured at 
Mycenae and exported thence by way of trade to all the places where 
it has been found. Their chief grounds for thinking so are that more 
of this ware has been found at Mycenae than anywhere else, and that 
on the pots and potsherds found there we can trace, as we can nowhere 
else, the historical development of the art through all its successive 
stages. On the other hand Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez consider that 
a style of pottery of which the characteristic decoration consists in the 
representation of marine plants and animals is more likely to have 
originated in the islands of the Aegean than at Mycenae, which is 
distant some miles from the sea ; and they think it probable that, after 
its invention, it was manufactured at more places than one. Before 
wc quit the subject of Mycenaean pottery it should be observed that 
the two kinds of painted ware which we have been considering (the 
dull kind and the lustrous kind) resemble each other in being both 
noade on the potter's wheel, and are both to be distinguished from the 
ruder and more archaic monochrome pottery in which the decoration, 
where it exists, is effected, not by painting, but by incised lines traced 
with a sharp point on the wet clay. This earlier pottery is found at 
Mycenae along with the two finer sorts of painted ware. It doubtless 
continued to be manufactured for domestic use contemporaneously with 
them. It is of coarser clay, and the pots, though mostly made on the 

VOL. Ill I 


wheel, have thicker sides than the painted vases. That the two kinds 
of painted ware (the dull and the lustrous) continued in use together 
for some time is proved by their being found together in the royal 
graves at Mycenae ; but that the dull ware was finally supplanted by 
the other is shown by the total absence of duU-painted vases in the 
graves of the Mycenaean period at Nauplia, Spata^ Menidi^ and 

The weapons found in the royal graves at Mycenae include swords, 
daggers, spear-heads, and arrow-heads. The swords, daggers, and 
spear-heads are all of bronze. No iron, in fact, was found in the 
graves. The arrow-heads are all of hard obsidian ; thirty-five of them 
were foimd in the fourth grave. More than 150 swords were discovered 
in the graves ; they have all straight two-edged blades, and measure 
from 2^ to 3 feet in length. Some of the blades are adorned along 
their whole length with figures of running animals worked in flat relief ; 
for example, one exhibits a row of grifRns, all exactly alike, along each 
of its edges ; another has similarly two rows of galloping horses. 
Further, some of the dagger-blades are decorated with wonderfully fine 
inlaid work, which is one of the greatest triumphs of Mycenaean art. 
On one of these blades is wrought a lion-hunt. Four men are seen 
attacking a lion which is about to rend a man who is lying on the 
ground. Three of the men are armed with spears ; the fourth is 
shooting an arrow from a bow. Behind the fighting lion two other 
lions have turned tail and are running away. The effect of the highly 
artistic picture is heightened by the use of colours, for the whole is 
formed by various metals (gold, silver, etc.) inlaid on a thin plate of 
bronze which is let into the blade. On another dagger-blade we see 
cats chasing wild ducks in a marsh. The cats are leaping among the 
ducks and seizing them with mouth and paw. Between and imder the 
animals is wrought a winding river, with fish swinuning and plants 
growing in it. The plants are thought to be Egyptian, either papyrus 
or lotus. The cats, plants and the bodies of the ducks are of gold ; 
the wings of the ducks and the river are of silver or very pale gold. 
The scene is represented in much the same way on both sides of the 
blade. It is to be noted that the same subject is depicted in Egyptian 
wall-paintings from Thebes, which are now in the British Museum ; the 
river, the fish, the lotus, the cat, the ducks, all reappear in the paintings 
(P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek history^ p. 66). Knives, some of 
bronze and some of obsidian, were also found in the graves. 

Two gold signet-rings ^-ith finely carved intaglios were found in the 
fourth grave. The bezels or faces as well as the hoops of these rings 
are of gold and are of great size. On one of them the intaglio 
represents two men in a chariot hunting a stag. Two horses, galloping 
at speed, draw the chariot, which consists of a small body set on a pair 
of four-spoked wheels, thus resembling the chariots carved on the tomb- 
stones which stood over the graves. One of the men is bending forward 
and shooting an arrow at the stag, which is represented above the 
horses of the chariot. The intaglio on the second ring shows a scene 
of combat. Four warriors are represented. In the centre a victorious 


warrior strides forward and seizes his adversary with his left hand, 
while in his right hand he has raised his sword to strike. His foe has 
sunk on his knees, but is stabbing with his sword at the other's throat. 
Behind the kneeling man another soldier, wearing a helmet from which 
floats a plume, and protected by a huge semi-cylindrical shield, is 
hastening to the rescue, pointing a long spear at the victor's head. 
Behind the victor, another man is seated on the ground, supporting 
himself with his right hand ; he is probably wounded. On both these 
intaglios the men, so far as can be made out, wear no garment but a 
tight pair of drawers. Three other fine intaglios were found in the 
third grave. They are cut on three small four-sided prisms of gold, 
which are perforated for the purpose either of being strung on a necklace 
or being ^tened on a ring. One of these intaglios represents a man 
fighting a lion. The lion is clawing one of his legs, but the man has 
seized the beast by the mane and is thrusting his sword into its face. 
The second intaglio represents a combat between two men. One of 
them is pressing forward and driving his sword into the throat of his 
foe, who is sinking to the ground behind the great shield which he 
carries. The vanquished man wears a helmet with a flowing plume ; 
the victor is naked or clad only in a pair of drawers. The third intaglio 
represents a lion running. 

Besides these gold intaglios three engraved gems were found in the 
circle of graves. That so few engraved gems should have been found 
among the treasures of the royal graves is at flrst sight remarkable, 
since engraved gems of a special sort are characteristic of Mycenaean 
art, at least in its later development, having been found in considerable 
numbers at various places where the Mycenaean type of civilisation 
prevailed. The gems in question used to be known as Island gems, 
because they were first found in the islands of the Aegean. But the 
name is no longer appropriate, for many of them have been found in 
continental Greece, notably in the beehive tombs of Vaphio (in Laconia) 
and Memdi (in Attica). It seems better, therefore, with Messrs. 
Perrot and Chipiez, to call them Mycenaean gems, since they are a 
special product of that phase of art to which the name Mycenaean is 
now applied. The Mycenaean or Island gems are generally shaped 
like a lentil or round bean, and gems so shaped are accordingly called 
lenticular or lentoid. Less commonly they are of oblong shape, like a 
bluntly pointed oval, and gems so shaped are called glandular, because 
they resemble a sling-bullet {glans). As to material, they are most 
conmionly agate or one of its varieties, such as onyx, sardonyx, and 
camelian. Jasper, red, green, and yellow, is also frequently employed, 
and porphyry sometimes occurs. Rock crystal seems to have been 
reserved by the gem-cutter for his best work. With a few exceptions, 
the stones are pierced with a hole drilled longitudinally through them, 
in order probably to be set in swivel-rings or strung on a thread and 
worn round the neck. The devices engraved on them are very various, 
bat almost all of them represent living beings, most commonly animals, 
snch as lions, goats, deer, bulls, eagles, and dogs, sometimes arranged 
heraldically, two similar animals being set face to face or back to back. 

Ii6 MYCENAE— THE SHAFT GRAVES bk. ii. corinti 

Men and women also appear very commonly on them in a great variety 
of postures, sometimes dancing, sometimes hunting, sometimes grasping 
an animal by the throat or horns, etc On some gems of this class 
there appear certain curious figures, which seem to be compounded 
of animals of different species. Sometimes the figure has the head of 
an ass and the legs of a lion ; at other times he has the head of a horse 
and the legs of a bird ; once at least the head of a bull and the legs of 
a man, etc. Sometimes he is represented carrying either a single slain 
animal on his shoulders or two such animals attached to the ends of a 
pole. In these curious figures Prof. Milchhofer found evidence of the 
prevalence of the worship of the horse among the primitive Greeks. 
But Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out that the horse is by no means the 
only animal which figures on these gems, and he has made it probable 
that in most or all of these figures the upper part is intended to 
represent, not a part of a real animal, but a cloak or mask made to 
simulate an animal ; and he believes that these figures portray the 
worshippers of certain animals (lions, horses, asses, bulls, etc.), disguised 
so as to imitate the particular animal which they worshipped (Journal 
of Hellenic Studies^ 14 (1894), pp. 81-169). 

We have seen that in the royal graves on the acropolis of Mycenae 
intaglios in gold are more numerous than intaglios in stone. But in 
the graves of the lower city at Mycenae and in graves of the Mycenaean 
period elsewhere the proportions are reversed : intaglios in gold are 
rare, and intaglios in stone (engraved gems) are conmion. For 
example, in the beehive tombs of Vaphio and Menidi the proportion of 
engraved gems to gold intaglios is about forty to three. Hence, as the 
royal graves on the acropolis of Mycenae probably belong to the earlier 
part of the Mycenaean period, it is supposed that among the Greeks 
of that epoch the art of cutting intaglios in gold preceded that of gem- 
engraving, which, however, in time became the more popular art and 
threw its older rival into the shade. 

Among the miscellaneous objects found in the royal graves at 
Mycenae the following may be mentioned. A figure of a stag cast 
in an alloy of lead and silver ; a short funnel on its back seems to 
show that the figure served as a vessel for holding liquid ; the work- 
manship is coarse and clumsy. Two alabaster ornaments representing 
a scarf tied in a knot ; from the smoothness of the back and the 
perforations in the middle it is inferred that these alabaster scarfs were 
affixed to some larger object ; in Egyptian wall-paintings and sculptures 
similar objects are represented in the hands of kings or high-priests. 
A small helmeted head of a warrior in so-called Egyptian porcelain 
(a fine white paste with a sand-like grain). A natural ostrich-egg, 
adorned with clay figures of fish glued to the shell ; it was found in the 
fifth grave. Great numbers of perforated amber beads of various 
sizes, found in graves in, iv, v ; they seem to have been worn by both 
men and women ; chemical analysis proves that the amber is Baltic 
amber. Objects made of ivory, including two pieces carved in the 
shape of rams* horns, four crescent-shaped pieces, a handle with circles 
and spirals engraved on it, a piece cut in the shape of a beehive, etc. 


A hemispherical ball of rock crystal, perforated and hollow ; in the 
inside are traces of a pattern of pointed arches executed in bright red 
and white ; it was found in the third grave, and is supposed to have 
been the head of a hair-pin. Lastly may be mentioned two rude terra- 
cotta idols, found in the first grave ; similar idols have been found in 
greater numbers in the lower city of Mycenae (see below). Among 
the miscellaneous objects just enumerated the ostrich-egg, the articles 
of ivory, and the amber beads are of special interest, because they 
show that Mycenae was in commercial relations, more or less direct, 
with Africa on the south and the Baltic on the north. 

With regard to the chronological relations of these royal graves to 
each other, it has been already observed that they are not all con- 
temporary. In this respect the six graves fall into two groups ; on the 
one side graves i, 11, and vi, and on the other side graves in, iv, 
and V belong closely together. In graves ill and iv alone were found 
the miniature gold shrines of Astarte, which seem to have been all 
cast in the same mould ; and in graves in and iv alone were found 
the golden discs which served to decorate garments. And in general 
in graves in, iv, and v gold and bronze predominate, whereas in 
graves I, ll, and vi the great majority of the vessels are of earthenware. 
From this it follows that the latter graves (l, ll, vi) belong to a 
simpler and less ostentatious age than the former. This is confirmed 
by a more minute comparison of the contents of the graves in the two 
groups. If we compare the women's grave i with the women's grave 
III, and the men's graves il and vi with the men's graves iv and v, 
we observe in each case that the furniture of the former group (i, n, vi) 
is much the simpler. The gold ornaments (diadems, pendants, crosses) 
of grave I have far simpler patterns than the corresponding ornaments 
in grave in ; moreover, earrings, armlets, and amber beads are not 
found at all in the former. Similarly graves il and vi are the only 
men's graves which are without masks, golden breastplates, and golden 
sword-belts. Thus we conclude that graves i, n, and vi are of a 
different date from graves in, iv, and v. 

The question still remains, which of the two groups is the earlier ? 
the simpler or the more splendid ? The question seems answered by 
the fact that in graves iv and v the pottery found is almost exclusively 
of the dull-painted sort, whereas graves i and n, though they also 
contain dull-painted ware, are conspicuous for the lustrous-painted vases 
which were found in them. Now we have already seen that dull-painted 
pottery is earlier than lustrous-painted pottery; from which we infer 
that graves in, iv, and v are older than graves l, 11, and vi. This is 
the conclusion come to by Dr. Schuchhardt, whose arguments I have 
borrowed. It is confirmed by the high authority of Mr. Tsountas, who 
also considers graves in, iv, and v to be older than graves i, n, and 
VL Mr. Tsountas holds that the oldest of all the graves is iv, which 
was also the richest in treasure ; and of the later group of graves 
he thinks that grave n is the earliest. However, the connexion of all 
the graves with each other is, in spite of minor differences, so close that 
they must all belong to the same period of civilisation. Dr. Schuchhardt 

ii8 MYCENAE— THE SHAFT GRAVES bk. ii. corinth 

believes that the interval between the earliest and the latest grave need 
not be more than a century, and may not be more than half that time. 

As to the royal graves on the acropolis and their contents see Schliemanny 
Mycenae; Schuchhardt, Schlienianns Ausgrabungen^ pp. 183-318; Tsountas, 
Mvjc^yai, pp. 96-122 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire ae CArt dans f AntiquUiy 6. pp. 
315-340 etc. ; Milchhofer, 'Die Ausgrabungen in Mykene,' Mittheil. d. arch, 
Inst, in Athen, i (1876), pp. 308-327; Baumeister's Denkmaler, p. 986 sag. ; 
C. T. Newton, Essays an Art and Archaeology^ pp. 246-302 ; P. Gardner, New 
Chapters in Greek history ^ p. 62 sqq. ; Ch. Belger, Die mykenische Lokalsage 
(Berlin, 1893), PP- 24-34. As to the tombstones see W. Rdchel, ' Die myken- 
ischen Gral»telen,' Eranos Vindobtmensis (Wien, 1893), pp. 24-33. ^ ^^ 
Mycenaean pottery, see A. Furtwangler und G. Loschcke, Mykenische Thonge- 
fosse (Berlin, 1879); ^m Mykenische Vasen (Berlin, 1886), especially pp. iii-xv 
Dumont et Chaplain, Les ciramiques de la Grice propre^ vol. i (Paris, 1888) 
Rayet et Collignon, Histoire de la Ciramique Grecque (Paris, 1888), pp. 3-18 
Tsountas, Mv/c^yai, pp. 190-193 ; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit.^ 6. p. 893 sqq. As 
to the Mycenaean pottery found on the Acropolis of Athens see Ch. Belger, in 
Berliner philolog. JVochenschrift, 15 (1895), P* 59 ^9* ^ ^^ ^^^ inlaid daggers 
see U. Kohler, * Mykenische Schwerter,' Mittheil, d. arch, Inst, in Athen, 7 
(1882), pp. 241-250; G. Perrot, 'Note sur quelques poignards de M3rc^nes,' 
Bulletin de Corr, HelUnique^ 10 (1886), pp. 341-356; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit,, 
6. p. 779 sqq. As to the Mycenaean or Island gems see A. Milchhofer, Die Anfangt 
der griech. Kwtst (Leipzig, 1883) ; J. H. Middleton, The engraved gems of 
classiccU times (Cambridge, 1891), pp. 18-21 ; Tsountas, Mv/c^veu, p. 73 sa, ; 
Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit.^ 6. p. 834 sqq. ; G. Busolt, Griech. Geschichte^ I. 
pp. 103-106 ; Collignon, Hist, de la Sculpture Grecque^ i. pp. 55-59. 

Besides these graves the excavations of Dr. Schliemann on the 
acropolis laid bare a labyrinth of walls immediately to the south of the 
circle of tombs. These walls, which are built of roughly hewn stones 
bonded with clay, belonged probably to dwelling-houses. In a small 
compartment of these walls, measuring only 2 feet long by 8 inches 
broad, a hoard of treasure was discovered. Included in it were four 
fine golden goblets, each with two handles and a high stem ; two 
engraved signet-rings of gold ; five plain gold rings and one silver 
ring ; and eleven spiral rings of golden wire, which in some of the 
rings is round, in others quadrangular. All these objects are of solid 
metal, and were evidently destined for the use of the living ; they are 
not made of flimsy gold-leaf, like much of the jewellery found in the 
graves. One of the two signet-rings has engraved on its bezel or face 
a scene which has been variously interpreted. A woman is represented 
sitting under a tree, perhaps a pine-tree or an olive ; in her raised right 
hand she holds flowers. In front of her stand one small and two large 
female figures ; behind her another small female figure is plucking 
something from the tree. Each of the small female figures stands on 
a heap of stones. All the five women seem to be naked to the waist, 
but each of them wears a flounced skirt which reaches to the ankles. 
The three who stand in front of the seated woman appear to be offering 
her flowers. In the upper part of the field, above the women who are 
offering flowers, is a double-headed axe, and an idol armed with a large 
shield and brandishing a spear. In the highest part of the field are 
the sun and the crescent moon, with some wavy lines beneath them to 
indicate the sea or clouds. On the left side of the scene, at the back 


of the flower-bearing women, is a row of animals' heads, which some 
take to be heads of lions. As to the meaning of the scene the woman 
is probably a goddess to whom her worshippers are bringing flowers. 
She has been variously interpreted as Astarte, Rhea, Aphrodite, and 
the Earth-goddess. Some indeed have denied that the woman repre- 
sents a goddess at all ; but the analogy of Babylonian cylinders, on 
which similar figures are represented engaged in sacrifice under the sun 
and moon (see Perrot et Chipiez, Hist de PArt dans VAntiquitd^ 2. 
figures 20, 230, 314), is in favour of the view that we have here a 
scene of religious worship. The idol with the shield in the upper part 
of the field closely resembles a figure painted on a tablet which was 
also found on the acropoHs of Mycenae (see below, p. 121). In both 
cases the shield is in the shape of two circles joined together. Mr. 
Tsountas holds that this idol represents aegis-bearing Zeus wielding 
the thunderbolt. Prof. Milchh6fer, who interprets the seated woman as 
Rhea, considers that the shielded figure represents one of the Curetes 
or Corybantes. 

Other objects found in the dwelling-houses immediately to the south 
of the circle of graves were small terra-cotta figures of women, like 
those found in the first grave, also figures of animals (apparently cows), 
and painted vases. The painted vases show signs of being later in 
date than those found in the graves ; seaweed and polyps appear rarely 
on them, and geometrical patterns are the commonest. The most im- 
portant of these vases is the one, already mentioned (p. 113), on which 
is depicted a row of warriors. It is in the shape of a large amphora or 
jar. Amongst the objects found in the same place were further some 
engraved stones with figures of animals, a block of porphyry adorned 
with rosettes carved in relief, and a brooch or safety-pin, the only one 
which has been found on the acropolis. Brooches of the same type have 
been discovered in the lower city of Mycenae (see below, p. 131 sq,) 

See Schliemann, Alycenae^ p. 351 5qq,\ Milchhofer, Die Anfdnge der Kunst 

Griechenland^ p. 135 sqq, ; Schuchhardt, Schlietnanns Ausgrabungen? p. 318 

iqq. ; Tsountas, Mvjc^i^cu, p. 159 sqq. ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans 

tkntiqtM^ 6. pp. 340 sq,^ S40 sqq. The goddess under the tree on the gold 
intaglio is interpreted as Astarte by Busolt [firiech, Gesckichte^ p. 94 sqJ) 

IV. The palace and houses on the acropolis. In 1886 the Greek 
Archaeological Society conducted excavations on the citadel of Mycenae 
with important results. On the highest part of the citadel they laid 
bare the foundations of an ancient temple. The temple lay roughly 
north and south (more nearly N.N.W. and S.S.E.) and measured 43 
metres (141 feet) in length by 20 metres (65 ft. 7 in.) in breadth. 
The architectural members discovered include three blocks of the 
cornice, one capital of a column, and one triglyph-block, all of * poros ' 
stone. From the style of these fragments Dr. Dorpfeld concludes 
that the temple must have been built in the sixth or the beginning of 
the fifth century B.C. Many early Greek roof-tiles are still lying near 
the temple. But Roman roof-tiles have also been found, showing that 
the temple was rebuilt or repaired in Roman times. 

120 MYCENAE — THE PALACE bk. ii. corinth 

The temple rests, at its northern end, on the rock ; at the south 
end it reposes on an artificial foundation of rubbish about lo feet deep. 
In this foundation were discovered walls belonging to two different 
periods. Those at the south-west comer of the temple are thin and are 
constructed of small stones bonded with clay. The other walls are built 
of larger stones, and as they enclose a floor of concrete, which extends 
under the former walls, they must be the older of the two sets of walls. 
The excavations proved that these older walls were the remains of a palace 
which in plan, materials, and method of construction closely resembles 
the palace discovered by Dr. Schliemann on the acropolis of Tiryns (see 
below, p. 221 sqq.) In the Mycenaean palace a large court (37 ft. 9 in. 
broad) is approached from the south-west by a flight of stairs which led 
up to it from a lower level. On the eastern side of the court runs a 
portico or colonnade, which opens into a fore-hall or ante-chamber, which 
in turn opens into the great hall (megaron) for the men. This hall, the 
largest room in the palace, measures 37 feet 9 inches by 42 feet 5 inches. 
Its roof was supported by four pillars ; the bases of three of these pillars 
were discovered. In the centre of the hall, between the four pillars, was 
the great circular hearth, of which about a third is preserved. It is com- 
posed of clay laid over the floor of the apartment. The outer circle of 
the hearth was covered with stucco and adorned with paintings ; no less 
than five of these layers of painted stucco have been found, one above 
the other. The floor of the hall is composed of concrete, with a 
chequered pattern like that of the hall at Tiryns ; but round the walls 
there is a pavement of stone. The stone threshold of the hall is 
preserved, with the square holes for the antae or door-posts. 
As there is no round hole for a pivot, we infer that there was no door, 
but perhaps a curtain. The stone threshold between the portico and 
the fore-hall is also preserved, with the square holes for the door-posts. 
The floor of the fore-hall is, like that of the hall, composed of concrete 
with a pavement of slabs round the wall. The floor of the court is 
also of concrete. From the west side of the court, towards its northern 
end, a passage gives access to a series of apartments, which lay on the 
northern side of the court and hall. These northern apartments were 
probably set apart for the women. On the right-hand side of the 
passage which leads from the court to the women's apartments are 
three stone steps, doubtless part of a staircase which led to the upper 
floor of the palace. 

Of the northern wall of the court six courses of large squared stones 
have been preserved to a height of 7 feet 10 inches. Between the first 
and second of these courses a wooden beam is laid horizontally. The 
western wall of the court seems to have been constructed in the same 
way. This method of building walls with beams interposed horizontally 
between the layers of stone was practised at Tiryns, and indeed is 
practised to this day in Greece. Bricks seem not to have been much 
used in the palace ; however, the upper part of the walls of the hall \i*as 
apparently of brick, for some heaps of bricks were found there. The 
stones of which the walls are built are mostly small, except in the case 
of the lowest part of the walls of the hall. All or most of the walls 


seem to have been coated with concrete ; and some of them at least 
were painted. A few pieces of these paintings have been preserved ; 
some of them consist of stripes arranged in patterns ; others represent 
men and horses, but only fragments of these survive. Mortar is 
nowhere used to bond the stones together. The thresholds of the 
rooms are mostly of stone ; the door-jambs were of wood resting on 
bases of stone. The doors were of wood and turned on hinges which 
revolved in sockets sunk in the lintel and threshold. 

There is no room to doubt that the palace thus fortunately discovered 
is that of the ancient kings of Mycenae. From the traces of fire found 
in the building, it appears to have been burnt ; and as there are no 
signs that it was ever rebuilt, we infer that it was destroyed by an 
enemy who continued in permanent possession of the place and built 
upon the site of the old palace the inferior structure which was 
discovered over it. We may conjecture that the palace was the 
residence of the Achaean kings and that the conquerors who destroyed 
it were the Dorian invaders. Lastly, about the time of the Persian 
wars, the Doric temple was built over both the palace and the later 
inferior structure. Thus the temple in question is of the greatest 
importance as evidence of the high antiquity of the palace, and it 
establishes at the same time the great antiquity of the similar palace at 

The excavations at Mycenae in 1886 further laid bare a complex of 
buildings of different dates beside the so-called tower of polygonal 
masonry on the south-western front of the acropolis. Amongst these 
buildings are the remains of a small private house with court, fore-hall, 
hall {megaron\ and three underground chambers. In the middle of 
the hall is a square hearth, and in the floor of the court is a hole, 
where ashes and bones of animals were found. Probably this hole was 
a sacrificial pit like the one in the palace at Tiryns. But the most 
interesting discovery in this part of the citadel was a fragment of a 
wall-painting, representing a row of ass-headed figures bearing on their 
shoulders a long pole which they support with their right hands. They 
wear gay-coloured garments, but too little of their bodies remain to 
show whether they were human or animal. Such ass-headed monsters 
were hitherto known only as engraved on some of the Mycenaean or 
Island gems. There was also found here a tablet of limestone adorned 
with an interesting painting. In the centre stands, on a blue ground, 
a man or an idol, covered with a large shield in the shape of two circles 
joined together. On either side of the idol stands a woman, apparently 
in an attitude of prayer. Between the idol and the woman on the right 
is an altar-like object, resembling the bases under the feet of the lions 
at the Lions' Gate. The house seems to be contemporary with the 
palace, as it is built in the same style, the walls being constructed of 
small stones and coated with stucco. It is much older than the poly- 
gonal * tower ' or rather bastion beside which it is built. 

Remains of houses of a much inferior sort, but still belonging to 
the Mycenaean period, were discovered and excavated on the acropolis 
by Mr. Tsountas in 1890. They are situated to the north-east of the 

122 MYCENAE— HOUSES ON ACROPOLIS bk. ii. corinth 

Lions' Gate, between the wall of the acropolis and some ruins of houses 
of later date which are marked on Steffen*s plan of Mycenae. The 
walls of the houses discovered by Mr. Tsountas are built of small rough 
stones bonded with clay, but not with mortar. The floors are com- 
posed of a pavement of rough stones covered with a rather thin layer 
of trodden earth. The walls are standing to a height of about six feet, 
but many of them have neither doors nor windows, from which Mr. 
Tsountas infers that these houses were two-storied, and that the 
inhabitants descended by ladders or staircases into the rooms on the 
ground-floor, which can only, he thinks, have served as storerooms. 
Access to the dwelling-rooms in the first floor was probably by means 
of outside staircases or ladders. On the floor of the rooms were found, 
mingled with ashes and potsherds, the bones of animals, sometimes in 
considerable quantities. It would seem that after their meals the 
inhabitants simply dropped the bones of the animals which they had 
been eating into the room below. The bones are those of swine, goats, 
sheep, oxen, deer, and hares, the bones of swine being the most 
numerous. Bones of horses and dogs, and the shells of oysters and 
other shell-fish, are also found, but no fish-bones. In three houses the 
graves and bones of children were discovered. Four such graves were 
found in a single house. These graves are contemporary with the 
houses and belong to the Mycenaean period. Above the four graves 
in the one house was a layer of earth about six feet deep, full of 
potsherds and other objects of the Mycenaean type. From the nature 
of the objects (brooches, swords, spear-heads, etc.) found in the graves 
and the houses it appears that these dwellings were inhabited down to 
the end of the Mycenaean period. 

See Tsountas, in n/:>aicTiica tt/s *Kpxaio\, 'Eraipias for 1886, pp. 
59-79 ; ^^-j MvK^vai, pp. 35-45 ; /V/., in *E<lyrifjj€pls dpxaiokoyiKtjj 1 891, 
pp. 23-30 ; Schuchhardt, SMtemanns Ausgrabungen^ pp. 329-338 ; 
Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dans VAntiquiti^ 6. pp. 341-354. 
Cp. also W. Dorpfeld, in MittheiL d. arch. Inst, in Atketiy 1 1 (1886), p. 
390 sq. ; ib.^ 14 (1889), p. ii^ sq.\ and his letter in American Journal 
of Arckcteology, 5 (1889), p. 333 sq. The chief paintings found both 
in the palace and in the buildings at the south-west side of the 
acropolis are published and described by Mr. Tsountas in 'E<lyqfuph 
dp\aio\oyiKrif 1 887, p. 160 sqq.y with plates 10, II, 12; see also 
Perrot et Chipiez, op. cii., 6. pp. 554 J^., 884 sqq. For the ass-headed 
figures on the so-called Island gems, see Milchhofer, Die Anfange der 
Kunst in Griechenland^ pp. 55, 68 ; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit.^ 6. 
figures 428 and 431 ; cp. A. B. Cook, in Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 
14 (1894), p. 81 sqq. On the subject of the palace etc., see also 
Berliner philolog. Wochenschrift^ 8 (1888), p. 282 sqq. (comparison 
of the palaces at Mycenae, Tiryns, and Athens); ib.^ 9 (1889), pp. 
130 sqq.y 141 1 sqq. ; American Journal of Archaeology ^ 5 (1889), pp. 
102-104 ; D. Joseph, Die Pdlasten des hotnerischen Epos mit RUcksicht 
auf die Ausgrabungen If. Schliemanns (Berlin, 1895). 

V. The lower city with the beehive tombs etc. The city of Mycenae 
occupied the lower ground to the west and south-west of the acropolis. 


From the north-west comer of the acropolis there stretches southward 
a long narrow ridge, which to the right (west) fall gradually into the 
great plain, and to the left (east) descends more steeply into the deep 
Charvos ravine. The summit and slopes of this ridge were occupied by 
the lower city of Mycenae, and the city- wall which surrounded it can 
still be traced in many places. The wall, like that of the acropolie, 
was built in the Cyclopean style, but with smaller stones, and it is only 
about 6 feet thick. Mr. Tsountas considers it to be of later date than 
the walls of the acropolis. In many places it has wholly disappeared, 
and the line which it followed in the gaps can only be conjectured. It 
certainly joined on to the wall of the acropolis at two points, one to the 
north, the other to the south of the Lions' Gate, but neither point 
can be precisely determined. The eastern wall ran along the lower 
slope of the ridge, parallel to, though without touching, the edge of the 
Ckavos ravine. Isolated remains of Cyclopean masonry which are 
found along the steep bank of the ravine appear to have belonged to 
supporting-walls. The eastern wall was apparently carried to a point 
about 350 yards south of the Treasury of Atreus. Here it turned 
westward, and passing the rocky height called Makri-Uthari^ turned 
north and was carried along the western slope of the ridge till it again 
met the wall of the acropolis at a point to the north of the Lions' Gate. 
The ntunerous remains of Cyclopean walls immediately to the north of 
Makri'Uthari seem to show that at this, the extreme southerly point of 
the city, there was a gate. To the north of the Panagia chapel, which 
stands about the middle of the ridge, there is a series of large squared 
blocks in the line of the city- wall ; it would seem that Cyclopean houses 
and edifices of a later date were here built abutting against the city- 
wall. The area enclosed by the city-wall is about 1000 yards long from 
north to south by 275 yards wide from east to west. About the middle 
it seems to have been divided into two sections, a northern and a 
southern, by a cross- wall, the remains of which may be seen about 200 
yards north of the Treasury of Atreus. 

But the lower city was not confined to this ridge. Numerous 
remains, mostly of Cyclopean masonry, exist outside the line of walls 
which enclosed the ridge, showing that the city must have outgrown its 
original limits. Thus on the western slope of the ridge there are many 
Cyclopean supporting-walls, and on this side, immediately at the foot of 
the city-wall, are many ruins of ancient houses. This outer city seems 
to have extended to the glen of the Elias river on the north and north- 
west. On the left (south) bank of that glen, about 650 yards to the 
north-west of the Lions' Gate, are the ruins of a large building of the 
Mycenaean age. The four walls of the building are still visible. It 
is 93 feet long by 60 feet broad. The foundations of another large 
Cyclopean building are to be seen on the crest of a height about half 
a mile south-west of the acropolis, to the north of the village of 
Ckarvaii. In two glens to the north-east and south-east of this height 
are the only two wells of Mycenae. The remains of Cyclopean 
buildings close to them, and the Mycenaean potsherds lying about, 
prove that both weUs were within the suburb of the ancient city. Due 

124 MYCENAE— THE BEEHIVE TOMBS bk. ii. cobinth 

south of Makri-JJihari are the ruins of a great Cyclopean bridge over 
the bed of the Choma stream. The eastern half of the bridge is still 
in perfect preservation. The high-road from Mycenae to the Heraeum 
passed over this bridge. 

See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 371 Sf, ; Mure, Jvumal, 1. p. 164 iqq. ; Curtius, 
Ptlafi. a. p. 406 ig. ; Vischer, Erinnerungtn, p. 308 ; Schliemann, Mycetitu, p. 
39 Iff. ; Stelfen, Karlen van Myktnai. Text, pp. Q, 35 sqq. ; Schuchhaidt, 
Schliemann! Ausgraiungcn,'' p. 174 sq. ; Perrol et Chipiei, Hislaire di VArt dam 
/'AntiquM, 6. p. 355 si/. ; TsounlHS, Mujt^iu, p. ai iq. As to the evidence 
which goes to ^ow that the population of Myceoae was originally distributed io 
a number of separate villages, each with its own buiying-ground, see below, p. 1 39. 

The most important remains in the lower city are the so-calted 
beehive tombs, which were formerly known as ' treasuries.' Eight of 
these edifices have up to the present (July, 1895) been found at 
Mycenae. Three of them lie inside the wall of the lower town, and 
the remaining five lie outside of it to the west and north. 

The largest and best preserved is the one which is popularly called 
the Treasury of Alreus or Tomb of Agamemnon. It lies atx>ut the 
middle of the ridge, on its eastern slope, into which it is built. It 
faces the acropolis, from which it is distant only a few hundred paces. 
The structure consists of three portions, namely, a long approach or 

dromos, as it is called, a large circular vaulted chamber, and a small 
square chamber opening off the lai^e round one. The two chambers 
are subterranean, being built into the side of the hill. The dromos or 
passage leads horizontally into the hill from an artificial terrace paved 
with Cyclopean masonry. The passage or dromos is about 1 1 5 feet long 
by 30 feet wide. The walls of the passage, which of course increase 
in height as you advance inwards, are constructed of massive squared 
blocks laid in horizontal courses, like the masonry of the gates of the 
acropolis. At the further end of the passage is the door leading into 
the great circular chamber. According to Schliemann, the doorway 
is 1 8 ft. high, and is 8 fi. 6 in. wide at the top, and 9 ft. 2 in. wide at 
the bottom ; according to Dr. Schuchhardt it is 17 ft. 9 in. high, 8 ft. 
I in. wide at the top, and 8 f). 9 in. wide at the bottom. On the 
outside before each door-post stood, on a low quadrangular base, a 
peculiarly shaped half-column of dark grey alabaster (Adler, Schuch- 
hardt) or green basalt (Leake). The fh^ments of these semi-columns 


which have been found show that the shafts tapered downwards and 
were ornamented in relief with spirals arranged in zigzag bands, each 
band of spirals being bordered on each side by a narrower band of 
lozenges. A fragnnent of one of the capitals has been found ; formerly 
it was taken to be a fragment of a base. Like the shafts it is adorned 
with bands of spirals and lozenges, and resembles in some points the 
capitals of the temples at Paestum. Messrs. Furtwangler, Loschcke, 
and Puchstein think that in this fragment we see the first stage in the 
development of the Doric capital. Over the lintel, as over the lintel 
of the Lions' Gate, a triangular opening was left in the massive wall, in 
order to reduce the pressure on the lintel. This triangular space, 
measuring about 10 ft. on the sides, was filled up with slabs of red 
porphyry laid horizontally upon each other and adorned with rows of 
spirals. The slab which filled the apex, and a few fragments of the 
other slabs, have been found and are now in the National Museum at 
Athens. The passage leading from the doorway into the great 
circular vaulted chamber is 18 ft. in length and "is roofed by two 
enormous slabs, beautifully cut and polished, of which the inner one 
measures 3 ft. 9 in. in thickness, and 27^ feet in length on its lower 
and 29 feet on its upper surface ; its breadth is 1 7 feet, and it is 
computed it weighs approximately 300,000 English pounds " (Schlie- 
mann). In the middle of this passage the stone threshold of the door, 
composed of three large blocks of conglomerate, is preserved ; two holes 
which may be seen in it perhaps served to fasten a band or threshold 
of bronze, as Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez suggest. Others, however, 
suppose that pivots of the folding doors revolved in these holes. 

Through the doorway we pass into the great circular chamber, 
which has the form of a dome or vast beehive. It is 50 ft. high and 
50 ft. in diameter at the level of the floor. It is built of well- wrought 
blocks of hard breccia, placed in horizontal courses, and joined with 
the greatest precision without any binding material. "The stones, 
which on the inside are smooth and well-fitted, are on the outside very 
irregular, and, contrary to the general belief, they are not immediately 
covered with earth, but with enormous masses of stones, which, by their 
ponderous weight, keep all the stones of the circular layers of masonry 
in their position" (Schliemann). The dome is not constructed 
on the principle of the arch, in which the stones are cut in the shape 
of wedges and their joints converge towards the centre of a circle. 
On the contrary, the stones are laid in thirty-three horizontal circular 
courses, each course projecting inward over the course below and 
diminishing in diameter, till the whole is closed by a single block 
placed upon the last circular course. This highest block is therefore 
not like a key-stone of an arch, which cannot be removed without the 
whole arch tumbling down ; it is simply superposed on the lower 
courses and might be removed without affecting their stability. The 
inner angles of the courses are cut away, so that the sides of the 
chamber are perfectly smooth and rise in a continuous, unbroken line 
from floor to summit, there being no distinction of wall and roof. The 
blocks of the lower courses are i ft. 10 in. high, and from 4 to 7 ft. 

126 MYCENAE— THE BEEHIVE TOMBS bk. ii. corinth 

long ; but towards the top of the dome the courses become gradually 
narrower. The floor of the chamber is the natural rock. From the 
third course upwards smaller and larger holes may be seen at regular 
intervals in the stones. Some of these holes still contain bronze nails, 
which were used to fasten bronze rosettes or similar ornaments to the 
walls. It was formerly supposed that the whole surface of the walls 
had once been covered with bronze plates ; but this was not so, for 
there are no holes round the doorway such as there must have been 
if the whole sur&ce had been lined with bronze plates. 

On the right-hand (north) side of the great beehive chamber a door- 
way 9^ ft. high and 4 ft 7 in. broad leads to a smaller dark chamber, 
which is nearly square, being 27 feet long and broad, and 19 feet high. 
It is entirely cut out of the rock. Over the door is a triangular niche, 
intended to keep off the weight of the masonry from the lintel. On the 
walls of the chamber Lord Elgin's engineer discovered remains of a 
lining of masonry, which may have been covered with sculptured slabs 
like those which adorned the roof in the corresponding chamber at 
Orchomenus. In the middle of the square chamber at Mycenae is a 
circular depression in the floor, in the fonn of a large wash-bowl, i ft. 
9 in. deep and 3 ft. 4 in. in diameter. If this depression was, as some 
think, the tomb proper, the body must have been placed in it in a 
crouching or doubled-up posture. That these beehive structures were 
tombs, not treasuries as they were fonnerly held to be, has been con- 
clusively proved by the discovery of six bodies, with all their ornaments, 
in a beehive structure of the same sort at Menidi in Attica (see below, 
p. 137 J^.) When the tombs were first rifled, the treasures which were 
doubtless discovered with the bodies would easily give rise to the 
notion that the buildings were treasuries. But what king would 
scatter his treasures in six separate buildings, all of them outside 
the fortifications of the acropolis ? It is commonly supposed that in 
the Treasury of Atreus the side-chamber alone was the tomb, while the 
great circular vaulted chamber served as a mortuary chapel in which 
sacrifices were offered to the illustrious dead. But out of the many 
beehive tombs which have been discovered (see below) only two 
(namely the Treasury of Atreus and the tomb at Orchomenus) have 
side-chambers, and in the case of all the others it is certain that the 
beehive chamber was the actual tomb. Mr. Tsountas is therefore 
probably right in holding that the beehive chamber was in all cases the 
tomb proper, and that the side-chamber was a chametrhouse, in which 
the bones of the less illustrious members of the "royal family were 

See Clarke, Travels^ 3. pp. 687-699 ; Dodwell, TouVy 2. pp. 229-235 ; Gell, 
Itinerary of Greece^ pp. 29-33 » Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 373-302 ; Curtius, Pelop. 
2. pp. 407-411; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ pp. 308-31 1 ; W. G. Clark, Pelop. 
pp. 73-81 ; Mahaffy, Rambles^ pp. 395-406 ; Baedeker,' p. 266 ; Schliemann, 
Mycenaet p. 41 sqq, ; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrahtingen^ pp. 175-180; 
Adier's Preface to SchUemann's Tiryns, p. xxxviii. sqq. ; Thiersch, * Die Tholos 
des Atreus zu Mykenae,* MittheiL d, archdol. Inst, in Athen^ 4 (1879), pp. 177- 
182 ; Belger, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der griech. Kuppelgr^fer, p. 20 sqq. ; 
Tsountas, Mvic^at, pp. 123-127 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de FArt dans 


tAntiouiti^ 6. Dp. 356 sqq.^ 608-641. Mr. Tsountas's views as to the respective 
uses of the beehive chamber and the side-chamber are stated in 'E0i7/ic/>2s iLpxoxQ- 
XoTiir^, 1889, p. 135 note ; Mvir^yai, p. 137 sq, 

Northv^ard from the so-called Treasury of Atreus and on the same 
side of the long ridge, a little to the west of the Lions' Gate, is another 
of these beehive structures. It was partially excavated by Mrs. 
Schliemann in 1876, and commonly goes by her name. Another 
popular designation for it is the Tomb of Clytaemnestra. It was more 
fully excavated by Mr. Tsountas in 1891 and 1892. In size it is 
little inferior to the Treasury of Atreus, but is built of smaller stones, 
and is not so well preserved, the upper part of the dome having long 
ago fiadlen in. It differs from the Treasury of Atreus in having no side- 
chamber. The dromos or horizontal approach to it is even longer than 
the approach to the Treasury of Atreus, measuring about 124 feet in 
length by 20 feet in breadth. The sides of this approach are built of 
hewn blocks of stone laid in horizontal courses. In the floor of the 
approach, about 16 feet from the fagade of the tomb, an oblong hole is 
dug, 2.75 metres long, 1.20 metres wide, and 50 centimetres deep. It 
seems to have been a woman's grave ; some golden ornaments and two 
bronze mirrors were found in it ; the ivory handles of the mirrors are 
carved with figures of women, palm-trees, and doves in a very Semitic 
style. In the dromos Schliemann found some archaic pottery, including 
very rudely modelled figures of men on horseback holding the horse's 
neck with both hands ; similar figures have been found in a tomb at 
lalysus in Rhodes. The fragments of painted vases found by Schlie- 
mann in the dromos were " profusely covered with an ornamentation of 
key patterns, zigzag lines, stripes of ornaments like fish-spines, bands 
with very primitive representations of cranes or swans, or circles with 
flowers, and occasionally with the sign ^." The doorway of the tomb 
is 5.50 metres (18 feet) high, 2.67 metres (12 feet 6 inches) wide at 
the bottom, and 5.48 metres (17 feet 9 inches) deep. It was flanked 
by two half-columns of dark grey alabaster, which were fluted in their 
whole length like Doric columns and rested on semi-circular bases. 
Part of one of these half-columns was found standing on its base. 
These columns tapered slightly downward and were of very slender 
proportions ; their capitals, also made of alabaster, were smaller and 
simpler than those of the Treasury of Atreus. Over the doorway, as 
over that of the Treasury of Atreus, there is a triangular hollow space, 
which was similarly closed with slabs of red marble adorned with 
sculptured reliefs. Indeed this triangular space is still completely 
walled up within by flat square slabs, so that the notion that these 
triangular spaces served as windows must be abandoned. The relieving 
triangle rests on a lintel of leek-green marble ; while, instead of the 
head-moulding of the door, there is a projecting slab of blue-gray 
marble, on which, frieze-like, is cut in flat relief a row of discs, which 
are believed by Dr. Adler to represent the ends of the round poles of 
a wooden roof. If this interpretation of them is right, it confirms the 
explanation given above (p. 102) of the similar discs over the column on 
the Lions' Gate. The roof of the doorway or passage leading from the 

128 MYCENAE— THE BEEHIVE TOMBS bk. ii. corinth 

dromos into the vaulted chamber is roofed with three huge slabs of 
stone ; in the middle slab, as in the threshold below, may be seen the 
pivot-holes in which the doors revolved. But as if the door was not 
enough to bar the entrance to the tomb, the doorway was built up with 
a wall of common stone in front of the door. This wall had to be taken 
down in the course of the excavations. A similar wall, about 7 feet 
high, blocked and still blocks the outer end of the dromos or approach 
to the tomb. The floor of the circular chamber is the levelled rock, 
covered with a coating of sand and chalk. In the walls of the chamber 
there are no holes for nails. 

See Schliemann, Mycenae^ pp. 102, 119 sqq,^ 139 sqq, ; Adler, PrefJEUX to 
Schliemann's Tiryns^ p. xxxvi. sqq. ; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^^ 
p. 181 sq, ; MUtheiL d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ \^ (1892), p. 94 sq, ; Tsountas, in 
Bull, de Corr. HelUn, 17 (1893), p. 197 ; id,, Mux^vcu, pp. 77 sq,, 127-129; 
Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de I Art dans P Antiquity, 6. pp. 641-647. 

Besides these two great beehive tombs, six other smaller tombs of 
the same sort have been discovered at Mycenae. Of these remaining 
six tombs only one is within the city-walls ; it is situated between the 
so-called Tomb of Clytaemnestra and the wall of the acropolis. It was 
discovered in November 1 892, and has not yet been fully excavated. 
Its approach or dromos is 5.7 metres (nearly 19 feet) wide, and is 
mostly hewn in the rock ; but its sides are partly lined with a wall of 
small stones bonded with clay. The fagade of the tomb is carefully 
constructed of large hewn blocks. Of the five beehive tombs outside 
the walls four have been excavated. The largest and best built of them 
is situated to the north of the Lions' Gate, not far from the city-wall. 
The approach to it is 22 metres (72 feet) long by 5 metres (16 ft. 5 in.) 
wide ; the sides of the approach are built of quadrangular blocks of 
stone, and its outer end was closed with a wall. The doorway of the 
tomb is 5.45 metres (17 ft. 9 in.) high, 2.55 metres (8 ft. 4 in.) wide 
at the bottom, and 5.14 metres (nearly 17 feet) deep. The lintel of 
the doorway is formed of three large slabs ; in one of these slabs is a 
hole in which the pivot of the door probably revolved. The upper part 
of the domed chamber of the tomb has fallen in, as it has in all the 
other beehive tombs at Mycenae except the Treasury of Atreus. The 
diameter of the domed chamber is 14.40 metres (47 feet 3 inches), 
which is very nearly equal to that of the Treasury of Atreus ; its sides 
are built of small blocks of limestone ; the floor is levelled and coated 
with cement, on which there are traces of red paint. Hewn in the 
floor of the chamber are two graves, one of which is about 1 8 feet long 
by 5 feet wide and 10 feet deep. The remaining beehive tombs are 
situated to the west of the city. 

See Schliemann, Mycenae , p. 41 ; Adler's Preface to Schliemann's Tiryns, 
p. xxxiii. sq, ; Belger, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der griech, Kuppelgrdbtr, p. 30 ; 
Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgralmngen^'* p. 182; Berliner philolog. Ivbchen- 
schrift, 9 (1889), p. I410; id,, 13 (1893), p. 293; UpaKTiKdt riji *Apx<woX. 
"Eraipiai, 1891, p. 19 sq. ; id., 1892, p. 56 sq, ; id,, 1893, p. 8; Tsountas, in 
Bulletin de Corr, Helliniqtu, 17 (1893), P* ^97 » ^", Muk^kcu, p. 129 sq, ; Perrot 
et Chipiez, Hist,de tArt dans lAntiquite, 6. pp. 606-608. 


Besides these great beehive tombs, it remains to notice a large 
number of lesser tombs which have been discovered at Mycenae in the 
course of excavations conducted by the Greek Archaeological Society 
in the years 1886, 1887, 1888, 1890, 1892, and 1893. The discovery 
of these tombs is of great interest and importance, inasmuch as it seems 
to throw light on the manner in which the ancient cities of Greece 
gradually sprang up. At least seventy-seven of these tombs have been 
found and excavated, not counting some very small ones. They do 
not form one continuous burying-ground ; on the contrary they occur 
in separate groups scattered up and down the slopes to the west, north, 
and north-east of the city. Mr. Tsountas, the able Greek archaeologist 
who superintended the excavations, has explained the scattered position 
of the groups of tombs by supposing that each group of tombs was the 
burying-place of a separate village, and that each village was inhabited 
by a separate family or clan, who had their separate burying-ground 
attached to the village. This view is supported by two facts — (i) the 
tombs of each group have certain common characteristics, both in 
respect of their construction and of the nature of the objects found in 
than ; {2) the tombs are never isolated, they are always found in 
groups. Thus it would seem that in prehistoric times Mycenae was 
simply a collection of villages, inhabited by distinct families or clans, 
each with its own burying-ground. We know that down to historical 
times Sparta was just such a collection of villages (Thucydides, i. 10) ; 
and the Spartans buried their dead "in the city" (Plutarch, Lycurg, 
27), probably in separate burying-grounds situated between the villages 
which together composed the city. We know that the tombs of the 
Agids and Eurypontids were situated in different parts of Sparta 
(Paosanias, iii. 12. 8, iii. 14. 2). Thucydides (/.r.) states that this 
anangement of the population in villages was the ancient custom in 
Greece ; and Mr. Tsountas, arguing from the evidence of Mycenae, 
thinks that every Greek city was originally composed of a number of 
separate unwalled villages grouped round a fortified hill, each village 
bdng probably inhabited by a distinct family or clan, and the land 
being owned and cultivated, not by individuals, but by the families or 
clans. As the villages extended they in time met and formed a single 
city, so that the burying-grounds were surrounded with houses. Then 
walls would be built round the whole city, and the practice of burying 
within the walls would be forbidden. This union of scattered villages 
in a single city would be what the Greeks called o-woncMr/ios ; the 
process would sometimes be carried out or at least completed by. a 
powerful ruler like Theseus, who had his palace on the fortified hill or 

The seventy and odd tombs excavated by Mr. Tsountas at Mycenae, 
with which we are now concerned, are not beehive tombs, i,e, are not 
bailt of masonry in the shape of beehives and covered over with a 
nuxmd, natural or artificial, of earth ; they are chambers hewn out of 
the rock, and are approached by passages {dromoi) which are also hewn 
out of the rock. These passages are almost always smaller than those 
leading to the beehive tombs ; they measure from 16 to 80 feet in 

VOL. Ill K 

130 MYCENAE— THE ROCK-CUT TOMBS bk, ii. counth 

length by 3 to 7 feet in breadth. Sometimes they are horizontal, 
sometimes they slope down to the doorway of the tomb. One such 
passage has nine steps cut in the rock. The sides of the passages are 
generally not perpendicular, but slope inward so as, in some cases, 
almost to meet over head. The doorway of the tomb is always 
narrower than the passage, and was closed, not with a door, but with 
a wall of stones or (in one case) of unbumt brick. This wall, however, 
was never carried right up to the lintel ; a small space was always 
left open at the top. Then the dramas or approach was filled up 
with earth ; and when the earth was nearly level with the lintel, 
massive stones were placed in front of the opening, to prevent the 
earth from falling into the tomb. Above these massive stones were 
often piled other stones, right up to the surface of the ground. The 
fronts of five of the tombs, together with the sides of the doorways, are 
coated with cement ; and in three at least of them the cement was 
decorated with wall-paintings of many colours. The rock-hewn chamber 
into which we pass through the doorway is generally quadrangular ; only 
the smaller and more carelessly constructed tombs approach in shape 
to the circular. The roofs are not horizontal, but slope down horn the 
middle on both sides, gable-fashion. The area of the chamber varies 
from lo by 13 to 13 by 1 6 feet, and the height ftova 6^ to 8 feet in 
the middle, under the gable-ridge. Most of the tombs consist of a 
single chamber, but three at least have a second chamber ; three others 
have niches ; and one has both a second chamber and a niche. Each 
tomb contained the remains of several skeletons, and in the tombs 
which have two chambers bones were found in both. Some tombs 
contained five or six bodies, but the exact number in each could not be 
ascertained. The bodies seem to have been always buried, not burnt 
Ashes indeed were found in almost all the tombs, but in such small 
quantities that they must have proceeded from very small fires, perhaps 
merely from the torches which must have been used at the burials to 
light up these gloomy subterranean chambers. In one tomb only was 
the floor completely strewn with ashes, but even here the bones seem 
not to have been subjected to fire, and the ashes may have been those 
of sacrifices burnt in the tomb. The bodies appear to have been 
deposited on the floor of the tomb in a sitting attitude, the back perhaps 
propped up with cushions and the knees bent. No trace of embalming 
was found on any of the bodies. 

In the dramai or passages leading to these rock-cut tombs there 
are always found potsherds and other objects, all belonging to the 
Mycenaean epoch, none to a later one. Further, in front of the door- 
ways of the tombs there were often found the bones of animals, and in 
two or three cases the horns of an ox or of sheep. Bones of animals 
were also found on the top of the wall which blocked up the doorway, 
in the empty space under the lintel. Probably flesh was laid on the 
wall as food for the dead. Human bones, too, were often found in 
front of the doorway. In one tomb six complete human skeletons were 
found at different depths in the soil in front of the doorway ; from 
various indications it appeared that they had all been buried simul* 


taneously ; probably they are the remains of slaves or prisoners who 
were slain to accompany their dead master to the other world. 

Of the objects found in these tombs some had been purposely 
broken before they were deposited with the dead ; this appears from 
the &ct that many pieces of the same object (for example a vase) were 
scattered about in different parts of the tomb or even of the dromos. 
Much more rarely some of the objects bear traces of fire. Mr. Tsountas 
believes that small fires were lit in the tombs to bum the garments and 
some other ornaments of the dead in order to convey these personal 
possessions to him in the spirit land ; with a like intention the tyrant 
Pcriander burnt a vast quantity of raiment for the use of his dead wife 
Melissa, whose ghost had complained of being cold and naked (Hero- 
dotus, V. 92). In the long list of objects found in or before the tombs 
are objects of gold, bronze, iron, ivory, and earthenware. Amongst 
them are a g^reat many rude female idols of clay. These were generally 
found in the poorer graves. The goddess represented seems not 
always to be the same. The great majority of them portray a diadem- 
crowned goddess, who may perhaps be Hera ; but one with naked 
breast and a large necklace may be Aphrodite. The latter goddess 
nuiy also be represented by a number of small figures made of glass- 
paste, of which more than twelve were found in one tomb. They 
exhibit a woman, clad in a skirt from the waist downward, holding her 
two hands to her breasts. As these little figures were found along with 
a great many beads of red stone and glass-paste, they were probably 
worn strong on a necklace with the beads. A few figures represent- 
ing a woman with a child in her arms were also found ; they may 
be images of Demeter in her character of the Nursing Mother. A 
great many articles made of ivory were discovered in the tombs, 
including for example several ivory combs. Particularly notable are 
three ivory heads in profile, which were all found in the same grave. 
The heads are carved in relief, the back being left fiat with holes for 
attaching them to something. The face is that of a beardless man with 
regular features ; he wears what seems to be a mitre or conical helmet, 
though Dr. Schuchhardt explains it as hair coiled in long plaits round 
the bead. A head almost exactly alike had been previously found at 
^aia in Attica (see below, p. 144). Another ivory figure, of which 
two fragments were found in a tomb, represents a woman with coarse, 
Q^ro-like features, clad in a flounced skirt and wearing a sort of night- 
cap with a long tassel ; a necklace composed of small triangular 
pendants is on her neck, and a bracelet of the same sort is on one of 
her arms ; the other arm is broken off. 

Other objects of interest found in the tombs are some bronze razors, 
three bronze brooches in the shape of safety pins, and round bronze 
ininors, with ivory handles, which are adorned with figures carved in 
relief Pieces of a small glass vase were also found. Particularly 
ootable are two iron finger-rings, and two fragments of another iron object, 
perhaps also a ring. This is the first time that iron has been found in 
graves of the Mycenaean period, and the fact that finger-rings were 
made of it proves that the metal was rare and precious. The bronze 


brooches, mentioned above, are also important, for at one time it was 
thought that brooches were unknown to the people of the Mycenaean 
period, and on this supposed fact was founded a distinction between the 
Mycenaean people and the Greeks of the Homeric age : the Myce- 
naeans, it was held, wore only sewed garments, which had no need of 
brooches to fasten them, whereas the Homeric Greeks wore unsewed 
garments which were held together by brooches. Another brooch of 
the same type was found on the acropolis of Mycenae, as we have seen 
already (p. 119). A number of engraved gems, of the class known 
as Island or Mycenaean gems (see above, p. 1 1 5 5q,\ were also found in 
the rock-hewn tombs. They are all perforated, but show no trace of 
having been set in rings. Hence Mr. Tsountas believes that they were 
not used as signets, but worn as ornaments or amulets. The devices 
engraved on them mostly represent animals, as oxen, antelopes, lions, 
wild goats, etc. On one we see two lions standing foce to £aice, their 
fore-paws resting on a base like the two bases on the Lions' Gate ; the 
heads of the lions are united, and appear as one. The most artistically 
remarkable of the objects found in these tombs is perhaps a silver 
goblet adorned with inlaid work. It is shaped like a shallow bowl, and 
has a single handle. Round the rim of the goblet runs a band of 
leaves formed of inlaid gold, and a similar band of leaves encircles the 
body of the goblet. Between these two bands of leaves were originaDy 
twenty-one heads of men inlaid with gold and a dark alloy, the exact 
composition of which has not yet been determined. The features of 
the faces, which are represented in profile, appear to be Greek ; each 
wears a beard, but no moustache ; the hair is long and foils down on 
the neck in curls. Only seven of these heads are preserved, but the 
hollows prepared for the reception of the other fourteen are still to be 

The rock-cut tombs, which have just been described, appear to be 
contemporary with the beehive tombs but later than the shaft graves 
discovered by Schliemann on the acropolis. Amongst the differences 
between the contents of the rock-cut tombs and those of the shaft 
graves may be noticed that in the former the dead were not embalmed 
and did not wear masks on their faces. Again, while weapons abounded 
in the shaft graves, they are conspicuously absent in the rock-cut 
tombs, in which no swords and only three bronze spear-heads have been 
found. The greater abundance of clay idols and engraved gems is 
another feature which distinguishes the rock-cut tombs fh)m the shaft 
graves. But in spite of these differences there is no room for doubt 
that shaft graves, palace, beehive tombs and rock-cut tombs, with their 
contents, are the products of a single uninterrupted development of 
society and art. 

A full account of most of the rock-cut tombs and their contents is given by Mr< 
Tsountas in 'E^i^/xeplf d/>xa(oXo7tin^, 1888, pp. 119-180, with plates 7-ia See 

also Tsountas, Mvit^kk, pp. 134-152; Ilpaicriird r^t *Apx««>^ 'Eraepiaf, l887t 
p. 65 sq, ; fi/., 1888, p. 28 sq, ; iV., 1890, p. 36 ; «/., 1892, p. 57 sq, ; »</., l893» 


(1888), pp. 498-500; id,^ 5 (1889), p. 491 sq. ; Journal of Hellenic Studies, 
10 (1889), p. 172; Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^ pp. 339-345; 
Bulletin di Corr, Hellhtique, 17 (1893), p. 197 sg,-, Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, 
de V Art dans V Antiquiti, 6. pp. 370-377, 8io9-8i2. 

So much for the remains of Mycenae. The discoveries of recent 
years have shown that the civilisation of Mycenae, as revealed in its 
walls, its palace, its tombs, and its art treasures, was not isolated, but 
that a kindred civilisation was spread over a large part of the eastern 
coast of Greece, Crete, the islands of the Aegean, and the north-western 
coast of Asia Minor. Amongst the chief evidence for the wide diffusion 
of a civilisation akin to that of Mycenae is the existence of beehive 
tombs, like those of Mycenae, at widely separated points of continental 
Greece. Not only do these beehive tombs resemble in structure those 
at Mycenae, but the objects found in them (pottery, articles of gold 
and bronze, etc.) are so closely alike to those found at Mycenae, that 
they must have belonged to approximately the same epoch and the . 
same civilisation. Of these beehive tombs, in addition to the eight I 
at Mycenae, at least eleven are known to exist. They are, with the 
exception of the tomb at Orchomenus, inferior both in size and con- 
struction to the great beehive tombs at Mycenae. They are built of 
smaller stones, which are often quite unhewn. The facade of none of 
them is adorned with columns and coloured marble ; none of them 
(except the tomb at Orchomenus) has a second chamber ; and none of 
them, so far as appears, had a door, the entrance being merely blocked 
tip with a wall of common stones. The tombs in question are as 

(i) About ten minutes' walk to the north-west of the Heraeum 
(see below, note on ii. 17. i), beside the old carriage-road which led 
from it to Mycenae, a peasant accidentally discovered a beehive tomb 
in 1872. The tomb was excavated in 1878 by the Greek Archaeologi- 
cal Society. It consists of an approach or dromos 1 8 metres (49 feet) 
long, and a round chamber 9.70 metres (31 ft. 10 in.) in diameter. 
The doorway and the round chamber are built of large and small 
stones, not smoothed or wrought, but arranged in more or less 
lumzontal courses. The doorway is blocked with a rough wall of 
stones about 10 feet thick, which is not, however, carried up to the 
Ibtcl, an empty space having been left (as in the rock-cut tombs at 
Mycenae) between the top of the wall and the lintel. The upper part 
of the beehive chamber has fallen in ; the wall is nowhere standing to 
a height of more than 6.50 metres (21 feet). Three quadrangular 
graves are dug out in the ftoor of the chamber. Mr. Stamatakis, who 
saperintended the excavations, thought that these graves belonged to 
a later age than the tomb itself ; but they may be contemporary with 
it, for similar graves have been found dug out in the floor of intact 
tombs of the Mycenaean age. Human bones, some of them charred 
with fire, were found in the tomb. The tomb had apparently been 
rifled, but contained sherds of Mycenaean pottery, small ornaments of 
gold and glass-paste, and fragments of stone implements, of weapons 
and vessels of bronze, and of articles of ivory. It seems that the 

134 BEEHIVE TOMB AT VAPHIO bk. ii. corinth 

tomb was used as a sepulchre in the classical Greek age, for pottery 
of a later epoch, and two pieces of a plinth stamped with a Greek 
inscription (AH2APXITEKTQN) of the fifth or fourth century B.C. were 
found in it. 

See Stamatakis, '0 irapd rh *Upcuop rd^tos, MittfuiL d, arch, Inst, in Athen, 
3 (1878), pp. 271-286 ; Adler, Prefece to Schliemann's Tirynsy p. xxxtL ; Perrot 
et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans VAntiqutti^ 6. pp. 395-397. 

(2) The beehive tomb at Vaphio (the ancient Pharis, see note on 
iii. 20. 3) has been known since 1805 ; it was excavated by Mr. 
Tsountas for the Greek Archaeological Society in 1889. The tomb is 
situated on the top of a conical hill about five miles south of Sparta. 
The dromos or approach to the tomb is 29.80 metres (about 98 feet 
long) by 3.45 metres (11 ft. 4 in.) wide in front of the doorway. In 
the soil with which the dromos was filled up Mr. Tsoimtas found a 
considerable number of potsherds of the Mycenaean style, many of 
them plain, and many of them painted, also a few small gold leaves, 
and a piece of an amber bead. In the gateway or short passage 
leading from the dromos into the beehive chamber there was found a 
hole about 6 feet square and 6 feet deep, the bottom of which was 
covered to a depth of about 4 inches with a layer of ashes. Probably 
the hole was one of those pits {/ioOpoi) in which the ancients sacrificed 
to the dead. The beehive chamber, or tomb proper, is built of hewn 
stones of no great size, laid in horizontal courses. The dome had long 
ago fallen in, but the walls are standing in places to a height of about 
10 feet. The diameter of the chamber is about 10.25 metres (34 
feet). There is no second chamber opening off the beehive chamber, 
as in the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae. The floor of the chamber, 
which is uneven and formed of the natural rock, was found strewn 
with a layer of black earth mixed with ashes and a few charred bones, 
whether the bones of men or animals is uncertain. Many small objects 
were found scattered on the floor of the tomb. Among them were 
some engraved gems, about thirty amethyst beads, also beads of amber 
and crystal, two gold rings, two small gold fish, two bronze pins, some 
bronze nails, a few fragments of stone vessels, and a few bits of silver 
and ivory. The potsherds found were few in number and all undecor- 
ated. Far more important and valuable were the objects deposited in 
a grave which Mr. Tsountas found dug out in the floor of the chamber. 
The grave, which from its contents appears to have been that of a man, 
contained ashes, but no bones ; however from the position of the 
objects found in it Mr. Tsountas inferred that the body had not been 
burnt but buried entire, and at fiill length. At. the place where the 
head of the body probably lay were found a bronze sword, seven bronze 
knives, two bronze spear-heads, a bronze sceptre (?), a bronze mirror, 
five leaden discs, two stone vessels, two alabaster vessels, a small 
silver vessel, a few earthenware vessels, etc. At the place where the 
neck and breast of the body probably lay were found about eighty 
amethyst beads and two engraved gems ; on the left side lay a dagger, 
and near it a silver saucer with gilt rim. About the middle of the 


grave, where the hands of the dead may have lain, were found two 
silver cups, one at each hand, and two gold cups adorned with fine 
reliefs (see below). Here too were found, in two heaps, forty-one 
engraved gems, which were probably worn strung together as bracelets. 
Also there were found three rings, one of gold, one of bronze, and one 
of iron. At the feet of the dead lay a bronze knife, two bronze axes, 
and four leaden discs like those foimd at the head of the grave. The 
engraved gems found in the tomb are both of the lentoid and the 
glandular shape (see above, p. 115); the devices on them include 
dolphins, lions, oxen, geese, rams' heads, chariots driven by pairs of 
horses, a woman dancing, etc. But of all the objects found in the 
tomb at Vaphio by far the most remarkable are the two gold cups 
mentioned above. They are indeed generally regarded as the master- 
piece of Mycenaean art and one of the most interesting monuments of 
prehistoric Greece. The cups resemble each other in size and shape ; 
each has a single handle and no stem. Each of them is decorated, in 
its whole circumference, with admirable reliefs representing bulls, men, 
and trees. On one of them we see a bull caught in a net, which is 
fsLStened at each end to a tree ; the beast is thrown on its fore-quarters 
on the ground, and is lifting up its head and bellowing in distress. To 
the right is seen another bull, which has apparently just cleared the 
toils at a bound and is galloping away. To the left a third bull is 
diarging in the opposite direction. Two men, the huntsmen no 
doabt who had laid the toils, have attempted to bar his way, but the 
hull has knocked one of them down and is in the act of tossing the 
other on his left horn. Towards the extremities of the scene two 
palm-trees are represented. On the other cup the scene portrayed 
is more peaceful. On the right is a bull pacing slowly with lowered 
head, as if browsing. In the middle two bulls stand side by side, with 
their heads turned to each other in a friendly way. To the left walks 
another bull, with a man behind him, who holds firmly with both hands 
a rope, which is tied round the bull's left hind leg ; the animal is lifting 
Qp its head and bellowing. In the background are two trees, of the 
same sort as those to which the net is ^tened in the other scene ; 
from their foliage and gnarled trunks they seem to be olives, but may 
possibly be pines. Both scenes are rendered with admirable vigour 
and truth to nature ; in style they resemble each other so closely that 
they are probably works of the same artist. All the bulls have short 
curved horns, and are thickset, powerful animals. The men are lean 
and sinewy, with well - marked muscles. They are nearly naked, but 
wear a girdle and loin-cloth about the waist, shoes on their feet, 
and straps bound round their legs half-way up the calves. Further, 
the man who holds the bull by the rope wears bracelets. The faces of 
all the men are clean shaven, but their hair is long and streams down 
their back. In artistic execution the men are inferior to the bulls ; 
in particular their bodies are too meagre and drawn in at the waist. 
The cups are most probably, as Mr. Perrot has argued at some length, 
works of a native Greek artist, and not imported from abroad. The 
subject of the reliefis (the capture and taming of wild btdls) has been 

136 BEEHIVE TOMB AT VAPHIO bk. il corinth 

justly compared with a fragment of a fresco discovered in the palace 
at Tiryns, in which a bull is depicted galloping along, while a man, 
attired like the men on the Vaphio cups, seizes it by the horn (see 
note on ii. 25. 8). Mr. L. Heuzey has also compared the scenes on 
the Vaphio cups with the scenes sculptured in relief on a slab of green 
schist, found in Egypt and now preserved in the Louvre, which 
represents the combats of men with bulls ; in one scene a bull is goring 
a man on the ground ; in another, which is broken, a huntsman seems 
to have been represented tossed by a bull. The style of these reliefe 
is rather Assyrian than Egyptian. In comparing them with the reliefs 
on the Vaphio cups Mr. Heuzey suggests that the artist who made the 
cups may have been influenced by Oriental models. 

On the beehive tomb at Vaphio and its contents see especially Mr. Tsountas, 
in *E<p7ifiiepls dpxatoXoyiic/i, 1 809, pp. 136-172, with plates 7-ia See also 
Tsountas, Mvic^cu, pp. 130 j^., 144-146; npcumird r^ *ApxouciK. 'Erreuplas, 1889, 
p. 21 sq, ; American Journal of Archaeology^ 5 (iSISq), pp. 380 sq,, 493*495 > 
Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^ pp. 345-351 ; Perrot et Chipiez, 
Histoire de VArt dans V Antiquiti^ 6. pp. 405-410. For earlier notices of the tomb 
see Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 415 sq, ; Leake, Morea, 3. p. 4; Mure, /oumal, 2. p. 
246 x^. ; id,, in Rheinisches Mtiseum, 6 (1839), p. 247 sq, ; Welcker, Tagebtuh, 
I. p. 210 sq,\ Curtius, Pehponncsos, 2. p. 240; Vischer, Erinnerungen und 
Eindriicke, p. 384 ; Conze e Michaelis, ' Rapporto d' un viaggio fatto nella 
Grecia,* Annali delt btstitutOy 33 (1861), p. 49 sq. ; Ch. Belger, Beitrdge sur 
JCenntniss der griech, Kuppelgraber, pp. 31-33. On the gold cups of Vaphio see 
also G. Perrot, * Les vases d'or de Vz&q,^ Bulletin de Corr, Hell&niqtUj 15 (1891), 
PP* 493"537 5 P* Gardiner, New Chapters in Gruk history^ p. 70 sq, ; L. Heuzey, 

* Un prototype des taureaux de Tirynthe et d'Amyclte,* Bulletin de Corr, HelUn, 
16 (1892), pp. 307-319 ; H. Brunn, Griechische Kunstgeschichte, i. pp. 46-52 ; 
Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans VAntiquiti, 6. pp. 784-793 ; A. Bertrand, 

* Les vases de Vaphio,* Comptts Rendus de VAcademie des Inscriptions et des Belles 
Lettres, 22 (1894), pp. 363-367. 

(3) In the" autumn of 1889 Mr. Tsountas discovered another 
beehive tomb at Arkina or Arkinai^ a place in Mount Taygetus about 
six hours to the south-west of Sparta, between the village of Ama and 
the monastery of Gola, The district is hilly, and is surrounded on all 
sides by higher summits except on the east, where a narrow glen 
affords a passage to the Gourantiko river on its way to join the Eurotas. 
The beehive tomb is poor in construction and contents. The dromos 
or approach to it is only 2.65 metres (8 ft. 8 in.) long. The doorway 
was built up. The beehive chamber measures 4.75 metres (15 ft 
7 in.) in diameter, and its walls are standing to a height of about 
3.75 metres (12 ft. 3 in.) Except the three blocks which compose the 
lintel, the stones are all small and quite unhewn, so that the joints gape. 
In the tomb were found five beads of white stone, an elliptical stone 
perforated but not engraved, a small bronze nail, a gold ornament, and 
some fragments of undecorated pottery. There were no ashes. The bones 
were lying in confusion ; of the skull only the teeth were preserved. 

See IIpaKriird r^t *A/>xa(oX. *£ratp(at, 1 889, p. 22 ; ^"E^pxpli d/>xaioXo7cjc^, 
1889, p. 132 sq, ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans V Antiquiti, 6. p. 405. 

(4) Another beehive tomb was discovered in Laconia about 1 886. 
It is situated at Kampos on the western side of Mount Taygetus, at the 


foot of the mountain which is crowned by the Frankish castle of 

Zctmaia (see notes on iii. 26. 8 * Gerenia,* and iii. 26. 11 * Alagonia '). 

Kampos lies about two hours north of Cardamyle (iii. 26. 7 note) and 

is the chief place in the district {deme) of Abia. The tomb was 

excavated for the Greek Archaeological Society by Mr. Tsoimtas in 

1 89 1. It is in a ruinous condition, the upper part of the dome and 

most of the walls which flanked the approach having fallen down. The 

approach ordromos is 12.85 metres (42 feet) long by 2.18 metres (7 feet) 

wide ; its sides were built of small unhewn stones bonded with clay. 

The doorway of the tomb is 2.65 metres (8 ft. 8 in.) high and is well 

preserved. Its sides are built of hewn quadrang^ar stones, and the 

lintel is formed by three great slabs of limestone. The walls of the 

beehive chamber are standing to a height of about 3.25 metres (10 ft. 

7 in.) ; they are built of hewn stones, smaller than those of the doorway, 

and laid in courses which are meant to be horizontal ; crevices in the 

joints are filled with pebbles. The tomb had been rifled, probably in 

antiquity ; hence the objects found in it were few and insignificant. 

They comprised some ornaments of blue glass, a bone comb, an agate 

engraved with the figures of two goats, potsherds plain or only painted 

with bands, a few gold ornaments of Mycenaean type, some gold leaves, 

and two statuettes of lead, one representing a man and the other a 

woman. The statuette of the man is of some interest, since it resembles 

in style and its waist-cloth the huntsmen on the Vaphio cups. 

See AeXWoK d/>xatoXo7i/K6i', 1 89 1, pp. 25, 68; Tsountas, in U/xxicrurd ryfi 
'A^otoX. *£rcup(af, 1 89 1, p. 23 ; id.y in *E^/xep2f dpxaioXo7(4c^, 1 89 1, pp. 189- 
V^i\ Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift^ li (1891), p. 1187; Perrot et Chipiez, 
Hist, de VArt dans VAntiquiti^ 6. p. 410. The leaden statuette of the man is 
figured in Tsountas's Mi/tr^i^ai, pi. 11, and in Perrot et Chipiez, op, cit, 6. p. 
759, fig. 355. 

(5) In 1872 a beehive tomb was discovered about twenty -five 
minutes walk to the south of Menidiy a village of Attica situated at the 
foot of Mount Fames, seven miles north-west of Athens (see note on 
i. 31. 6). The tomb was excavated for the German Archaeological 
Institute by the late Dr. H. G. Lolling. It is imbedded in the side of 
a flat-topped hillock of earth, called LykotrupOy from the top of which 
there is a wide view over the Attic plain. The edifice consists as 
usual of two parts, a horizontal approach or dromos^ and a circular 
chamber roofed with a dome. It is built in a cheap and rude way of 
nibble limestone, the interstices being filled with small stones. Archi- 
tectural decoration there is absolutely none. The approach or dromos 
measures 26.52 metres (87 feet) long by 3 metres (about 10 feet) wide. 
Its outer end was blocked by a wall of stone. The doorway leading 
from the dromos into the circular chamber is 3.30 metres (10 ft. 10 in.) 
high by 1.55 metres (5 ft. 7 in.) wide at the bottom. It was barred 
with a wall of very poor masonry which did not reach up to the lintel, 
an empty space of about a foot high being left between the lintel and 
the top of the wall. The circular chamber measures 8.35 metres 
(27 ft. 5 in.) in diameter. The upper part of the vault is not intact ; 
the present height of the wall is 8.74 metres (28 ft. 8 in.) ; the total 

138 BEEHIVE TOMB AT MENIDI bk. ii. corinth 

height originally may have been about 9 metres (30 feet). On the 
floor of the tomb were found the remains of six human skeletons, 
including the skuUs. The objects of art found in the tomb and its 
approach were numerous but small and of little value. They included 
many little leaves of gold and some small gold ornaments, some silver 
bangles, many ornaments of glass-paste, various objects of ivory, in 
particular a casket adorned with two rows of animals in relief^ various 
objecfs of bronze, and six engraved gems, some of the lentoid and others 
of the glandular shape (see above, p. 115). The potsherds discovered 
in the beehive chamber are of the Mycenaean style; they include 
fragments of thirteen of those stirrup- vases which are specially character- 
istic of Mycenaean pottery (see above, p. 112 5^.) In the dromos 
were found, along with potsherds of Mycenaean style, pieces of the later 
pottery known as Dipylum ware, which is decorated with geometrical 
and textile patterns, and which in Greece appears to have inmiediately 
succeeded to, and supplanted, the Mycenaean ware, being perhaps a 
product of the Dorian conquerors (see Furtwangler und Loschcke, 
Mykenische Vasen^ p. xi. sq^ Further, there were found in the dromos 
fragments of the still later style of pottery known as Corinthian, and 
even pieces of the best Attic black-figured vases, and of the earlier 
red-figured vases. Thus it would seem that in the dromos of this 
tomb we have specimens of all the chief sorts of pottery which 
succeeded each other in Greece from the Mycenaean period down to 
the classical era. The fact is instructive, for it appears to prove that 
the dead men in the tomb continued to be worshipped by successive 
generations through many centuries. 

See Das Kuppelgrah bet Menidi herausgegtben vom deutschen archaeologiscfun 
Institute in Athen (Athens, 1880) ; Mittheil. d, arch, Inst, in Atken^ 12 (18S7), 
p. 139 sq, ; F. Adler, Preface to Schliemann's Tiryns, p. xxxv. sq. ; Ch. Belger, 
Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der grieck, Kuppelgrdhery pp. 12, 34; Tsountas, Mujr^i'ou, 
p. 146; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de I* Art datis VAntiquiti^ 6. pp. 4I4-4I7. 
Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez are in error in saying (p. 416) that no precious mctaJs 
were found in the tomb. 

(6) In 1890 a beehive tomb was discovered and excavated by Mr. 
Staes at Thoricus in Attica. It was found buried in a mound of earth 
on the ridge or saddle which unites the hill of Velatouri with the lower 
hill to the north (see vol. 2. p. 408 sq,) The tomb, like that at Menidi^ 
is built of small common stones. The approach or dromos is in so 
far peculiar that its sides are not perpendicular, but converge so as to 
meet overhead and form a vaulted passage ; in this respect it resembles 
the approaches {dromoi) to the rock-cut tombs at Mycenae (see above, 
p. 130). The beehive chamber is also peculiar in being of an elliptical 
instead of a circular shape ; it measures 9 metres (about 30 feet) in 
length by 3.22 to 3.55 metres (about 11 feet) in breadth. The upper 
part of the dome is in a very ruinous state ; the total height is about 
1 5 feet. The tomb had been rifled, but there were found in it a little 
gold, some potsherds of Mycenaean style, a fragment of a bronze spear, 
a piece of a bronze sword (?), and some, charred bones. 


See AeXrfoy dpx<uo\o7Mr^, 1S90, p. 159 sq^, ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt 
dans VAntiquitif 6. p. 417 sq, ; M. Mayer, m Berliner philolog, Wochenschrifty 
13 (1893). p. 1500- 

(7) In 1893 another large beehive tomb was found at Thoricus. 
It is situated on the side of the hill of Velatouri which fiaces the sea. 
The beehive chamber is slightly elliptical in shape, but nearly circular. 
Its diameter is about 9 metres (30 feet). Three graves, covered with 
slabs of stone, were found in the chamber. In one of the graves a 
well preserved skull was discovered, and some vessels (of earthenware ?) 
were also found in the tomb. A remarkable feature of the tomb is 
that two sarcophagus -like structures, about 3 feet high, were reared 
on the floor of the beehive chamber ; each of these structures is built in 
the same style as the walls of the chamber, against which it seems to 
have leaned. See M. Mayer, in Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift^ 13 
(^893), p. 1501 ; npaicTiica t^s *Kpy<i.ioK ^Eraipias, 1893, p. 13 sqq. 

(8) A small beehive tomb has long been known to exist at Eleusis 
in Attica. It is situated on the south side of the acropolis. The 
approach or dromos is 4.80 metres (15 ft. 9 in.) long by 1.90 metres 
(6 ft.) wide, and, like the dromos of one of the beehive tombs at 
Thoricus, is roofed by the side walls converging till they meet in a vault 
overhead. The diameter of the beehive chamber is 3.20 metres 
(10 ft. 6 in.), and its height 3.85 metres (13 feet). The masonry is 
Cyclopean, the walls being built of great blocks almost unhewn ; the 
crevices are filled with small stones. Mr. Tsountas inclines to believe 
that the structure was not a tomb but a cistern (Mvicijvai, p. 123). But 
on the other hand Mr. Philios has justly pointed out that the existence 
of the approach or dromos is strongly in favour of its being a tomb 
CEc^i^/icpls aLpya.i,o\oyiKri^ 1 889, p. 1 92 sq,^ 

See Welcker, Tagehuchy i. p. 112 ; Gazette archiologiquey 8 (1883), p. 248 sq,^ 
with plate 42 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, dt VArt dans I* Antiquity, 6. p. 417 sq, 

(9) A great beehive tomb exists at Orchomenus in Boeotia. Like 
the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenae it has been known since antiquity, 
and was viewed with admiration by Pausanias. For an account of its 
renaains see the note on ix. 38. 2. 

(10) At DimirU^ about three miles to the west of Volo in Thessaly, 
is another beehive tomb. It was excavated at the cost of the Greek 
Government in February and March 1886. A supplementary excava- 
tion was made in April. The dromos or approach is 13.30 metres 
(43 ft. 8 in.) long by 3.30 metres (10 ft. 10 in.) wide. At its 
outer end it was blocked up with a wall of rough masonry. The 
doorway of the tomb is 3.60 metres (11 ft. 9 in.) high. It was 
blocked up with a roughly constructed wall, which, however, did not 
reach half-way up the doorway. The beehive chamber measures 8.50 
metres (27 ft. 10 in.) in width by about 9 metres (30 feet) in 
height, but the top has fallen in. Its dimensions thus closely resemble 
those of the beehive tomb at Menidi^ though they are slightly larger. 
The style of the masonry is also similar, the walls being built of small 
irregular blocks of limestone without any binding material, while the 

140 BEEHIVE TOMBS bk. ii. corinth 

interstices are carefully filled with smaller stones. The round slab 
which had formed the coping-stone of the dome was found in the middle 
of the chamber. 

In the dromos^ to the right and left of the doorway, were found 
remains of bones and ashes, with some fragments of pottery and scraps 
of gold leaf. As some of the bones are not human, they are probably 
the remains of sacrifices offered to the dead. The floor of the beehive 
chamber was covered with a layer of ashes about 2 inches deep, in 
which were found remains of the dead and of their ornaments. Some 
of the bones found in the tomb, including a comparatively well-preser\'ed 
skull, had plainly not been subjected to the action of fire. Bones of 
animals also came to light in the chamber. Among the objects found 
in the tomb were many small ornaments of gold, including about sixty 
rosettes and a gold ring ; a great many beads and other small ornaments 
of glass-paste, including some small tablets decorated with representa- 
tions of the nautilus and the purple-shell ; some small objects made of 
bone ; five bronze arrow-heads, some of them broken ; a signet-stone of 
lapis-lazuli perforated and retaining in the hole a thin wire ; and twenty 
real shells of the sea-snail called Conus, The potsherds found in the 
interior of the tomb are either plain or adorned only with broad bands. 

See Mittheil. d. arch, Inst, in Atken^ 9 (1884), p. 99 sqq. ; /V/., 1 1 
(1886), pp. 435-443 ; /V/., 12 (1887), pp. 136-138; Perrot et Chipiez, 
Hist de VArt dans V Antiquity ^ 6. p. 448 sq, 

(11) In the island of Cephallenia, at the small village of Masarakaia, 
a little to the west of the Venetian castle of St George^ there are the 
remains of a beehive tomb. The upper part of the dome is destroyed, 
and the wall is standing to a height of only about 5 feet. The circular 
chamber seems to have measured about 16 feet in diameter. Not far 
from this beehive tomb, a little to the south-east of the village, there 
are other Mycenaean tombs ; they are of irregularly quadrangular shape, 
with passages leading to them ; both tombs and passages are hewn 
out of the rock. See MittheiL d. arch. Inst in Athen^ 11 (1886), p. 
456; Berliner pMlolog. Wochenschrift^ 7 (1887), p. 867 sq.\ P. 
Wolters, * Mykenische Graber in Kephallenia,' MittheiL d. arch. Inst, in 
Athen, 19 (1894), pp. 486-490. 

Thus, including the eight beehive tombs at Mycenae, nineteen tombs 
of this sort are at present (May, 1895) known to exist in Greece. 
Future excavations may bring to light many more. Indeed, already Mr. 
Tsountas is reported to have discovered in 1894 about twenty beehive 
tombs of the Mycenaean age in the island of Amorgos ; they contained 
vases and figurines of terra-cotta, also lance-heads (Athenaeum^ 24th 
November 1894, p. 722). And at Erganos in Crete Prof. Halbherr in 
1894 excavated three beehive tombs of the Mycenaean age ; one of them, 
which is perfectly preserved, contained six bodies and several Mycenaean 
vases {American Journal of Archaeology^ 9 (1894), p. 541). But 
detailed accounts of these discoveries are not yet to hand, and we 
cannot even say whether these tombs in Amorgos and Crete are built 
of masonry (like all the other beehive tombs enumerated above) or 
merely hewn out of the rock (like a few which will be mentioned 


immediately). No such doubt, however, attaches to one which was 
discovered a good many years ago at Kertch in the Crimea. It is com- 
pletely buried in a moimd called the Golden Mount. In plan and con- 
struction it resembles the beehive tombs of Greece, consisting of a 
circular vaulted chamber with the usual approach or dromos. The 
circiilar vault is built of courses of stones projecting one above the other 
in corbels, as they are called. Nothing was found in the tomb. See 
AntiquiUs du Bosphore CimmMen^ Atlas, plate A a, with the Text, vol. 
I, pp. cxxv, cxxvii. 

Besides the beehive tombs which are built of masonry and buried 
under a mound or hillock, there have been found a few tombs of the 
Mycenaean age which resemble the preceding ones in shape and plan, 
but differ from them in that they are not built but hewn out of the 
living rock. A tomb of this latter type has been discovered in Crete. 
It is situated on the side of a hill in the territory of the ancient 
Gortyna, to the east of the modem village of Anoja Messaritica, It 
consists of a circular chamber, of the usual beehive shape, approached 
by a horizontal passage or dromos, the whole hewn out of the rock. 
The dramas is 5 metres (16 ft. 5 in.) long, but so low that it can 
only be traversed on hands and feet ; its entrance was barred by a 
stone wall. In the beehive chamber were found three small ossuaries 
or sarcophaguses of terra-cotta, the largest of which was not more 
than 3 feet long. At the date of their discovery they seem to have 
contained some crumbling fragments of bones. That this tomb is of 
the Mycenaean period is proved by the discovery in it of painted 
vases of the kind called stirrup - vases, which are peculiar to 
Mycenaean pottery (see above, p. 112 sq.) The sarcophaguses are 
also painted with patterns in the Mycenaean style. See Perrot 
ct Chipiez, Histoire de VArt dans VAntiquitd, 6. p. 453 sq, A 
similar tomb was discovered by the French at Delphi in 1893 or 
1894. It consists of a beehive chamber approached by a short passage 
or dramas, the whole being hewn out of the soft tufa in the mountain- 
side. In the tomb were found a dagger, knife, razor, and brooch, all 
of bronze ; an idol of a type found at Mycenae and Tiryns ; and pottery 
decorated with lines, circles, and geometrical patterns. One at least 
of the vases was characteristically Mycenaean, being a stirrup-vase 
adorned with two octopuses painted on its sides. See Th. Homolle, 
in Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 12 (1894), p. 442. Further, two Mycenaean 
tombs of the same type {i,e. of the beehive shape, but hewn out of the 
rock, not built) were discovered by the Americans near the Heraeum in 
1894. See below, p. 178. 

But besides these beehive tombs, whether built or hewn out of the 
rock, two other sets of sepulchres have been found in Greece which 
deserve mention here, because their contents prove them to belong to 
the Mycenaean age. 

(i) On the north-eastern slope of Palamidi, the imposing rock 
which forms the citadel of Nauplia, near the gateway of the fortress, 
some prehistoric tombs were excavated in 1878, 1879, and 1880. The 
tombs are hewn out of the tufia rock, and each of them consists of a 

142 TOMBS AT NAUPLIA bk. ii. corinth 

quadrangular chamber with a long narrow approach or drotnos. The 
approaches {dromoi) are from 4 to 7 metres (13 to 23 feet) long, 
and the chambers from 2 to 3 metres (6 J to 10 feet) square. The 
entrances to the chambers were closed with masonry. The height of 
the chambers does not exceed 10 feet The roofs are more or less 
convex, but of an indeterminate shape, like the roof of a cave. In the 
floor of some of the tombs are cut quadrangular shallow depressions, 
which were clearly graves, since bones mixed with Mycenaean potsherds 
have been found in them. These graves were covered by slabs, of 
which some pieces exist A distinctive feature of these tombs are the 
niches which are cut in the walls either of the sepulchral chamber or of 
the dromosj these niches were closed either with slabs or with a waU 
of stones, and were found to contain bones mixed with fragments of 
vases and of terra-cotta statuettes. The objects foimd in the tombs 
are in general poor and of little value, which goes with the smallness 
and plainness of the tombs to show that only people of the poorer 
class were buried in them. Among the objects found in them are 
many fragments of vases, which however would seem to have been 
small and of indifferent workmanship ; terra-cotta statuettes, including 
small figures of cows such as have been found at Tiryns, Mycenae, 
and in the lowest strata on the Acropolis at Athens ; pieces of necklaces ; 
some gold ornaments ; and beads and tablets of glass-paste, both blue 
and white. This is not much, but it is enough to prove that the tombs 
belong to the Mycenaean age. In two at least of the tombs were found 
bones of sheep or goats, the remnants of sacrifices offered to the dead. 

See IIpaKTtKa t^s *\p\aioX, 'Erat/otias for 1878 (published 1879), 
p. 1 7 sq, ; H. G. Lolling, * Ausgrabungen am Palamidi,' MittheiL d. 
arch, Inst in Athen^ 5 (1880), pp. 143-163; Schliemann, Tiryns^ pp. 
82, 120, 124, 164, 176; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist de VArt dans 
VAntiquitiy 6. pp. 397-401. 

In 1892 thirty-one more tombs were excavated for the Greek 
Archaeological Society by Mr. Staes in the same place, the north-eastern 
slope of Palamidi. In plan and disposition the tombs resemble those 
described above. Almost all of them contained more than two skeletons, 
laid either at full length or in a sitting posture, as the exigencies of 
space required. In one tomb the bones of a horse were found beside 
those of a man. Of the objects brought to light in these tombs the 
majority were of terra-cotta, especially vases, of which about twenty-five 
were found entire. On each of the handles of one of the vases there is 
engraved a character resembling an H, which may be alphabetic ; for 
in the same year (1892) two vases were found at Mycenae with 
characters (five or six characters on the one and three on the other) 
inscribed on their handles : these characters resemble in form symbols of 
the Cypriote syllabary (II/oaicTtKa t^s 'ApxawA. 'Eratpias, 1892, p. 57). 
Besides vases and potsherds a great many rude clay figurines of 
women, eight figurines of animals, and one representing a chariot were 
found by Mr. Staes in the tombs. Other objects discovered by him 
were a bronze spear-head, a bronze brooch, a bronze mirror ; six gold 
rosettes and two rings of gold leaf; two necklaces of bone and glass- 


paste, in the middle of one of which were two engraved gems with 
representations of animals like some found at Mycenae ; and a vase of 
red and white marble of graceful shape and good workmanship. See 
II/KiicTiicoL rr^'i 'ApxatoX, ^Eraipiasy 1892, pp. 52-54 ; Bulletin de Corr, 
Hellin, 17 (1893), p. 198. 

(2) The village of Spata lies about nine miles to the east of 
Athens, on the further side of Mount Hymettus. Here in December 
1876 a rock-cut tomb was discovered in a small hill close to the village. 
In the following year it was completely excavated for the Greek 
Archaeological Society by Mr. Stamatakis, who discovered a second 
smaller tomb, also hewn in the rock, a little to the west of the first. 
The larger tomb consists of three quadrangular chambers united by 
two short passages and entered by an inclined road 74 feet long, 
which, like the chambers themselves, is hewn out of the rock. The 
outermost of the three chambers is the largest ; it measures 20 feet in 
length by 15 feet in breadth and 16^ feet in height. The other two 
chambers are about 12 feet square and as many high. In all three 
chambers the roof slopes down from the middle on either side, like the 
roof of a house. The door of the outermost chamber was blocked 
with a wall, which did not reach up to the lintel. In each of the three 
chambers was found a human skeleton together with a quantity of 
ashes and charcoal ; and in the smaller tomb a skeleton of a man was 
also found along with the skeleton of a large animal, perhaps a stag. 
The tombs appear to have been rifled, but a large quantity of small 
articles was found in the larger tomb and the passage or dromos leading 
to it ; in the dromos alone more than 1 300 articles were found, without 
counting potsherds. These articles are of gold, glass-paste, ivory, bronze, 
stone, and pottery. The gold found is in very small and thin leaves, 
which were either used to case other articles (especially ornaments 
of glass-paste) or worked up into small ornaments to be employed 
as p>endants or to be attached to something else. Especially numerous 
are the articles of glass-paste and of ivory. The objects of glass-paste 
are most numerous of all. They have all been cast in moulds; no 
fewer than eighty of them have been turned out of the same mould. 
The paste is generally of a whitish tinge ; less often it is bright blue. 
A great many, perhaps even all of these pastes, had been coated with 
gold leaf. They are in the shape either of small tablets adorned with 
reliefs or of pendants, beads, and other toilet articles. Many of them 
are p>erforated. The tablets form the largest class ; more than 450 of 
them have been found adorned with leaves and flowers ; and a great 
many are decorated with marine creatures, such as shells, dolphins, 
and, above all, the tentacles of a nautilus or some such animal. Four 
moulds have furnished more than 200 pieces decorated with tentacles 
alone. Another mould has furnished sixteen tablets adorned with a 
sphinx, who is represented in Oriental style seated on her hind-quarters 
with the head of a woman (?) and the body of a lion, her wings extended 
and her tail elevated. Next in number to the articles of glass-paste the articles of ivory, the most interesting of which are the tablets 
decorated with carved reliefs. These reliefs represent sometimes leaves 


(more than i6o such tablets have been found) and sometimes animals, 
among which marine creatures, such as shells and nautiluses, appear 
oftenest. On two tablets the combat of a lion with a bull is repre- 
sented ; a sphinx figures on twelve more. The only human head in 
ivory found in the tomb represents in profile the head of a man wearing 
a mitre or conical helmet ; but others (Prof. MilchhSfer and Dr. 
Schuchhardt) take his headgear to be a wig. A similar head, made 
also of ivory, has been found at Mycenae (see above, p. 131). The 
articles of bronze found at Spata are comparatively few ; they include, 
however, thirty-three arrow-heads and some pieces of quadrangular 
plates perforated at the ends. Among the potsherds (for no single 
vase was found entire) are remains of five stirrup-vases, one of which is 
adorned in its whole circumference with a band of large fishes painted 
in brownish red. Another of the stirrup-vases is painted in- geometrical 
patterns. These vases alone would suffice to prove that the tomb in 
which they were found belongs to the Mycenaean phase of civilisation. 
Amongst the other objects found at Sfata may be mentioned more 
than 500 fragments of obsidian, most of them cut in the shape of 
triangular prisms, and about fifty boars' teeth perforated as if for 
suspension. Moreover, many fragments of imitation boar's teeth, made of 
glass-paste and perforated as if for suspension, were also found at Spata. 
While these graves at Spata are of the Mycenaean period, they 
are probably later than the royal graves on the acropolis of Mycenae. 
One proof of this is that, whereas the arrow-heads found in the graves 
at Spata are of bronze, those found in the royal graves at Mycenae are 
of obsidian ; it was only in the upper layers of soil at Mycenae that 
Dr. Schliemann found some bronze arrow-heads. 

See Milchhofer, in MittheiL d. arch. Inst, in Athen, 2 (1877), pp. 82-84, 
261-276 ; U. Kohler, * Ueber die Zeit und den Urspning der Grabanlagen in 
Mvkene und Spata/ id. 3 (1878), pp. 1-13; Bulletin de Corr. HelUniqtu^ i 
(1877), pp. 261-263 ; B. Haussoullier, * Catalogue descriptif des objets d^couverts 
it Spata/ ib. 2 (1878), pp. 185-228; Schliemann, MycetKU^ pp. xli-xlviii ; Perrot 
et Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans l* Antiquity, 6. pp. 412-4x4 ; Dumont et Chaplain, 
Les cSramiques d. la Grhe propre^ I. pp. 59-64. 

(3) In 1894 the Swedish archaeologist Mr. S. Wide excavated a 
barrow at Aphidna in Attica (see vol. 2, p. 163). Twelve graves of the 
Mycenaean era were found in it They contained a number of charred 
skeletons, vases of the Mycenaean style resembling those discovered at 
Thoricus, a golden necklace and golden earrings (found lying beside 
the skull of a woman's skeleton), bracelets, and two copper finger-rings. 
One of the skeletons was of gigantic size. See Berliner philolog. 
Wochenschrift, 15 December, 1894, p. 1628; Classical Review^ 9 
(1895), p. 93. According to a later account, however, the pottery 
discovered in these graves was not Mycenaean, though Mycenaean 
pottery was found on the citadel. See Berliner philolog. Wochenschrift^ 
25 May 1895, P- 699. 

Thus it appears that at a very early period a civilisation of the 
Mycenaean type was diffused over the whole eastern coast of continental 
Greece, since remains of it have been found in Laconia ( Vaphio^ Arkina^ 


Kamfios)^ Argolis (Tiryns, Mycenae, the Heraeum, Nauplia), Attica 
(Thoricus, Aphidna, Athens, Spata^ Menidiy Eleusis), Boeotia (Orcho- 
menus), and Thessaly {Dimini^ near Volo), To these remains must be 
added the massive ruins of a great fortress built in the Tirynthian and 
Mycenaean style, which occupy the island of Goulas in the Copaic 
Lake; here excavations conducted by French archaeologists in 1893 
brought to light the remains of a large building which appears to have 
been a palace of the Tirynthian style. See note on ix. 24. i. It 
seems probable that future excavations will reveal the existence of 
Mycenaean remains at many other places on the Greek mainland. 

The type of civilisation to which the epithet Mycenaean is now 
applied as a general designation was not, however, confined to the 
mainland of Greece ; remains of a similar, if not identical, civilisation 
have been discovered in abundance eastward over the Greek 
islands of the southern Aegean as well as on the larger islands of Crete, 
Rhodes, and Cyprus. And the excavations of Schliemann and Dorpfeld 
have revealed the same type of civilisation at Hissarlik^ the ancient 
Troy. The remains of " the second or burnt city " at Troy represent 
the oldest stage in the evolution of the Mycenaean civilisation ; they 
include the ruins of a palace built on the same plan as the palaces of 
Tiryns and Mycenae, and golden jewellery adorned with the spirals 
and rosettes which are characteristic of Mycenaean gold-work. The 
pottery is mostly hand-made, and is adorned, either with incised lines 
and points sometimes filled in with white chalk, or with rude repre- 
sentations of the human face incised or modelled in the clay. See 
Schuchhardt, Schliemanns Ausgrabungen^ p. 60 sqq, ; Busolt, Griech, 
Oeschichte^ i . pp. 39-44 ; Dumont et Chaplain, Les c^amiques de la 
Grke propre^ i. p. 3 sqq, ; Perrot et Chipiez, HisL de VArt dans 
^Antiquit^^ 6. p. 176 sqq. But the excavations of 1890 and 1895 &o 
to show that the ruins in the sixth layer at Hissarlik (counting from 
the bottom) are those of a citadel of the best Mycenaean period, for 
Mycenaean pottery, including some entire stirrup-vases, were found in 
tills layer. Dr. Dorpfeld conjecturally dates this sixth citadel between 
1500 and 1000 RC. ; while the citadel of the second or burnt city he 
would assign to the second half of the third millennium B.c. (2500-2000 
B.C.) See W. Dorpfeld, Troja^ 1893 (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 2, 5, 10 sqq.^ 
56 sqq.^ 86 j^. A stage of the Mycenaean civilisation somewhat more 
advanced than that of the second or burnt city at Troy is attested by 
the remains found in the islands of the southern Aegean, such as Paros, 
^'axos, los, Amorgos, Melos, Thera, and Therasia. In these islands a 
number of small graves have been excavated, which contained bronze 
weapons (spear - heads, daggers, axes), pottery (mostly with incised 
patterns), marble vases, and marble statuettes of the rudest sort, 
g^enerally representing a naked woman with her hands crossed on her 
breast Amongst the pottery found in these graves some vessels 
resemble in form and decoration those found in the second city at Troy, 
but they mark an advance upon the Trojan pottery in the use of the 
potter's wheel and the decoration by means of dull pigments, which are 
laid on in linear patterns. In fact these vases form the transition to 

VOL. Ill L 


the duU-painted ware of Mycenae. Indeed vases of the later lustrous- 
painted sort and of the characteristic Mycenaean shap>e known as stirrup- 
vases (see above, p. \ it, sq,) have been discovered in some of the later 
graves in the islands. Bronze swords have been found in the islands, 
but not, so far as is known, in the graves ; one of them, found in Thera, 
is decorated with inlaid golden axes in the Mycenaean style. See J. T. 
Bent, * Researches among the Cyclades,' Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 
5 (1884), pp. 42-58; F. Diimmler, < Mittheilungen von den griech. 
Inseln,' MittheiL cL arch, Inst, inAthen^ 11 (1886), pp. 15-46; Busolt, 
Griech, Geschichte^ i. pp. 48-50 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de P Art 
dans PAntiquit^y 6. pp. 470-472; Tsountas, Mvic^vat, pp. 202-212. 
Particularly interesting and important are the relics of the Mycenaean 
civilisation which have been discovered in the islands of Thera and 
Therasia, buried under the volcanic matter of an eruption which 
geologists believe to have happened about 2000 B.c Here under a 
layer of pumice-stone ejected by the volcano were brought to light 
walls of houses, which are carefully coated with stucco and painted 
with stripes and floral decorations in colours like those of Tiryns (see 
below, p. 227 sq.) The pottery is mostly made on the wheel and is 
closely akin to the oldest Mycenaean ware. See Dumont et Chaplain, 
Les c^ramiques de la Grhe propre^ i. pp. 19-42, with pL i. and ii. ; 
Busolt, Griech, Geschichte? i. p. 50; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de 
VArt dans VAntiquitd^ 6. pp. 135-154; H. S. Washington, *On the 
possibility of assigning a date to the Santorini vases,' American Journal 
of Archaeology y 9 (1894), pp. 504-520 (Mr. Washington maintains that 
the date of the eruption in Thera cannot be definitely fixed on g^eological 
evidence). In Aegina some well-preserved remains of houses of the 
Mycenaean period have recently been found, together with much pottery, 
under the soil which supported the so-called temple of Aphrodite near the 
capital of the island {MittheiL d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 19 (1894), p. 533). 
The great island of Crete, though it has hitherto been little explored, 
is said to swarm with relics of the Mycenaean age. In the course of 
a six weeks' search in 1894 Mr. A. J. Evans discovered two prehistoric 
cities and '' relics and remains which throw some entirely new lights on 
the art and religion of the Mycenaean peoples" {Athenaeum^ 23 June, 
1^94) P* ^2). In particular the ruins of a Mycenaean city at Goulas, 
a few miles from the sea, on the eastern side of the province of 
Mirabello, are described by Mr. Evans as stupendous. ''Wall rises 
within wall, terrace above terrace, and within the walls, built of the 
same massive blocks of local limestone in rudely horizontal tiers, the 
lower part of the walls of the houses and buildings are {sic) still 
traceable throughout. The site had been observed by Spratt, but so 
incompletely was it known that I discovered here a second and higher 
acropolis with remains of primitive buildings on the summit, one 
containing, besides a fore-court, a chamber with antae recalling the 
ground-plan of more than one megaron of the sixth or Mycenaean 
stratum of Hissarlik. The whole site abounds with primeval relics, 
stone vessels of early * Aegean type,' bronze weapons and Mycenaean 
gems. ... In the mass of remains existing above ground, the ruins 


of Goulas exceed those of any prehistoric site, either of Greece or 
Italy, and there cannot be a doubt that we are here in presence of one 
of the principal centres of the Mycenaean world" {Journal of Hellenic 
Studies^ 14 (1894), p. 277). We have seen (p. 141) that in the 
district of Gortyna a beehive tomb, cut in the rock, was found to 
contain pottery of the most characteristic Mycenaean style, and that 
at Eiganos three beehive tombs of the Mycenaean period have been 
discovered (above, p. 140). At Kurtes^ near Phaestus and Gortyna, 
there is a very ancient necropolis in which Prof. Halbherr in 1894 
excavated some graves containing Mycenaean pottery of the latest 
period (American Joum, of Arch. 9 (1894), p. 541). Remains 
of Mycenaean cities have also been found by Mr. L. Mariani at 
MaraihokephcUa and Anavlockos {Classical ReTnew, 9 (1895), P- 
187 sq.) On the site of Cnosus, one of the chief cities of ancient 
Crete, some ruins of an edifice have been excavated which in style 
and date appears to have approached very closely to the palace at 
Tiryns. In it were found earthenware vases which in shape and 
decoration agree for the most part exactly with the pottery discovered 
at Troy, Mycenae, Tiryns, Nauplia, Spata^ and other seats of My- 
cenaean civilisation. Amongst them was a stirrup-vase. In Crete, 
too, have been found many engraved gems of the Mycenaean type ; 
indeed they are still worn by the Cretan women as amulets. See £. 
Fabricius, 'Fiinde der mykenaischen Epoche in Knossos,' MittheiL 
(Larch. Inst, in Athen^ 11 (1886), pp. 135-149; A. Milchhofer, Z?/> 
Anfdnge der Kunst in Griechenlandy p. 125 sqq. ; G. Busolt, Griech. 
Gesckichie^ i. p. ^o sq.\ Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de VArt dans PAnti- 
guit/y 6. pp. 455-462 ; Dumont et Chaplain, Les cdramiques de la Grhe 
ProprCy I. pp. 64-66 ; A. J. Evans, in Joum. Hellen. Stud. 14 (1894), 
p. 276 sqq. ; Amer. Joum. of Arch. 10 (1895), p. 100 sqq. \ Athen- 
aeum^ 22 June, 1895, p. 812 sq. 

Rhodes also shared in the Mycenaean civihsation. In 1868, 1870, 

and 1 87 1 the English Vice-Consul, Mr. A. Biliotti, opened at lalysus 

a large number of rock-cut tombs resembling in their arrangement the 

rock-cut tombs at Mycenae, Nauplia, and Spata. The contents of 

these tombs, now in the British Museum, are thoroughly Mycenaean 

in character. They include painted pottery ; ornaments of gold, silver 

and bronze ; bronze swords, daggers, arrow-heads, and spear-heads ; 

engrraved gems ; and many ornaments of blue glass made in moulds. 

The pottery is of the lustrous-painted Mycenaean type, decorated with 

bands, spirals, and marine creatures, particularly the cuttle-fish and 

murex shell. It is later than the pottery of Thera, but contemporary 

apparently with that found at Spata and with the later pottery of 

Mycenae ; it includes specimens of the characteristic Mycenaean 

stimip-vase. The bronze swords are also later in style than those 

found in the royal graves on the acropolis of Mycenae. See Dumont 

et Chaplain, Les c^amiques de la Grhe propre^ i. pp. 43-46, with pi. iii. ; 

fiusolt, Griech. Geschichte^^ i. p. 47 sq.\ Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de 

rArt dans VAntiquit^^ 6. pp. 463-465 ; A. S. Murray, Handbook of 

Greek Archaeology ^ p. 2 1 sqq. 


Lastly, in very early, though not the earliest, graves of Cyprus 
pottery of the Mycenaean sort has been found. The vases are mostly 
of the later Mycenaean type. Stirrup-vases are especially common ; 
they are decorated mostly with simple bands, but sometimes with 
seaweed patterns. Potsherds of the older Mycenaean sort, painted 
with broad spirals, have been found in the necropolis of Tzarukas near 
Moroni, But all the Mycenaean pottery found in Cyprus appears to 
have been imported, since the clay differs fh)m that of the native 
Cyprian pottery. It is very remarkable that even the stirrup-vases 
seem to have been imported at a time when the Phoenicians had not 
yet settled in the island. This gives us some idea of the antiquity 
of the Mycenaean civilisation. In later times the Mycenaean ware, in- 
cluding the stirrup-vases, were copied by the Cyprian potters. See F. 
Diimmler, * Mittheilungen von den griech. Inseln,' MittheiL d. arch, Inst, 
in Athen^ ii (1886), pp. 209-262, especially pp. 234 sq.^ 255 ; Busolt, 
Griech, Geschichte^ i. pp. 44-47 ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de PArt 
dans PAntiquiU^ 6. pp. 465-467. 

It remains to ask, what was the date of the Mycenaean civilisation ? 
where did it arise ? and to what race did the Mycenaean people 
belong ? 

( I ) What was the date of the Mycenaean civilisation f Soon after 
Schliemann's discovery of the royal graves on the acropolis of Mycenae, 
a distinguished German archaeologist, the late L. Stephani of St. 
Petersburg, put forward a theory that the graves were those of 
barbarians who had invaded Greece in the third or fourth century of 
our era, and that the treasures found in the graves were part of the 
booty which these supposed invaders had collected in the course of 
their ravages (Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1877, p. 31 sqq,") This 
view was completely refuted by Prof Percy Gardner (^Journal of 
Hellenic SttuUes^ i (1880), pp. 94-106). The single fact that over 
the ruins of the palaces at Mycenae and Tiryns have been found the 
remains of two Doric temples built not later than the sixth century 
B.C. suffices to prove that the sixth century B.C. is the latest possible 
date for the end of the Mycenaean civilisation at these places. On the 
other hand its beginning goes back to a very much earlier date, since, 
as we have seen, Mycenaean remains have been found in Thera and 
Therasia buried under volcanic matter which geologists believe to have 
been thrown out about 2000 B.C. But the best clue to the date of the 
Mycenaean civilisation is furnished by its relations with Egypt For 
on the one hand Egyptian objects have been found on Mycenaean sites, 
and on the other hand Mycenaean objects and representations of them 
have been found in Egypt. Thus at Mycenae two fragments of 
Egyptian porcelain have been found, each bearing the cartouche of 
king Amenophis III., who reigned in Egypt about 1440 to 1400 B.C. ; 
one of them was discovered in a tomb in the lower city, the other in 
a house of the Mycenaean period on the acropolis. Further, a scarab 
bearing the name of Ti, the wife of Amenophis III., was found in 
another house on the acropolis of Mycenae; and in one of the 
Mycenaean tombs at lalysus in Rhodes a scarab of Amenophis III. 


himself was discovered. On the other hand, in Egypt a fresco in the 
tomb of Rameses III. (about 1200 B.c.) contains a representation of five 
of the characteristic Mycenaean vases known as stimip-vases or false- 
necked amphoras ; they are decorated with three bands each, the two 
zones between the bands being filled with interlacing lines and inter- 
spersed points. Further, wall-paintings in three Theban tombs of about 
the time of Thothmes III. (1600 B.C.) have been supposed to represent 
Mycenaean vases ; but in this case the resemblance seems much more 
doubtful, the vases depicted being apparently not the characteristic 
stirrup-vases {s^^ Archdologischer Ameiger^ 1892, p. 13 sq,) But actual 
Mycenaean vases, not mere pictures of them, have been discovered in 
Egypt. Thus at Gurob Mr. Flinders Petrie found five Mycenaean stirrup- 
vases decorated with iron-glaze bands ; he assigns them to the reign of 
Amenophis III. (Illahun^ Kahun and Gurob ^ p. 16 sq. ; Kahun^ Gurob 
and Hawaray p. 42 sq.) Further, in a tomb at Kahun, which Mr. 
Petrie dates about iioo B.C., he foimd a vase of Mycenaean type, 
though not a stirrup-vase ; it is of a fine light-brown paste, with a red 
iron-glaze pattern. Still more recently, in excavating at Tel-el-Amama, 
Mr. Petrie has lighted upon a large quantity of Mycenaean potsherds, 
which he dates between 1400 and 1340 B.C. These facts seem to 
prove that from the middle of the fifteenth century onward to about 
IIOO B.C. Egypt stood in commercial relations with Mycenae or at all 
events with lands in which the Mycenaean type of civilisation prevailed. 
It is to be observed, however, that the Mycenaean pottery found at 
Gurob and Kahun, being of the glazed or lustrous sort, represents the 
later and more advanced pottery of Mycenae rather than the earlier and 
more primitive (see above, p. 11 1 sqq,) From this it follows that we 
ought to date the foundation of Mycenae considerably earlier than the 
middle of the fifteenth century B.C. ; probably the city existed at least 
in the sixteenth century B.C Mr. Flinders Petrie considers that many 
of the products of Mycenaean art are derived from Egyptian models of 
1600 or 1500 B.C. (Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 12 (1891), p. 202). 
On the whole we shall hardly err in assuming that the artistic and 
commercial activity of Mycenae began not later than 1600 B.C. and 
lasted till somewhere about 11 00 B.C. That it must have stretched 
over a considerable period of time is proved by the monuments of 
Mycenae itself, in particular by the royal graves. For the wide 
difference in construction between the shaft graves of the acropolis and 
the beehive tombs of the lower city points to the conclusion that the 
kings who were buried in them belonged to two separate dynasties. 
The number of kings buried in the shaft graves has not been exactly 
determined ; there would seem to have been at least five or six. And 
as each of the beehive tombs was probably the sepulchre of a king, 
and eight such tombs have been up to the present time discovered at 
Mycenae, it will follow that at least thirteen or fourteen kings reigned 
at Mycenae. 

(2) Where did the Mycenaean civilisation originate? That the 
Mycenaean civilisation was deeply influenced and partly moulded by 
the ancient civilisations of the East, particularly by those of Egypt and 


Syria, is admitted on all hands. We have seen that Egyptian products 
have been found in Mycenae, and Mycenaean products in Egypt But 
in addition to this some branches of the native Mycenaean art were 
clearly derived from Egypt ; the native craftsmen worked upon 
Egyptian models. This is conspicuously the case with the inlaid 
dagger-blades, especially the one on which cats are represented hunting 
ducks among lotus or papyrus plants. As these plants are Egyptian 
and the cat seems not to have been known to the west of Egypt until 
historical times, it is certain that this scene on the dagger-blade was 
derived from Egypt. We have seen (p. 114) that the same subject is 
depicted in Egyptian wall-paintings. Moreover, a dagger similarly 
inlaid with a gold pattern on a middle strip of black metal has been 
found in Egypt with the mummy of Queen Aah-hotep ; it is believed 
to date from before 1600 B.c. Further, the pattern of the elaborately 
carved roof of the beehive tomb at Orchomenus (see note on ix. 38. 2) 
closely resembles the patterns painted on some Egyptian roofs. The spiral 
ornament itself, so characteristic of Mycenaean art, is believed by Mr. 
A. J. Evans to have been copied from Egyptian scarabs of the twelfth 
dynasty, instead of having been, as is commonly supposed, imitated from 
native metal-work (Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 14 (1894), p. 326 sqq,^ 
Again, the sphinxes which appear on Mycenaean jewellery are ultimately 
derived from Eg^pt, and so perhaps was the art of glass-making, of 
which so many specimens have been found in the later Mycenaean 
graves, as for example in the tombs at Spata, The numerous articles 
of ivory found in Mycenaean graves, and the ostrich ^^^ discovered in 
one of the shaft graves at Mycenae, also point to African and probably 
Egyptian influence. Yet connoisseurs seem to be agreed that, in 
spite of the close relation of Mycenaean art to Eg^tian art, the formei — 
is not a product of Egypt Thus Prof. Reisch says that " any one= 
who is at all familiar with both styles of art, can with ease and certainty^ 
distinguish Mycenaean from Egyptian products." Prof. Percy Gardnei^ 
says : ** Notwithstanding this close relation to Egyptian art, the=3 
masterpieces of Mycenae have much in them which is non-Egyptian^ j 
and which seems to mark a native style of art. There is a freedon-^:* 
from convention and a vigour about them which is unmistakable'^ 
{New Chapters in Greek History^ p. 72 sq,) And even of the inlai 
daggers, which are held especially to reflect the art of Egrypt, Mr 
Flinders Petrie says : ** The work of the inlaid daggers has long 
recognised as inspired from Egypt ; but we must note that it is native 
work and not merely an imported article. The attitudes of the figures "• 
and of the lions, and the form of the cat, are such as no Egyptiar::^ 
would ever have executed. To make such things in Greece implies s^ 
far higher culture, and a more intimate intercourse with Egypt, thair^ 
merely to import them" (Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 12 (1891), p^^ 
203). Again, the Semitic influence of Syria may be traced in th 
golden figurines of Aphrodite (Astarte) with her doves, and the littl 
golden models of temples with doves perched on them, which werc^ 
found in the royal graves on the acropolis at Mycenae. And to the^ 
same influence may be ascribed the griffins and perhaps the palm-trees^ 


and lions of Mycenaean art ; though in regard to the pakns and lions 
it is to be remembered that the Mycenaeans may have found them 
nearer home than in Syria. As to lions see vi. 5. 4 note ; as to palms 
see ix. 19. 8 note. Again, the heraldic device of the lions rampant 
over the gateway at Mycenae has been held to be borrowed from 
Phrygia (see above, p. 102 sq,\ and a Phrygian origin has also been 
attributed by Dr. Adler to the beehive tombs (Preface to Schliemann's 
TifynSy p. xlvi.) The device of the lions rampant has imdoubtedly its 
counterparts in Phrygia, but it is too common to allow us to use it 
with confidence as a proof of Phrygian influence at Mycenae. It may 
be traced back to the art of Cappadocia and Babylon (P. Gardner, 
New Chapters in Greek History, p. 81). And there is no sufficient 
evidence that the principle of the beehive tomb was derived from 
Phrygia. No beehive tomb has been as yet discovered in Phrygia or 
indeed in any part of Asia. The nearest analogies, perhaps, are some 
tombs in Caria (W. R. Paton, m Journal of Hellenic Studies, 8 (1887), 
pp. 67 sq,j 79 sqq. ; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de PArt dans VAntiquiU, 
5. p. 317 sq,^\ but even these differ from the beehive tombs and cannot 
have furnished the models for them, since they are of much later date 
than the Mycenaean age. 

On the other hand, the characteristic Mycenaean pottery, with its 
decoration drawn from the observation of marine plants and animals, 
has no analogy in Oriental art, and is to all appearance an independent 
product of the Mycenaean people. 

Thus on the whole, though individual elements in Mycenaean art 
may be traced to Oriental prototypes, we are not justified in placing the 
original home of the Mycenaean civilisation in any region but that in 
which alone examples of all its characteristic products have been 
found ; that region consists of the coasts and islands washed by the 
southern Aegean. Rhodes is excluded because its Mycenaean remains, 
so far as we know at present, all belong to the period of full develop- 
ment, not to that of birth and growth. Thera, though it presents us 
with ^ very ancient phase of Mycenaean art, is too small to have 
originated the movement. Besides its development was cut short at 
a very early stage by the great catastrophe which has helped to 
preserve the evidence of the civilisation which it destroyed. It would 
seem, therefore, that the birthplace of the Mycenaean civilisation was 
either Argolis or Crete. Argolis possesses by far the most numerous, 
most imposing, and most splendid relics of the Mycenaean age with which 
we are at present accurately acquainted. Crete on the other hand has been 
little explored, but what little we know of it tends to prove that it teems 
with Mycenaean remains. Moreover in the traditions of Minos we have 
evidence, apparently trustworthy, of a great Cretan kingdom which, at 
a time previous to the Trojan war and hence to the period of Mycenae's 
greatest splendour under Agamemnon, dominated the sea, conquered 
And levied tribute from parts of the Greek mainland, and extended its 
mfluence as far as Sicily. The existence at this early date of a great 
iQaritime power in Crete, which by its central position between Greece 
and the empires of the East was well fitted to receive and amalgamate 


the characteristics of both, is just what is needed to explain the rise 
and wide diffusion of a type of civilisation like the Mycenaean in which 
Oriental influences seem to be assimilated and transmuted by a vigorous 
and independent nationality endowed with a keen sense of its own for 
art. The spade will probably one day decide the question of priority 
between Argolis and Crete, but in the meantime the probability appears 
to be that the Mycenaean civilisation rose in Crete and spread from it 
as a centre, and that it was not until the Cretan power was on the 
wane that the palmy days of Tiryns and Mycenae began. 

Of the rich harvest that awaits the archaeologist in Crete Mr. A. J. 
Evans brought home in 1894 a first -fruit in the shape of evidence 
that the people of the Mycenaean age in Crete possessed a system 
of writing long before the time when the Phoenician alphabet was first 
introduced into Greece. Most of the symbols which he interprets 
as writing are engraved on the facets of certain small three-sided and 
four-sided stones, and are arranged in groups on what seem to be fixed 
principles. The stones, most of which have been found in Crete, though 
several have been found elsewhere, are perforated through their axis, 
and Mr. Evans believes that they were used as seals like the 
Babylonian cylinders. The extremely early date of these engraved 
stones is inferred from their having been found apparently in tombs 
at Phaestus along with Egyptian scarabs of the twelfth dynasty and 
a painted vase like the vases of Thera. Hence Mr. Evans would 
date these tombs roughly between 2500 and 1800 B.C. Two at least 
of these engraved stones were found at Cnosus, the ancient capital of 
Minos, and here, too, on the gypsum blocks of a prehistoric building, 
which from the pottery found in it appears to have belonged to the best 
period of Mycenaean art, are carved symbols of the same sort as those 
on the faceted stones.* Similar symbols occur on potsherds found at 
Kahun and Gurob in Egypt by Mr. Flinders Petrie, who assigns the 
deposits in which they were discovered to the twelfth dynasty. This 
date, it will be observed, tallies with the date at which, on independent 
grounds, Mr. Evans would place the engraved stones found at Phaestus. 
The writing on these various materials is of two sorts: one is pictog^phic, 
the other is linear and quasi-alphabetic. The pictographic is the older 
of the two, and though it survived into Mycenaean times, it can be 
traced far back into the third millennium B.C To all appearance it was 
evolved in Crete itself by an aboriginal race, which did not belong to 
the Greek stock. This race was probably the people whom the ancients 
called the Eteocretes or *true Cretans.' Their principal city was 
Praesus, and near it has been found a remarkable inscription, which, 
though written in archaic Greek characters, is in an unknown language. 
This unknown language was probably the speech of the Eteocretes, and 
hence of the people who originated the two systems of writing in 
question, the pictographic and the linear ; and the fact of the inscription 
being in Greek characters seems to prove that the old language 
continued to be spoken even after the aboriginal race had come in 
contact with the Greeks and had exchanged its own system of writing 
for the Greek alphabet. Though it may have been modified by 


Egyptian influences, the Cretan pictographic writing is not a mere 
copy of Egyptian hieroglyphs. Mr. Evans regards it as probably akin 
to the so-called Hittite hieroglyphs of Asia Minor or Northern Syria, 
and as p>erhaps shading off into them by intermediate phases. Yet as 
a written system it would seem to have been confined chiefly, if not 
exclusively, to Crete, though a signet engraved with these pictographic 
characters has been found at Sparta. The linear system of writing, on 
the other hand, had a far wider range ; for specimens of it have been 
found in Peloponnese (at Mycenae and Nauplia), in Attica (at Menidi)^ 
in Sjphnos, and on the early potsherds of Kahun and Gurob in Egypt. 
This linear writing is certainly connected with the pictographic, and may 
perhaps have been evolved out of it. In character it is probably 
alphabetic or at all events syllabic. It partially agrees with the 
Cypriote and Asiatic syllabaries, and shows many striking resemblances 
to Semitic letters. See Mr. Evans's letter in the Athenaeum^ 23 
June, 1894, p. 812 sq,^ and his paper * Primitive pictographs and a prae- 
Phoenician script from Crete and the Peloponnese,' Journal of Hellenic 
Studies^ 14 (1894), pp. 270-372. Thus it would seem that the My- 
cenaean civilisation flourished in Crete at the end of the third and the 
b^inning of the second millennium B.C. This, too, is about the date to 
which, on other grounds, we must assign the remains of early Mycenaean 
type in the " second city " at Troy, since these remains are more archaic 
than the Mycenaean remains of Thera, which was destroyed by the 
eruption of about 2000 B.C. In this connexion it is worthy of note that 
Teucer, the legendary founder of the oldest city in the Troad, is said to 
have been a Cretan (Tzetzes, SchoL on Lycophron^ iSoi)- Such tradi- 
tions are not to be lightly set aside. For the progress of archaeological 
discovery tends more and more to show that Greek traditions, which 
not so long ago it was the fashion to pooh-pooh, rest on a solid basis 
of historical fact. 

(3) To what race did the Mycenaean people belong? We have 
seen a certain amount of evidence (pp. 142, 152 sq,^ that both in Crete 
and on the mainland of Greece the people of the Mycenaean age 
possessed the art of writing. If this evidence should prove not to be 
fallacious, and we should succeed in reading the Mycenaean inscriptions, 
we shall know what language they spoke, and shall thus possess a clue, 
not of course an infallible one, to their nationality. In the meantime 
we must seek to determine their racial affinities by other tests. 

When the royal graves were discovered by Dr. Schliemann on 
the acropolis of Mycenae, archaeologists were at first so much struck 
by the Oriental affinities and the barbaric splendour and profusion of 
the ornaments lavished on the dead, that they were inclined to 
attribute them to an eastern and semi-barbarous race. Professor U. 
Kohler accordingly propounded a theory that the graves were those of 
Carian settlers in Greece {MittheiL d, arch. Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), 
pp. I- 1 3), and this view was adopted and reinforced with fresh argu- 
ments by Professors Diinunler and Studnizcka (*Die Herkunft dcr 
mykenischen Cultur,' Mittheil, d, arch. Inst, in Athen, 12 (1887), pp. 
1-24). The grounds on which it rests are chiefly these. The Carians 


are said on the authority of Aristotle (cited by Strabo, viii. p. 374) to 
have occupied Epidaurus and Hermion ; in the time of Minos they 
held the islands of the Aegean, and were a powerful seafaring people 
(Herodotus, i. 171). When the Athenians opened the graves and 
removed the dead from the island of Delos in the fifth century B.C., 
more than half of the dead were recognised as Carians by the fashion 
of the weapons which were buried with them (Thucydides, i. 8). 
Moreover, one of the two citadels at Megara was csilled Caria after the 
legendary Car (Paus. i. 40. 6 ; cp. i. 39. 5 J^.) ; and the double axe, 
which occurs as an ornament on some of the Mycenaean jewellery, was 
a symbol of the Carian Zeus (Preller, Griech, MythologU^^ i. p. 141, 
note 2). But this theory of the Carian origin of the Mycenaean 
civilisation has not been confirmed by subsequent research and is now 
generally abandoned. It has been pointed out that the Mycenaean 
civilisation extended over a far wider area than that which is said to 
have been occupied by the Carians, and that in Caria itself no archi- 
tecture or sculpture of the Mycenaean type is known to exist. 

At the date when the Homeric poems, the earliest literary record 
of the Greek race, were composed, somewhere about 1000 B.C. or not 
very long after it, we find from the poems that the whole region which 
had been the seat of the Mycenaean civilisation was occupied by a 
Greek race, the Achaeans, whose civilisation closely resembled in many 
respects that of the Myceiiaean age, and whose principal cities 
(including Orchomenus, Mycenae, Tiryns, and Amyclae) were just 
those which have been found to contain the most striking relics of 
Mycenaean art From this it is a reasonable inference that the 
Achaeans were the people who reared the imposing fortifications, 
palaces, and tombs of these cities, and created the Mycenaean art, 
and that the differences between the Achaean civilisation, as revealed 
to us by Homer, and the Mycenaean civilisation, as exhibited in the 
monuments, are to be explained by the somewhat later date of the 
poems, which on this view portray a later and perhaps decadent phase 
of the Mycenaean age, having been possibly composed at a time when 
the old civilisation was either being slowly worsted in conflict with a 
younger and more vigorous rival, or had actually been extinguished in 
its native home and survived only in popular tradition and the lays of 
minstrels as the fading memory of a golden age in the past. 

Among the resemblances which can be traced between the Homeric 
and Mycenaean civilisation may be mentioned the fortification of 
the cities, the plan and disposition of the palaces, and the rich and 
elaborate metal-work ; in particular the scenes inlaid in diverse metals 
on the shield of Achilles (//. xviii. 478 sqq.^ tally remarkably with the 
scenes, similarly inwrought, on the dagger-blades found at Mycenae. 
Further, a comparison of the defensive armour used in the Mycenaean 
and Homeric age respectively appears to show that the two were closely 
alike, if not identical (see W. Reichel, Ueber die homerische Waffetty 
Wien, 1894). Again, in the Homeric poems Mycenae is still "the 
golden city " (77. vii. 1 80, xi. 46 ; Od, iii. 304), and the treasures of 
Orchomenus are ranked with those of Egyptian Thebes (//. ix. 381 sq.) 


On the other hand, among the real or apparent difTerences which 
have been noted between the Mycenaean and the Homeric modes of 
life the most striking are as follows. First, in Homeric times iron was 
in use, at least for certain implements, whereas the Mycenaeans were 
essentially in the Bronze Age, a very little iron only having been found 
in some of the later, and none at all in the oldest, graves at Mycenae. 
Second, in the Homeric age the dead were burnt ; in the Mycenaean 
age they were buried. Third, the Homeric women wore garments 
fastened with brooches, whereas the Mycenaeans would seem to have 
worn sewn garments almost universally, since very few brooches have 
been found in their houses and graves. 

But even these differences between the Mycenaeans and the Homeric 
Greeks have turned out, with increased knowledge and more careful 
research, to be less than was at first supposed. For, first, in the 
Homeric poems iron plays a very subordinate part ; we hear of iron 
axes, knives, and arrow-heads, but most of the weapons and implements 
mentioned in the poems are of bronze ; in &ct while iron is men- 
tioned in the Ilicul and Odyssey only fifty -eight times, bronze is 
mentioned no less than three hundred and fifty-nine times. See F. B. 
Jevons, *Iron in Homer,* Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 13 (1892-3), pp. 
25-31. Thus it would seem that the Homeric Greeks lived at a very 
early period of the iron age, when bronze was still the metal in 
commonest use (cp. Pausanias, iiL 3. 8) ; and nearly the same thing 
can be said of the Mycenaeans, for though bronze was the metal of 
which they commonly made their weapons and some of their domestic 
utensils, they were not wholly unacquainted with iron, as the occurrence 
of a few iron rings in some of the graves of the lower city at Mycenae 
has sufficed to demonstrate. In short, all the difference in this respect 
between the Homeric and the Mycenaean age is that in the former 
iron was in somewhat more general use than in the latter, a fact which 
confirms the conclusion, reached by other methods, that the Homeric 
poems are of later date than the remains of Mycenaean art as a whole. 

Second, though the Homeric Greeks burnt their dead and the 
Mycenaeans buried them, yet even in Homer there are traces of a 
custom of embalming corpses instead of burning them (//. vii. 85, 
xvi. 465, 674; Helbig, Das homeriscke Epos^ p. 54); and the 
belief of the later Greeks touching the bones of some of their 
ancient heroes, as Orestes and Theseus (Herodotus, i. 68 ; Plutarch, 
Theseus^ 36), seems to show that they had a lingering tradition of a 
time when their forefathers buried their dead. Moreover, when an 
ancient Greek cemetery was excavated in 1891 to the north-east of the 
Dtpylum at Athens, it was found that in all the oldest graves, with a 
single exception, the dead were buried and not burnt ; the date of 
these oldest graves seems to be the eight or seventh century B.C. See 
A. Bruckner, in Jahrbuch d, arch, Instituts, 7 (1892), Archaologischer 
Anzeiger, p. 19 sqq,\ A. Briicker und E. Pemice, *Ein attischer 
Friedhof,' MittheiL d, arch, Inst, in Athen, 18 (1893), P- 73 sqq. 

Third, though brooches were not found in the oldest graves at 
Mycenae, namely the shaft graves on the acropolis, one was found in 


a house on the acropolis and a few were found in the graves of the 
lower city. This proves that at some period of their history the 
Mycenaeans at least occasionally wore garments fastened with brooches 
instead of sewed garments, and that therefore no such sharp distinction 
can be drawn between the Homeric and the Mycenaean costume as 
some archaeologists, especially Prof. Studnizcka, were formerly disposed 
to make. 

On the whole, then, the evidence thus far tends strongly to show 
that there was no sudden and violent breach between the Mycenaean 
and Homeric civilisation, but that the latter was merely the natural 
continuation and outgrowth, perhaps in a somewhat degenerate shape, 
of the former. The continuity of the history of Greek art from the 
Mycenaean epoch down to the classical age is confirmed by those 
features of classical Greek architecture which seem to be directly 
descended from corresponding features in Mycenaean architecture. 
Thus the fundamental parts of a Greek temple, namely the sacred 
chamber or cella and the portico leading into it, seem to be a copy 
of the hall and portico of the palaces of the Mycenaean age, such as 
have been found at Troy, Tiryns, and Mycenae. The g^rand portal 
or propylaeum at Tiryns (see below, p. 222) is identical in plan with 
the similar portals which the Greeks of the classical age erected as 
entrances to their greatest sanctuaries, for example, the Acropolis at 
Athens and the precinct of Demeter at Eleusis (see vol. 2. pp. 249 sgq.^ 
505 sq,) Again, the Doric column seems to be derived from the 
Mycenaean column, so far as the latter is known to us from the half- 
columns of the tomb of Clytaemnestra (above, p. 127) and from an ivory 
model of a column fluted in the Doric way. Lastly, the sloping gable- 
roofs of Greek temples, so different from the fiat roofs which prevail in 
the hot climates of Asia and Northern Africa, had their counterparts in 
the sloping roofs of the Mycenaean houses ; for that the Mycenaeans 
built their houses with gable-roofs may be inferred with certainty both 
from the similar roofs of the rock-cut tombs at Mycenae (above, p. 1 30) 
and from two sepulchral urns of the Mycenaean period, found in Crete, 
which are fashioned in the shape of tiny houses with gable-roofs. 

The semi-Oriental style of the Mycenaean civilisation is no serious 
objection to the view that the people who evolved and spread that 
civilisation were of the Greek stock. For Greece after all is at the 
gateway of the East, and the Homeric Greeks themselves would seem 
to have been under the influence of the Orient to an extent which the 
ordinary reader of Homer hardly realises. " If the modem reader," 
says Prof Helbig (Das homerische Epos^ p. 425 j^.) "were suddenly 
transported by magic into the hall of an Ionian king in which an Homeric 
minstrel were in the act of trolling out a new lay, the artificial style and 
the gay and varied colours which would everywhere meet his eye might 
well make him feel as if he were not in a Greek assembly, but in 
Nineveh at the court of Sennacherib or in the palace of King Hiram at 

The catastrophe which put an end to the Mycenaean civilisation in 
Greece would seem to have been the Dorian invasion, which, according 


to the traditional Greek chronology, befell about the middle of the 
twelfth century B.C. (Busolt, Griech, Geschichte^ i. p. 259 sq.) That 
the end of Mycenae and Tiryns was sudden and violent is proved by 
the conclusive evidence which shows that the palaces were destroyed 
by fire and that, once destroyed, they were never rebuilt. The date, 
too, of the Dorian invasion, so far as we can determine it, harmonises 
well with this view ; for the Egyptian evidence of the existence of My- 
cenae comes down to about the time of the Dorian invasion, and there 
significantly stops. The cessation also of the characteristic Mycenaean 
pottery about the same date points to the same conclusion. It is not 
indeed to be supposed that the Dorians swept over Greece in one 
unbroken wave of conquest. The tide of invasion probably ebbed and 
flowed ; raids were met and repelled, but were followed by incursions 
of fresh swarms of invaders, the new-comers steadily gaining ground, 
encroaching on and enveloping the ancient Mycenaean kingdoms till, 
the last barrier giving way before them, the capitals themselves were 
stormed, their treasures plundered, and the palaces given to the flames. 
The conflict between civilisation and barbarism, the slow decline of the 
former and the gradual triumph of the latter, may have lasted many 
years. It is thus that many, if not most, permanent conquests have 
been eflected. It was thus that the Saxons step by step ousted the 
Britons, and the Danes obtained a footing in England ; it was thus 
that the Turks strangled the Byzantine empire. Events like the fall 
of Constantinople and the expulsion of the Moors from Granada are 
only the last scenes in tragedies which have been acting for centuries. 

To attribute, with some writers, the creation instead of the destruc- 
tion of the Mycenaean civilisation to the Dorians is preposterous, since 
the Dorian immigration did not take place till the twelfth century B.C, 
while the Mycenaean civilisation is known from Egyptian evidence to 
have existed from the middle of the fifteenth century B.C. at least. But 
this attribution involves other than chronological difliculties. The 
typical Dorians were the Spartans, and no greater contrast can well 
be conceived than that between the luxurious, semi-Oriental civilisation 
of Mycenae and the stem simplicity of Sparta. On the one side we 
see imposing fortifications, stately tombs, luxurious baths, magnificent 
palaces, their walls gay with bright frescoes or glittering with burnished 
bronze, their halls crowded with a profusion of precious objects of art 
and luxury, wrought by native craftsmen or brought by merchants 
from the bazaars of Egypt and Assyria ; and in the midst of all a 
sultan, laden with golden jewellery, listening to minstrels singing the 
talc of Troy or the wanderings of Ulysses. On the other side we see 
an open unfortified city with insignificant buildings, where art and 
poetry never flourished, where gold and silver were banned, and where 
even the kings prided themselves on the meanness of their attire 
(Plutarch, Agesilaus, 36 ; Cornelius Nepos, Agesilaus, 8). The 
Dorians, if we may judge of them by the purest specimens of the 
breed, were just as incapable of creating the art of Mycenae as the 
Turks were of building the Parthenon and St Sophia. 

Of the Greeks who were rendered homeless by the Dorian invasion 


most fled to Asia. There, on the beautiful island-studded coast, under 
the soft Ionian sky, a new Greece arose which, in its splendid cities, its 
busy marts, its solemn fanes, combined Greek subtlety and refinement 
with much of Asiatic pomp and luxury. By this long and brilliant 
after-glow of the Mycenaean civilisation in Asia we may judge, as it 
has been well said, what its meridian splendour had been in Europe. 

On the Mycenaean art and civilisation, its character, date, affinities, etc., see 
U. Kohler, ' Ueber die Zeit und den Urspning der Grabanlagen in Mykene und 
Spata,* Mitiluil. d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 3 (1878), pp. I-13; F. Lenormant, in 
Gazette ArckiologiqtUy 5 (1879), pp. 197-209 ; C. T. Newton, Essays on Art and 
Archaeology {hondony 1880), pp. 246-302; P. Gardner, * Stephani on the tombs 
at Mycenae/ ybttrmz/ 0/ Hellenic Studies, i (1880), pp. 94-106 ; id., New Chapters 
in Greek History (London, 1892), pp. 55-1^2 ; A. Furtwangler und G. Loschcke, 
Mykenische Vasen (Berlin, 1886), Introduction ; F. Adler, Pre£Eu:e to Schliemann's 
Tiryns (London, 1886), pp. v-liii; Dttmmler und Studnizcka, 'Die Herkunit 
der mykenischen Cultur, Mittheil, cL arch, Inst,»in Athen, 12(1887), pp. 1-24; 
W. M. Flinders Petrie, *The Egyptian bases of Greek Ys^XxstyJ Journal of HeUatic 
Studies, II (1890), pp. I271-277 ; id,, 'Notes on the antiquities of Mykenai,' 
Journal of Hellen, Stud, 12 (1891), pp. 199-205; Schucnhardt, Schliemanns 
Ausgrabungen^ pp. 368-389; Cecil Torr, in ClassiccU Review, 6 (1892), pp. 127- 
131 ; Cecil Smitn, * £p;ypt and Mycenaean antiquities,' ib, pp. 462-466 ; Stein- 
dorfT, ' Ae^pten und die mykenische Kxx\\.MX,Wahrbuch d, archdoL Inst, 7 (1892), 
Archaologischer Anzeiger, pp. 11-16; M. Collignon, Histoire de la Sculpture 
Grecque, I. pp. 59-64; H. Brunn, Griechische Kunstgeschichie, I (Miinchen, 
1893), pp. 1-64; G. Busolt, Griech, Geschichte^ i. pp. 3-126; Ed. Meyer, 
Gesch, d, Alterthums, 2 (Stuttgart, 1893), ^ 81-84 * Tsountas, Mv/c^reu (Athens, 
1893), pp. 172-264; E. Reisch, 'Die mykenische Frage,' Verhandlungen der ^z„ 
Versammlung deutsch, Philologen (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 97-122; Perrot et Chipiez, 
Hist, de VArt dans VAntiquite, 6. pp. 983-1010; A. J. Evans, 'Primitive 
pictographs and a prae-Phoenician script from Crete and the Peloponnese,' 
Journal of Hellenic Studies, 14 (1894), pp. 270-372. 

Mr. Tsountas, the distinguished Greek archaeologist who has done 
much to advance our knowledge of Mycenaean art, has endeavoured 
from a study of Mycenaean architecture to arrive at some conclusion 
as to the original home of the Mycenaean people before they migrated 
into Greece. His speculations are so ingenious and interesting that 
they deserve a brief notice here. 

He points out that in the beehive tombs we probably possess 
models of the primitive dwellings of the Mycenaean people. For when 
men believe, as the Mycenaeans apparently did, that the dead live in 
the grave a shadowy life which is the reflexion of the life they led on 
earth, they naturally make their tombs like their houses, and place in 
them the tools, weapons, and ornaments which the departed had used 
in life. Now it seems clear that houses of the beehive pattern, built 
into the side of a hillock or covered over with a mound of earth, are 
most suitable to a country where the winters are long and cold, and 
where consequently people construct their houses underground for the 
sake of warmth and shelter. Such houses have been used and are still 
used by primitive races in many parts of the world. In the Bronze 
Age, to which the Mycenaean people essentially belonged, the rude 
tribes of northern Europe appear to have constructed both their houses 
and their tombs in this fashion (see Sir J. Lubbock, Prehistoric Timesy^ 


pp. 56 sqq.^ 113 sqq^ It is therefore a legitimate inference that the 
Mycenaean people, before they migrated into the sunnier climate of 
Greece, inhabited a bleak northern country, where they dwelt in round 
huts dug out in the sides of hills or covered over with earth, stones, and 
branches. Other evidence, such as the remains of prehistoric villages 
in the vaUey of the Po, and sepulchral urns shaped like round huts, 
which were found under a layer of volcanic matter at Albano in 18 17, 
confirms the view that while the ancestors of the Greeks and Latins 
lived together in some part of central Europe, they made their houses of 
a circular shape. See Lubbock, op, cit, p. 54 sq, ; W. Helbig, Die 
Italiker in der Poebene (Leipzig, 1879); Journal of Philology^ 15 
(1886), pp. 145-148. 

But the shaft graves on the acropolis at Mycenae differ so totally 
in plan from the beehive tombs that we can hardly suppose them to 
have been constructed by the same people. Now on the acropolis at 
Mycenae, as we have seen (p. 122), remains have been found of two- 
storied houses, in which the inhabitants appear to have lived in 
the upper story and to have used the ground story either as a store- 
room or merely as a place in which to deposit rubbish. Houses of this 
type, raised above the ground, are naturally built by people who have 
previously been accustomed to erect their houses on raised platforms 
over marshes and lakes. The remains of prehistoric villages discovered 
within recent years in Switzerland, Italy, Germany, and other countries 
prove that in the Stone and Bronze Ages people in many parts of Europe 
dwelt over lakes and marshes in huts built on wooden platforms, which 
were supported on piles (see Lubbock, Prehistoric Times^ pp. 181-226 ; 
R. Munro, The Lake-Dwellings of Europe^ London, 1890). Herodotus 
has graphically described (v. 16) one such village which existed in 
Paeonia down to the fifth century B.C. Mr. Tsountas has accordingly 
conjectured that one branch of the Mycenaean people, that perhaps 
which made the shaft graves, were originally lake-dwellers, inhabiting 
villages raised on piles over lakes and swamps. This conjecture is 
confirmed by the stone model of such a village which was found many 
years ago in Melos, and is now in the Museum at Munich. It repre- 
sents seven round huts forming three sides of a square ; on the fourth 
side there is a wall with a gateway and porch. The huts are decorated 
on the outside with the characteristic Mycenaean spirals. The platform 
on which they stand is supported by four pillars, which are represented 
as made of logs laid one upon the other. See Lubbock, op, cit, p. 55. 
As Melos is one of the Greek islands in which early Mycenaean 
remains have been found, it seems not improbable that in this model 
we have a copy of a lake- village of the early Mycenaean period. Lastly, 
Mr. Tsountas has pointed out that some of the most important cities of 
the Mycenaean age in Greece, as Orchomenus, Tiryns, and Amyclae, 
seem to have been originally surrounded by marshes, and that the 
Greeks had traditions of towns which had been swallowed up by the 
Copsuc Lake (Strabo, ix. p. 413 ; Pausanias, ix. 24. 2). The remains 
of a great fortress of the Mycenaean era are still to be seen on the 
island of Goulas in the Copaic Lake (see note on ix. 24. i ). Mr. Tsountas 


suggests that the choice of such sites was determined by old habit, the 
people settling among marshes because their fathers had done so before 
them, although much stronger situations might have been found close 
at hand. 

Thus, according to Mr. Tsountas, there were two branches of the 
Mycenaean people ; one dwelt in underground huts, the other in pile- 
villages built on lakes and marshes ; the former he would identify with 
the Homeric Achaeans, the latter with the Homeric Danai. He con- 
siders that the Minyans of Orchomenus, the Tirynthians, and the 
inhabitants of the Greek islands belonged to the lake-dwellers or Danai. 
Mycenae itself, on his theory, was founded by the lake-dwellers or Danai 
from Tiryns, who after occupying the coast and founding Tiryns gradu- 
ally spread inland, and whose kings, the first dynasty of Mycenae, were 
buried in the shaft graves on the acropolis. At a later time the 
Achaeans, moving southward from Corinth, made themselves masters 
of Mycenae, and their kings, forming the second dynasty, were buried 
in the beehive tombs. This theory he supports by the tradition that 
Mycenae was founded by Perseus, king of Tiryns and son of Danae 
(Paus. ii. 1 6. 2 sq.\ that two generations of Perseus's descendants 
reigned at Mycenae after him, and that thereupon a new and more 
powerful dynasty, that of the Pelopids, succeeded to the throne (Thucy- 
dides, i. 9 ; ApoUodorus, ed. R. Wagner, p. 185 ; Strabo, viii. p. 377 ; 
Eusebius, Chronic, L voL i. p. 179, ed. Schoene). He holds that 
the shaft graves on the acropolis are the graves of the older Perseid 
dynasty, and that the beehive tombs are the sepulchres of the later 
Pelopid dynasty. 

See Tsountas, Mvic^i^ai, pp. 193-199, 204 sq,^ 221-245. 

16. 6. a conduit called Peraea. The source of this conduit was 
probably the copious spring which rises in the glen about 400 yards 
east of the acropolis of Mycenae. Its water, which is still famous for 
its purity and salubrious properties, flows southward into the Chceuos 
ravine. In antiquity the water of the spring seems to have been 
brought in a conduit or aqueduct along the northern foot of the acropolis, 
where a ruined Turkish aqueduct may still be traced. On this northern 
slope of the acropolis there are some cuttings in the rock which may 
have belonged to the ancient aqueduct. At the north-west comer of 
the acropolis there are immistakeable remains of an ancient aqueduct ; 
but as the stones in which the water-channel is cut are great blocks of 
breccia which once formed part of the fortification-wall of the acropolis, 
it seems that the aqueduct was not made until after the fortress had 
been dismantled. There is no evidence that the water was ever brought 
within the walls of the citadel. It is true that there is a deep rock-cut 
cistern in the ancient house which Dr. Schliemann discovered immedi- 
ately to the south of the circle of graves on the acropolis ; and a 
Cyclopean conduit leads down into it from the higher part of the 
acropolis-hill, but this conduit seems to have had no connexion with the 
Persea spring. It is possible, however, that it was this conduit, and 
not the one outside the north wall of the acropolis, which Pausanias 
observed and to which he gave the name of Persea. 


But the garrison of the acropolis were not wholly dependent for 

their water-supply on the cisterns within the walls and on the aqueduct 

at the northern foot of the hill. Outside the north wall of the fortress 

they had a secret reservoir, to which an underground passage gave 

access from within the walls of the acropolis. This reservoir and 

passage were discovered by Mr. Tsountas in 1889, and the present 

writer visited them not long afterwards. The passage begins in the 

form of a vaulted gallery extending through the thickness of the north 

wall at a place between the north gate or postern and the north-west 

comer of the acropolis. It is then continued underground outside the 

walls, running first due north for a short way, then bending to the west, 

and afterwards to the north-east Its whole length outside the walls is 

about 40 yards. As the passage descends, there are 16 steps in the 

thickness of the wall, and 83 steps outside. The roof of the first part 

of the passage outside the wall has fallen in ; but in the second part, 

where the passage turns westward, the roof is mostly preserved. It is 

here formed by blocks laid horizontally on vertical side-walls. But in 

the last part of the passage, the part which runs north-east and is the 

longest and best preserved, the roof is formed by the inclination of the 

side-walls towards each other till they meet overhead, in the style of the 

galleries in the walls at Tiryns (see below, p. 2i() sq.) At its end the 

passage is about 1 5 feet high and 4^ feet wide. It terminates in a 

well, or rather in a cistern shaped like a well, about 3 feet wide and 

12 feet deep. Immediately over the cistern there is a hole in the roof, 

to which a conduit, formed of earthenware water-pipes, leads under- 

ground from the north. This conduit is now preserved for a length 

of only about 1 1 yards, but it appears to have originally supplied the 

cistern with water from a small but perennial spring which rises about 

100 yards nordi of the wall of the acropolis. By means of this 

subterranean cistern and the underground passage leading to it the 

garrison of Mycenae could always, in case of siege, obtain a supply of 

water unknown to the enemy. The existing water-pipes which supplied 

the cistern are of Roman date, and the steps and walls in the last part 

of the passage are coated with Roman cement* 

See Schliemann, Mycenae^ p. 130 sa, ; Steffen, Karten von Afykenai, Tex/, 
^ 14 sg, ; Tsountas, in UpaxriKd. Trjt Apx^^oX, 'Eroup^at for 1889, pp. 1 8-20 ; 
*i, Mvc^cu, pp. 25-27 ; Ch. Belger, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der griech, Kup- 
ft^riiber^ p. 15 ; li/., in Berliner pkilolog, Woclunschrift, II (1891), pp. 449- 
452; Schuchhardt, Schliemcmns Ausgrabungen^ p. 167 sq, ; Perrot et Chipiez, 
Histoire de /'Art dans P Antiquity, 6. pp. 310-313, 

16. 6. underground bnildings of Atrens and his children, where 
their treasures were kept. By these * underground buildings' Pau- 
sanias must mean the beehive tombs, since he describes the beehive \ 
tomb at Orchomenus as a treasury (ix. 38. 2). We now know that \ 
these structures were tombs, not treasuries. See above, p. 126. 

16. 6. There Is a grave of Atreus etc. In this passage, which 
has been much discussed, Pausanias appears to mention eleven persons 
who were buried at Mycenae, namely Atreus, Cassandra, Agamemnon, 
Eurymedon, Teledamus, Pelops, Electra, Medon, Strophius, Clytaem- 

VOL. Ill M 

i62 GRAVES AT MYCENAE bk. ii. corinth 

nestra, and Aegisthus. But we cannot be quite sure of the number, 
since there is a lacuna in the text. See Critical Note on § 7 (voL i. 
p. 571). Even assuming eleven to be the right number, we cannot be 
sure of the number of the graves, for Electra and her sons, Medon and 
Strophius, may have been buried in a single grave, like Teledamus and 
Pelops, and so too may Aegisthus and his paramour Clytaemnestra. 
If we assume that this was so, then the number of the graves was 
seven, of which six were within, and one was without, the walls. But 
if Electra was buried in one grave, and her sons in another, and 
Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra were also laid in separate graves, then 
the number of the graves was nine, of which seven were within, and 
two were without, the walls. 

A much-debated question is, Where exactly were these graves? 
which of the many tombs at Mycenae were pointed out to travellers in 
antiquity as the graves of Atreus, Agamemnon, and the other famous 
personages enumerated by Pausanias ? 

Even before his great discovery of the royal graves on the acropolis, 
Dr. Schliemann had always maintained that all the graves here 
mentioned by Pausanias, except those of Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra, 
were on the acropolis, since in saying that Agamemnon and his com- 
panions were buried within, and Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra without, 
the walls, Pausanias can only be referring to the walls of the acropolis. 
Accordingly, when he discovered the shaft graves on the acropolis, 
just inside of the wall, Schliemann at once identified them with the 
graves of Atreus, Agamemnon, etc, mentioned by Pausanias. This 
identification has been disputed, but there are strong grounds for b^ 
lieving it to be correct. The question turns mainly on the interpreta- 
tion of the word *wall' {rtl\oi) in the present passage of Pausanias 
(§ 7). That Tci^os in Greek writers generally, and in Pausanias 
invariably, means a fortification-wall is certain (cp. Ch. Belger, in 
Berliner philolog. Wochenschrift^ 12 (1892), p. 131 j^.); but here it 
might be applied either to the walls of the acropolis or to the walls of 
the lower city. That Pausanias here applied it to the massive ring- 
wall of the acropolis, which still exists, and not to the much slighter 
wall of the lower city which has now nearly disappeared, seems to be 
proved by the fact that a few lines above (§ 5) he had spoken of the 
circuit-wall (Trcpi/^oXos) of Mycenae in a way which makes it indubitable 
that by the circuit-wall of Mycenae he meant the wall of the acropolis. 
Elsewhere (vii. 25. 6) he speaks of the walls (rv.\o%) of Mycenae in 
terms which hardly leave room for doubt that there also he had in 
view the wall of the acropolis, not the wall of the lower city. The 
remains of the latter wall may very well have been nearly as ruinous 
and inconspicuous in his time as they are at present. Thus it may be 
taken as nearly certain that Pausanias meant us to understand that the 
graves of Atreus, Agamemnon, etc., were within the acropolis. Now 
just within the wall of the acropolis Schliemann found graves which in 
respect of number tally either exactly or approximately with those 
enumerated by Pausanias, and which from the profusion and splendour 
of the jewellery they contained can only have been the tombs of the 


royal family of Mycenae. This coincidence is too great to be accidental. 
The inevitable conclusion is that by the graves of Atreus, Agamemnon, 
etc., our author designated the graves discovered by Schliemann on the 

This, however, still leaves open the question whether or not Pau- 
sanias actually saw the burial-ground with its tombstones and the two 
circles of slabs which enclose it. Some writers have held that in the 
time of Pausanias (the second century a.d.) the whole burial-ground 
must have been completely hidden under a deep layer of soil washed 
down from the higher terrace. This view was formerly held by Dr. 
Ch. Belger {Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der griech, Kuppelgrdber^ p. 19), 
and has been accepted, seemingly on his authority, by Messrs. Perrot 
and Chipiez. But a more exact study of all the evidence has since led 
Dr. Belger to the conclusion that "the circle of graves must have 
remained visible so long as the entrance to the acropolis was still 
through the Lions' Gate. The gradual disappearance of both the 
graveyard and the gateway under an accumulation of soil must have 
gone on contemporaneously. But since the acropolis was inhabited, 
though probably only to a small extent, down to Roman times, we 
cannot shut our eyes to the possibility that Pausanias may still have 
seen the tombstones projecting from the soil " {Die mykenische Lokal- 
MLge (Berlin, 1893), p. 32). The stratum of soil, twelve to fourteen 
feet deep, which Schliemann found overlying the tombstones, may all 
bave been accumulated in the sixteen centuries which have elapsed 
between the age of Pausanias and our own. But even if when he 
visited Mycenae the graveyard had already disappeared beneath the 
soil, the memory of the number and position of the graves may well 
bave been kept alive in the local tradition, and travellers may still 
bave been shown the spot within the Lions' Gate where the old kings of 
Mycenae lay burifed. Scholars who live mainly among books are apt 
to underestimate the persistency and strength of local tradition as it is 
banded down orally from generation to generation among the natives 
of a district An instance of this persistency and fidelity of local 
teuiition came to light some years ago in Norway. Near the head of 
tbe Sandefjord there is a mound which had been known for centuries as 
'tbe King's Mound,' and tradition said that a king had been buried 
tbere with all his treasures. The mound was excavated in 1880, and 
it proved to have been indeed the grave of an old sea-king ; for a ship 
containing his bones was discovered in it. But the treasures had nearly 
disappeared, for the tomb had been rifled. See G. H. Boehmer, * Pre- 
historic naval architecture of the North of Europe,' Report of the U.S, 
National Museum {Smithsonian Institution) for 1891, p. 618 sqq. 

It has been suggested that Pausanias derived his knowledge of the 
^ves neither from local tradition nor from personal observation, but 
from the work of some earlier writer, such as Hellanicus, who lived 
in the fifth century B.C. and wrote a work on Argolis, and whom in 
fict Pausanias cites in this very passage (§ 7). This is of course 
possible, but as we possess only a few fragments of the writings of 
Hellanicus the theory is incapable of verification. It is also superfluous. 

i64 GRA VES A T MYCENAE BK. ii. Corinth 

since, as has just been shown, there is no reason why Pausanias should 
not have seen the tombstones for himself, or at least have had the 
situation of the graves pointed out to him. 

Dr. Belger has attempted to show that the local tradition which 
Pausanias has preserved, whether at first or at second hand, as to the 
number of the graves and the persons buried in them, arose from a 
comparison of the Homeric narrative with the tombstones which stood 
over the graves on the acropolis, the Homeric legend having been so 
manipulated as to fit the number of the tombstones and the character 
of the carving on them. But this theory, more ingenious than con- 
vincing, can hardly be held to have been made out. 

It is hardly necessary to consider seriously the view, advocated by 
Dr. Schuchhardt and formerly at least by Prof. Adler, that by the 
graves of Atreus, Agamemnon, etc., our author meant the beehive 
tombs in the lower city. For, as we have seen (p. i6i), Pausanias 
has already described these edifices as underground treasuries, in 
ignorance of the fact that they were tombs. Besides, on this theory 
the wall inside of which were all except one or two of the royal graves 
must have been the wall of the lower city ; and accordingly we should 
expect, if this theory were true, to find that all the beehive tombs 
except one or two were within the city walls. But the reverse is the 
case. Three only of the beehive tombs are inside of the city walls, and 
all the rest (five in number) are outside of it. 

On this question of the graves see Schliemann, Mycenaty pp. 59 sqq,^ 334 sqq.\ 
Adler, Preface to Schliemann's Tiryns, p. xxxii. sqq, ; C. T. Newton, Essays on 
Art and Archaeology, p. 296 sqq, ; Schuchhardt, Schlienusnns Ausgrabumgoi} 
pp. 189-199 ; P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, p. 76 sqq, ; Cb. 
Belger, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der griech. Kuppelgrdber (Berlin, 1887), p. 14 J^^- J 
id., \Vi Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift, ii (1891), pp. 1160 sqq,, Ii89x^. ; id-% 
in Berl, phil, Wochenschrift, 12 (1892), p. 131 sq, ; id,. Die mykenische Lokal^ 
(Berlin, 1893) ; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de I'Art dans VAntiquiti, 6. pp. 381-394; 
Tsountas, Mv/c^^ai, pp. 1 53- 1 57* 

16. 6. The tomb of Cassandra is disputed etc. This implies 
that there was a tomb at Mycenae which was called Cassandra's tomb, 
though the people of Amyclae denied the correctness of this designation. 
At Amyclae there was a sanctuary of Alexandra, whom the Amydaeans 
identified with Cassandra (iii. 19. 6) ; but this sanctuary need not have 
been the tomb which the Amyclaeans claimed to be that of Cassandra. 
It is possible that, as Prof. Reisch has suggested {Zeitschrift f, die 
osterreich, Gymnasien^ 42 (1891), p. 231), the tomb at Amyclae which 
was pointed out as Cassandra's grave was no other than the beehive 
tomb of Vaphio (see above, p. 134 sqq,) Dr. Belger has denied this 
{Berliner philolog, Wochenschrift^ 11 (1891), p. 11 89), but on in- 
sufficient grounds. 

16. 6. Teledamus and Pelops. Teledamus, son of Agamemnon 
and Cassandra, is mentioned by a scholiast on Homer {Od, xi. 420, ed. 
Dindorf). Otherwise these twins seem to be mentioned by no ancient 
writer except Pausanias. Cp. v. Wilamowitz-MoUendorff, Homeriscke 
Untersuchungen, p. 156 note 18 ; Ch. Belger, Die mykenische LokcUsage^ 
P- 35 sq. 


16. 7. AegisthttS. The murder of Aegisthus by Orestes is 
depicted on red-figured vases. See C. Robert, Bild und Liedy pp. 
149- 191. Prof. Robert holds that these representations may be 
traced to the influence of Polygnotus. The scene does not appear on 
black-figured vases. 

17. I. the Heraeiun. The site of the Heraeum or sanctuary of Hera, 
the chief temple of Argolis and one of the oldest and most famous . 
temples in Greece, was accidentally discovered in 1831 by Colonel / 
(afterwards General) Gordon of Caimess, while he was out shooting. 

It had been sought in vain by former travellers. The site is a terraced 
hill (420 feet high), rising in a somewhat insulated position at the foot 
of a bare, steep mountain, one of the highest that bound the plain of 
Argolis on the east. This steep, arid mountain (1744 feet) is probably 
the Mt Euboea of Pausanias, as Captain Steffen held ; indeed it bears 
the name Euboea in a slightly modernised form {Ewia) to this day 
(see Steffen, Karten von Mykenai^ Erldutemder Text, p. 39). Com- 
monly, but less correctly, the ancient Euboea is identified, not with the 
mountain, but with the terraced hill at its foot, on which the sanctuary 
stands. The place is distant about 25 Greek furlongs (somewhat I 
under three miles) south-east of Mycenae in a straight line, so that \ 
Pausanias's estimate of the distance (15 furlongs) is much under the 
mark, and Strabo's estimate of 10 furlongs (viii. p. 368) is still more 
so. The ancient road which led from Mycenae to the Heraeum can 
be traced at intervals. It keeps well up on the steep mountain-side, 
crossing the beds of several torrents on Cyclopean bridges, the ruins of 
which can still be seen (Steffen, op. cit. p. 9). The bare terraced hill 
on which the Heraeum stands is about three quarters of a mile to the 
east of the road which leads from Charvati (the village near Mycenae) 
toNauplia. It forms a rough triangle with its apex turned to the 
mountains and its base to the plain. On the north the hill is divided 
by a deep depression from the main mass of the mountain (Mt Euboea), 
and is enclosed on the north-west and south-east by two deep ravines, 
the Revnta tou Kastrou and the Glykia, in neither of which does water 
flow except after rain. The ravine on the north-west is commonly 
identified with the Water of Freedom (Eleutherium), and the ravine on 
tlie south-east with the Asterion. But these identifications are perhaps 
incorrect (sec the notes below, p. 179 sqq,) The higher ridge or rocky 
summit to the east, distant only some 300 yards from the Heraeum and 
separated from it by the Glykia ravine, is no doubt the Mt. Acraea of 
Pausanias (§ 2). Prosymna was the low ground beneath the sanctuary. 
The apex of the triangular height on which the Heraeum stands is a 
rocky peak, below which the hill descends in two or rather three 
terraces to the plain. Each of the two upper terraces is about 5 5 yards 
square ; a short slope intervenes between them ; the difference of level 
between the two terraces is only some 40 feet. On the uppermost terrace 
stood the old temple which was burnt down in 423 B.C. (Thucydides, iv. 
133); the new temple was built on the second or middle terrace. 

Excavations on the site of the Heraeum were made on a small scale 
by General Gordon in 1836, and on a larger scale in 1854 by Rangab^ 

i66 THE HERAEUM bk. ii. corinth 

and Bursian, who laid bare some of the foundations of the second 
temple, determined to a certain extent its plan, and discovered a great 
many fragments of marble sculptures. In 1892 more extensive and 
systematic excavations were undertaken by the American School of 
Classical Studies and have been successfully prosecuted in that and 
subsequent years (i 892-1 895) under the direction of Pro£ Waldstein. 
The result of their labours has been to uncover foundations both of the 
first and second temple and of several large buildings within the sacred 
precinct, and also to bring to light a few fine pieces of sculpture and an 
immense quantity of archaic pottery, terra-cottas, bronzes, and other 
small objects. A full account of these interesting discoveries has not 
yet (July, 1895) been published. The following brief description of 
the sanctuary is derived mainly from the preliminary reports of the 
American excavators ; but for some details, as yet unpublished, I am 
indebted to the courtesy of Prof. Waldstein. 

The uppermost terrace, on which the old temple stood, is bounded 
on the south side, toward the plain, by a retaining-wall some 54 metres 
(59 yards) long, buik of huge irregularly shaped blocks of conglomerate 
heaped together in a rough Cyclopean style. The interstices were probably 
filled originally with small stones or clay, which have now disappeared. 
Three courses of these Cyclopean blocks are in general remaining. 
One triangular stone measures 12 feet on the sides, and is 4 or 5 
feet thick ; another is 1 8 feet long and 6 feet thick. This Cyclopean 
wall is a conspicuous object at some distance ; its massive remains first 
drew Col. Gordon's attention to the spot. When Bursian examined the 
upper terrace in 1854, he observed, projecting from the soil, the 
beginning and end of a long limestone wall, which probably inclosed 
the sacred precinct, but did not form part of the temple itself, since it 
began and ended on the edge of the terrace and was nearly as long as 
the retaining-walL On this upper terrace the American excavators 
cleared away all the top soil down to the early substructure, which 
measures about 45 metres (140 feet) in length by 35 metres (115 feet) 
in width. Two layers or platforms of hard black earth were found 
extending parallel to each other for a distance of 33 metres (108 feet , 
nearly to the western end of the terrace. The breadth of each platfor 
is rather less than 4 metres ( 1 3 feet), and its depth from one to tv o 
inches ; the space between the two platforms is 7 metres (23 feet) m 
width. Under each platform is a layer of dark red soil. In or near 
these platforms of black earth were found pieces of charred wood, flat 
bricks which showed plainly the action of fire, and masses of common 
stone which had evidently been split by the heat of a great conflagration. 
That we have here remains of the old temple which was burnt in 
423 B.C. is obvious. It has been suggested that the two platforms of 
black earth mark the lines of the temple's walls. We have good 
grounds for believing that in the old temple of Hera at Olympia the 
upper walls were built of unburnt (sun-dried) brick, and that the 
columns and superstructure were originally of wood (see note on v. 16. i ). 
Now if the old temple on the terrace were similarly constnicted, the 
two black platforms may be the remains of the burnt columns and 

Kgf ft'SM^ajt Kl 




roof, and the red layers beneath them may be all that is left of the 
brick walls. However this may have been, the temple was not built 
entirely of wood and brick ; the lower parts at least of the walls were of 
stone. For in 1893 ^^^ Americans found a piece of an ancient wall 
14.30 metres long by rather more than a metre broad, which had 
certainly belonged to the temple. To the west and south of the layers 
of black earth portions of a pavement constructed of irregular polygonal 
slabs were unearthed ; they probably formed part of a pavement which 
completely surrounded the temple. At various points on the upper 
terrace fragments of pottery and of melted metal (iron and bronze) 
came to light ; the pottery is mostly plain, but some of it exhibits very 
archaic Mycenaean patterns. Further, in a sort of pocket or recess 
near the western end of the terrace three basketfuls of potsherds (mostly 
thick, heavy, and unpainted) were gathered, also some pieces of a 
lighter ware, and bits of melted iron, plates and rods of bronze, glass 
beads, smaller beads of bone, and a curious bronze goat. 

The second or middle terrace was also enclosed by a retaining-wall, 
of which portions can be seen at intervals. Unlike the retaining-wall 
of the highest terrace, it is built of regular masonry, though of an 
inferior sort ; but an angle towards Naupha, seen by Finlay in 1831, was 
of fine workmanship, and differed from all the remaining walls in con- 
sisting of two layers of large blocks, surmounted by a narrower course. 
The newer temple stood exactly in the centre of this terrace, with its 
narrow ends facing east-south-east and west-north-west. Nothing of it 
remains standing except foundations, which were excavated partially by 
Bursian and Rangab^, and completely by the American archaeologists. 
Even the steps and the stylobate of the temple have disappeared. All 
that remains is the broad outer foundation on which steps and columns 
rested, and the foundations for the walls of the cella and for the interior 
columns. The material of which they are built is a common coarse- 
grained stone, one of the many sorts which archaeologists lump 
together under the vague name of poros. The blocks measure uniformly 
{.2o metre by .60 metre and .35 metre. The columns of the temple, 
.ds we see from their remains, were constructed of the same coarse 
stone ; but the walls of the cella were built of a whitish-grey limestone, 
,15 blocks of them, found by Bursian and Rangab^, sufficed to prove. 

The outer foundation, which is preserved in its entire extent, 
inciisures 39.60 metres in length by 19.94 metres at the two narrow 
ends. It is from 3.50 to 3.60 metres broad, and is very carefully built 
r. .tiicmale courses of 'headers and stretchers* (blocks laid crosswise 
and lengthwise respectively). The depth of the foundation varies with 
the level of the underlying rock. On the north side, where the rock 
!ies just below the surface, the foundation consists of only one or two 
rourses. At the west end, where the rock slopes away with the inclina- 
:on of the hill, the foundation deepens from two to eight courses; 
while a shaft which the Americans sunk at the east end of the temple 
revealed ten courses (3.50 metres) without reaching the lowest. 

Contiguous to the eastern end of the foundation, just at the middle, 
.s a platform 4 metres (13 feet) square, which perhaps supported a 

i68 THE HERAEUM BK. ii. corinth 

ramp leading up to the temple. The chief altar seems to have been 
at the north-east comer of the temple, for here Bursian and Rangab^ 
found two square pavements of black stone outside of, but close to, the 
foundations ; and on these pavements were discovered potsherds and 
bones of animals, as well as many fragpfnents of sculpture. The larger 
of the two pavements was on the east, the smaller on the north side of 
the temple, but they met at the angle. 

The architectural fragments which have been found prove that 
the temple was of the Doric order. In 1831 Finlay found the shaft 
of a Doric column, 1 1 feet 6 inches in circumference, with twenty 
flutes ; he described it as of limestone, coated with cement. Bursian 
and Rangab^ found three fairly preserved drums of columns, all oi poros 
stone ; the diameter of the largest was 1.30 metre. They also 
discovered a fragment of a smaller column of the same material, with 
twenty flutes ; its diameter was .49 metre. A Doric capital, much 
damaged, was judged by Bursian to have belonged to this smaller 
column or to one of the same set. On the site of the temple the 
Americans found two drums and a single Doric capital, with twenty 
flutes. From the size of the columns (1.02 metre in diameter at the 
neck, as determined by the existing capital) and the dimensions of the 
foundations Mr. Brownson thinks it probable that the temple was 
peripteral, that is, was surrounded by a colonnade, and that the columns 
at each of the narrow ends were six in number, while the number of 
the columns on each of the long sides was twelve. Bursian also had 
concluded that the temple was probably peripteral and hexastyle. 
Other architectural fragments found by Bursian and Rangab^ were 
a triglyph and many blocks of the geisofiy all oi poros stone. Each 
block of the geison had on its lower side three rows oi guttaey six guttae 
in each row. Finally, in excavating the great colonnade to the south of 
the second temple in 1895 the Americans found masses of architectural 
fragments of the temple littering the floor of the colonnade ; it would 
seem that the temple was thrown down by an earthquake, and that its 
shattered pieces had rolled down the slope to the place where they were 
found. These architectural fragments include drums and capitals of 
Doric columns, metopes, fragments of sculptures from the metopes, 
marble roof tiles, and pieces of the entablature (an architrave block, a 
geison block, etc.) sufficient to allow of a reconstruction of the whole 
entablature. Here, too, were found two marble heads and two torsoes 
which had probably belonged to the second temple. 

The temple was roofed with marble tiles, some of which were found 
by Bursian and Rangab^. These tiles were of three shapes : some had 
raised edges (* gutter-tiles ') ; others were roof-shaped (* covering-tiles ') ; 
others again were roof-shaped, but solid, not hollowed out. On the 
sima^ or overhanging extremity of the sloping part of the roof, were 
placed marble heads of lions, whose open mouths served as water- 
spouts. Three at least of these marble lion-heads, as well as a great 
many fragments of others, have been found at various times. They 
were of two sizes, a larger and a smaller ; the larger no doubt came 
at longer intervals, perhaps only at the comers. The marble blocks of 


the sima between the lion's heads were elegantly decorated with a 
pattern exquisitely cut in low relief. The pattern consists of two 
volutes meeting, with a floral decoration (palmette or modified lotus) 
rising from their junction, and a bird perched on the volute between 
each pair of palmettes. The bird perhaps represents the cuckoo, the 
bird of Hera. Other architectural decorations discovered by the earlier 
excavators were painted antefixes of terra-cotta ; one of them, found by 
F inlay, was painted to imitate the tail of a peacock, another of the 
sacred birds of Hera. 

The internal arrangement of the temple would seem to have been 
the one usually adopted in peripteral temples, comprising an ante- 
chamber or portico {pronaos) on the east, a central chamber or cella 
in the middle, and a back-chamber or portico {ppisthodomos) on the 
west. But the imperfect state of the inner foundations leaves this 
uncertain ; all that can be made out is the side walls of the temple 
proper, the end wall at the east, and the wall dividing the cella from 
the ante-chamber {pronaos). The ante-chamber was 6.79 metres wide 
by 4.6 metres deep. The cella was divided into a central nave (3.75 
metres wide) and two very narrow aisles by two rows of columns 
extending along the length of the chamber. Mr. Brownson thinks that 
there were five columns in each row, and that the length of the cella 
was 11.60 metres. The internal decoration of the cella seems to have 
been in the Ionic style ; for various architectural ornaments, carved in 
marble and of the Ionic style, were found by Bursian and Rangab^ ; 
one piece was adorned with a cymatium exactly like those of the 
Erechtheum. The walls of the cella were built of limestone ; a great 
many of the blocks were discovered by Bursian and Rangabd Many 
of them, decorated with three simple fillets, may have formed part of 
the cornice. Further, the walls of the cella were apparently painted in 
fresco; for Bursian and Rangab^ brought to light two fragments of 
stucco painted in fresco, one with yellow palmettes and vine-shoots on 
a brown background, the other with a brown maeander pattern on a 
greenish yellow ground. 

Fragments of marble sculptures have been found in great numbers 
on the site of the second temple. No less than 550 such fragments 
were discovered by Bursian and Rangab^, most of them at the east and 
west ends of the temple. Most of them are of great beauty and belong 
to the best period of Greek art, but they are unfortunately so broken 
that it is impossible to say what they represent or to unite them into 
complete figures and groups. In their portrayal of the nude human 
body they are characterised, according to Bursian, by *'a softness and 
tenderness, which distinguish them from the dignified seriousness and 
severity of the Attic sculptures executed under the superintendence of 
Phidias, and at the same time by a rich variety of forms, always graceful 
but never excessive or extravagant." The best specimen discovered by 
him is a female head with the neck, half the size of life, which was 
found at the western end of the temple. A sweet smile plays round 
the closed mouth ; the hair is simply parted over the brow and held 
together at the back by a ribbon. At the eastern end of the temple 

i^ THE HERAEUM bk. ii. corinth 

was found the lower part of tlie head of a young man ; it is of life 
size ; the mouth exhibits an almost feminine tenderness. The sculptures 
found by Rangab^ and Bursian were deposited in Argos, but most of 
them have recently been removed to Athens. 

The marble sculptures discovered by the Americans on the site of 
the second temple include, in addition to a few important pieces which 
will be mentioned presently, a great many fragments of hands, feet, 
arms, legs, drapery, and so on. The smaller of these, in Prof. Wald- 
stein's opinion, belonged to metopes in high relief; and there are so 
many of them that he believes the sculptured metopes to have extended 

all round the four sides of the temple. Other fragments are too large for 
metopes, and Prof. Waldstein thinks that they probably came from groups 

CH. xvii THE HERAEUM i?' 

which occupied the gables. In particular, an arm resting on a cushion 
must almost certainly, he thinks, have been placed in the angle of a gable ; 
and he refers to the analogy of the nymphs resting on cushions in the 
west gable of the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Bursian had previously 
come to the conclusion that both gables and metopes of the temple 
were adorned with marble sculptures. 

Among the best of the pieces found by the Americans is a beautiful 
female head of Parian marble and life size (Fig. 24). It was found 
at the west end of the temple, immediately in front of the west founda- 
tion-wall, a little to the north of the middle of the west front. It 
represents a woman of refined features and grave, sweet expression, 
looking straight forward. Her wavy hair comes low down on her brow 
and &lla in a mass over the back of her neck ; it was formerly encircled 
by a filtet or ribbon, probably of metal, which has, however, disappeared. 
Ptof. Waldstein interprets the head as that of Hera, and assigns it to 
a sculptor cf the school of Polyctiius living in the fifth century B.C. 
The bead most akin to it he holds to be that of the Famese Hera at 
Naples, which in its severe, 
cfAA beauty has been sup- I 
posed to reflect the art of 
Polyclitns (see Friederichs - 
Wolten, Gipiabgiuse, No. 
500 ; A. S. Murray, Niit. of 
Grt*k Scu^lurt? t. p. 309 
i<jq. \ Collignon, Hist, de la 
SaUfitmrt Grtcqut, t. p. 512, | 
with Fig. 364 ; Roscher's 
LtxikffH, 1. p. 2ii8 sg.) 
Pnt. Waldatein thinks that 
the ttatne may have stood in 
Ibe western gable of the tem- 
ple, and may have represented 
Heia standing beside the 
central figure or figures in the 
scene of die departure of Aga- 
memnon and the Homeric 
heroes iijr Troy (see § 3 of 
this chapter, with the note). 
On the other hand. Prof. 
Fmtwangler denies that the 
head il that of Hera or has 
anything to do with Polyclitus 
and lus school ; he considers 
that the sculptures found at 
the Heraeum are Attic in 
style, and are most nearly 

related 10 the sculptures of fic 3j.— makple tokbo mou thb hermuu. 
the Erechtheum and of the 
temple of the Wingless Victory on the Acropolis of Athens {Arckao- 




logische Studitn H. Brunn dargebratht (Berlin, 1 893), p. 90 ; MeisUr- 
■uierke d. griecA. Plasfik, p. 413 nole I), 

Another fine fragment which the Americans brought to light is the 
torso of a naked warrior fighting (Fig. 25). From the stump of the 
right arm which remains we can see that his right hand was raised to 
strike at a foe in front, whose exquisitely modelled left hand still adheres 
to the right side of the torso. The head and limbs (except stumps of 
the right arm and left leg) are missing. The work, which seems to be 
of Penielic marble, is in such high relief as almost to be in the round ; 
but a piece of the flat background remains behind the left shoulder. 
The surface is in excellent preservation ; the modelling very true and 
delicate. Especially remarkable are the ripples of the muscles on the 
flanks, and the softness and grace of the dinging hand (a 

woman's hand ?), which with its supple shapely fingers pressed hard 
against the body of the stalwart foe is almost pathetic in its expressive- 
ness. The torso was found at a considerable depth in the interior of 
the temple. From its dimensions Prof. Waldstein judges that it formed 
part of a metope. In its exquisite finish he thinks it bears evidence of 
the style or influence of Polyclitus. 

A second fine head was found in 1894 to the north-east pf the 
temple. It is of Parian marble, about half the size of life, and 
represents a square-bced young man with regular bui heai7 features 
(Fig. z6). Prof. Waldstein holds that its resemblance to the famous 
Spearman {Dorupkores) of Polyclitus, of which so many copies and 
imitations have come dnwn to us, is undeniable. It therefore confirms, 
in his judgment, the view that all the sculptures of the second temple 
are Argive works of the school of Polyclitus, and not of Aitic sculptors. 


as Prof. Furtwangler maiptains. It seems to have formed part of a 
metope. Two other marble heads (Figs. 27 and 38), both in high relief, 
were found to the north of the temple. One of them (Fig. a8) wears 
a sort of Phrygian helmet. Prof Waldstein suggests that it is the 
head of a wounded Amaton ; but the features, though full and rounded, 
seem to ine masculine. From its dimensions it may have belonged to 
a metope. The other bead (Fig. 37) is lalher larger ; Prof. Waldstein 
does not venture to assign it to a melope. It also is helmeied, but 
the sofi rounded features are those of a woman ; the lips are parted, 
and the head droops slightly, as if in pain or weariness. Lastly, 
a beautiful torso of a draped female figure, found in a building to 

the east of the temple (see below, p. 174), is referred by Prof. Wald- 
stein to a metope. 

Prof Waldstein considers that the ground on which the second 
temple was built had previously been occupied by an older structure, 
whether temple or altar ; to this earlier building some rough stones still 
lying within the second temple may perhaps have belonged. 

On the slope between the two upper terraces the American 
e^ccavations laid bare the foundations of a long building or series of 
buildings of white limestone, extending east and west, parallel to the 
temple, for a distance of about 100 metres (109 yards), with an 
average depth or width of 10 metres (31 ft. 10 in.), inclusive of ihe 
back wall. It would seem to have been a colonnade (the North 
Colonnade), with a projecting central portion or hall. The steps are 
preserved for a considerable length. A row of at least nineteen pillars 
ran along the middle of the colonnade ; some of these pillars were found 

174 THE HERAEUM BK. ii. corinth 

in their orig^inal positions. The back-wall of the colonnade, about lo 
feet thick, was built against the slope. Toward the north-east comer 
of the east end of the colonnade there is a depression which measures 
3.80 metres in length by 3 metres in width, and is paved with cement. 
Prof. Waldstein thinks it may have been a bath, like the bath in the 
palace at Tiryns. The central portion of the colonnade was found to 
be crowded with the bases of statues and monuments of all shapes and 
sizes, packed together without any attempt at order or arrangement. 
Some of these bases must have supported single statues or groups of 
considerable size. Still more bases stood in front of the colonnade, 
in the area between the central hall and the wings. Connected with 
the colonnade is a system of drains and waterworks. 

In a line with the North Colonnade, but farther to the east, are the 
remains of a somewhat intricate structure (the *East Chambers') 
comprising several rooms, the purpose of which has not yet been 
ascertained. Here was found a large quantity of pottery, terra-cottas, 
bronzes, and small objects, as well as the torso of a draped female 
figure (mentioned above), three marble heads, and other fragments. A 
cutting, 20 feet deep, which was carried to the east of these chambers 
for a length of 90 feet, revealed some complicated early walls of different 
periods. Here, acting as a support to the upper terrace, below and to 
the east of the great Cyclopean wall of the upper terrace, there runs 
another Cyclopean wall for about 8 feet. Below and partly under 
this second Cyclopean wall were found large masses of pottery, iron, 
bronze, and smaller objects, most of them belonging to the so-called 
Dipylum and Mycenaean periods. The head of the youth figured 
above (p. 172) was found to the south of the Cyclopean wall. Among 
the many objects of iron discovered here was a mass of iron spears, 
bound together with iron bands at both ends, and making up a bundle 
about 5 feet long and a foot thick. At the same place was found a 
large solid rectangular bar of iron, flattened out about a foot from one 

To the south of this Cyclopean wall, and at the easternmost angle 
of the terrace of the second temple, another building was discovered in 
1894, which the Americans have called the East Building. It is 
supported on the south and east by strong walls built against the hill 
slope ; on the north it has a wall of poros stone strengthened by a 
limestone wall. The bases of three rows of columns (five columns in 
each row) are extant in the interior, while at the west front, facing the 
temple, the building had a portico. In this building were found many 
objects of gold, silver, bronze, and terra-cotta, as well as a scarab with 
a cartouche, probably that of Thothmes III. 

On the slope of the hill above the North Colonnade, immediately 
below the great Cyclopean wall which supports the upper terrace, the 
Americans found portions of walls built of loose unhewn stones, which 
are laid together without mortar or clamps. From the objects found 
among them Prof. Waldstein was led to conjecture that these structures 
may have been the houses of the priestesses or attendants of the earlier 
temple. Further, on the slope at the back of the North Colonnade 


there are some traces of a rough pavement, the remains perhaps of an 
ancient road which led up to these dwellings. 

On the slope to the west of the second temple, about 25 to 30 feet 
below the top of the foundation walls of the second temple, the 
Americans discovered a large building which they have called the West 
Building. It measures 100 feet (33 metres) by 93 feet (30 metres), 
and consists of a colonnade surrounding an open court on the east, 
south, and west, while on the north there are three chambers running 
from east to west, which communicate with the colonnade and the open 
court In these chambers are the remains of what seem to have been 
tables or couches extending along the walls. The entrance to the 
building was in the north wall of the most westerly of the three 
chambers. In the colonnade there are bases of columns, with some 
drums of columns still in their original places. In some places the 
walls are standing to a height of several courses. Many fragments 
of the architectural ornaments, as well as pieces of sculpture and smaller 
objects, were found in this building. What purpose the edifice served 
is not clear. It seems to be older than the second temple, being not 
later than the first half of the fifth century B.C. The Doric capitals are 
flatter than those of the temple, and there are a few letters of inscriptions 
which point to a much earlier date. 

To the north of the West Building were found in 1894 the ruins of 
an early structure, 31 metres long by 1 1.40 metres wide. In excavating 
it the Americans found the face of a colossal female head, heads of cows 
in bronze and terra-cotta, a silver ring studded with gold and inscribed, 

On the south slope of the hill, below the second temple, the Ameri- 
cans excavated in 1894 and 1895 a large colonnade extending east and 
west parallel to the temple. The colonnade is 45 metres (148 feet) long 
by 1 3 metres (43 feet) broad. The west and north walls of the colonnade 
are finely constructed of limestone. The west wall reaches to the south- 
eastern comer of the West Building. The whole of the north wall is 
preserved to a height of four courses : on the outside (north) it is backed 
by a thick wall oi poros stone : on the inside (south) it is adorned with 
pilasters, one of which is placed opposite or nearly opposite every second 
column of the colonnade. Of these columns there were nine, extending 
in a row along the middle of the colonnade from west to east The 
bases of all these nine columns are preserved, and on four or five there 
are still standing drums of fluted Doric columns. On the last base to 
the east there are two drums still in position, and three more drums, 
with the capital, were found fallen in front of it, so that the whole of this 
column is preserved. On the slope of the hill to the south of the 
colonnade is a grand staircase in two flights with a landing between 
them. The staircase extends along the whole length of the colonnade, 
to which it led up ; it is built of poros stone. Further to the east the 
Americans discovered the remains of another grand staircase, also of 
poros stone, which led up to the second temple at its south-eastern 

On the north side of the colonnade which has just been described 

176 THE HERAEUM bk. ii. corinth 

the excavations revealed some early graves of the Mycenaean period. 
One of them — a shaft grave — contained the bones of the dead and 
several vases of the earliest Mycenaean style. Here, too, between the 
colonnade and the second temple the Americans laid bare a Cyclopean 
wall, which Prof. Waldstein takes to have been the original boundary- 
wall of the sacred precinct before the second temple was built. Remains 
of what seem to have been Mycenaean houses exist on the east side of 
the West Building, at the foot of the slope which leads up to the second 

To the west of the second temple the ground slopes gradually do^-n 
to the third or lowest terrace, which is considerably larger than either 
of the two upper terraces, and is bounded on the west by the Revma tou 
Kastrou^ commonly identified with the Water of Freedom. On this 
lowest terrace, towards its western side, the American excavators laid 
bare the foundations of a long colonnade (the Lower Colonnade) 
extending north and south for a length of 69.60 metres, with a breadth 
of 8.10 metres. The colonnade fronted east ; its back was formed by a 
retaining-wall built to support the terrace. The foundation-wall which 
supported the front row of columns was found to be in a very ruinous 
and battered state. But on the other hand the end wall of the colonnade 
on the south, which was also a retaining-wall built to support the 
terrace on this side, is very well preserved. The masonry is here very 
fine, consisting of well -hewn quadrangular blocks, some of which 
measure as much as 4 metres (13 feet) in length ; and the whole is set 
off by a projecting string-course, still more carefully wrought. The 
edifice would thus seem to belong to a very good period ; it may have 
been built at the same time as the second temple. The colonnade was 
double, that is, it had an inner as well as an outer row of columns, foi 
bases of colunms were found extending in a line, at approximately 
equal intervals of about 3 metres (10 feet), down the middle of the 
building. The excavations of 1895 proved that at its northern extremity 
this long colonnade was joined at right angles by another colonnade 
which extended eastwards for a considerable distance. Immediately to 
the north of this second colonnade the same excavations revealed a 
large building of Roman date, containing bath rooms with h>'pocaust 

On the upper or eastern side of the lowest terrace there was 
discovered a cistern shaped like a cross. It is a deep subterranean 
basin hewn out of the solid rock, and is open only at the cross. The 
eastern arm of the cross is the longest; it measures 4.50 metres 
(14 ft. 9 in.) in length. Each arm is about 10 feet wide and higl" 
enough to admit of easy passage, the pavement sloping from each 
extremity to the cross, where it drops suddenly into a deeper basin 
The roof is arched, and both roof and sides are coated with cement. 

Close to this cistern, on the south, the Americans discovered wha 
seems to have been a stone bath. It is hollowed out of a single ston< 
and is shaped like the half of a huge shallow bowl, with a gutter on th< 
lower side to carry off the water. An iron scraper {strigil) was founc 
near it. 

CH. xvii THE HERAEUM 177 

The inscriptions hitherto brought to light at the Heraeum seem to 
be few, fragmentary, and for the most part insignificant. They include 
a fragment of a list of precious objects stored in the sanctuary ; many 
such lists have been found at Athens and elsewhere. Another frag- 
mentary inscription appears to have formed part of a record of certain 
specifications touching the sale or lease of a piece of property. More 
interesting than these is a boustrophedon inscription of eleven lines en- 
graved on a bronze plate. The characters belong to the earliest Argive 
alphabet, and the inscription is not later than the sixth century B.C. It 
has not yet been fully read, but it certainly relates to Hera and the 
Argives, and seems to contain an imprecation. 

On the other hand the pottery, terra-cottas, bronzes, engraved gems, 
and other small objects which have been found by the Americans at the 
Heraeum are inunense in point of numbers and of great interest and 
importance for the early history of art. Unfortunately very few of them 
have as yet been published, and we possess only rough general state- 
ments as to the character and number of the objects found. Thus on 
the site of the second temple there came to light, some at a slight 
depth, others far below and inside of the temple foundations, a great 
quantity of archaic pottery, terra-cotta heads, figures, and masks, pins 
and clasps of bronze, a bronze cock, several scarabs (one of them 
threaded on a bronze pin), pieces of gold-leaf^ a spiral ornament of 
gold, seals made of stone, bone, and ivory, beads of various sorts, and 
so on. Again, a little to the south-east of the second temple some 
trenches dug by the Americans yielded a rich harvest of pottery, 
bronzes, engraved gems, and plaques of terra-cotta painted with 
decorative designs. But the place where the greatest quantity of such 
objects was found was the slope of the hill a few yards to the west of 
the second temple. Here at a depth of i o to 15 feet below the surface 
the Americans came upon a curious layer of black earth, of varying 
thickness, which sloped with the slope of the rock underneath. The layer 
consisted of decayed organic matter, with masses of bones of animals, 
and many fragments of pottery, terra-cottas, bronzes, etc. Amongst 
the objects found here were great quantities of female heads and figures 
in terra-cotta, of all shapes and sizes ; many are of the archaic bird- 
faced sort, some retain traces of colour, and all exhibit the most varied 
st)'les of dress and ornament. They were no doubt votive offerings to 
Hera, and may represent the goddess herself. The potsherds are of 
the Primitive Mycenaean, Geometrical, and Proto - Corinthian styles ; 
they are thus all very early. Indeed nothing found in this layer seems 
to be of so late a date as even the beginning of the fifth century B.C. 
Other objects discovered in the same place were many iron and bone 
rings, plaques of terra-cotta and ivory adorned with reliefs of a very 
primitive style, scarabs, seals, beads, small sculptured figures of 
animals in stone, mirrors, pins, clasps, and so on. Most of the objects 
found were deposited in Argos, but a select number of them was sent 
Xo Athens. This selection included 230 bronze rings, 26 lead and 
silver rings, a bronze statuette of a cow, a bronze swan's head, a bronze 
goat, 2 bronze horses, a bronze cockatrice, a bronze peacock, 4 bronze 

VOL. Ill N 

178 THE HERAEUM bk, ii. corinth 

clasps, 2 bronze chisels, 4 terra-cotta plaques with inscriptions, 5 terra- 
cotta plaques with archaic incuse figures, 60 terra-cotta idols, 2 1 terra- 
cotta images of animals, 7 ivory incuse seals, an ivory cow, a gold 
rosette of the Mycenaean style, 2 gold and silver rings, 10 scaraboids, 
22 copper and silver coins, a porphyry lion with hieroglyphics, 1 2 
glass and porcelain beads, a porcelain monkey, a porcelain cat, 32 
amber beads, etc. Mingled with these varied objects in this layer of 
black earth were the teeth and bones of animals. The most probable 
explanation of this layer seems to be that it consists, pardy of the refuse 
which had gathered about an altar, and partly of old votive offerings 
which had been thrown away as valueless, and that when the new 
temple was about to be built the whole mass was shot down here for 
the purpose of levelling up the ground. 

Further, in 1894 the Americans found two rock-hewn tombs of the 
beehive shape and of the Mycenaean period. One of them is situated 
about 300 yards north-west of the temple, beyond the ravine ; the other 
is only about 60 yards north-west of the ravine. They are both of the 
beehive shape, but hewn in the rock, not built nor lined with masonry. 
Each has a narrow approach or dromos leading to the doorway, which 
after the burial was blocked with large stones. The diameter of the 
beehive chamber is about 2.46 metres, the height about 3.38 metres. 
The more distant of the two tombs contained at least three bodies, 
perhaps more ; the bones were found huddled together without order. In 
this tomb were discovered forty-nine vases (nearly all in perfect preserva- 
tion, with the decorations fresh and brilliant) ; three terra-cotta figurines 
of the earliest type ; a small terra-cotta chair, about 6 inches high, gaily 
painted in the Mycenaean style ; an engraved stone of the Mycenaean 
or Island type ; four steatite whorls ; one ivory needle ; and some beads - 
No metal of any kind was found in the tomb. The other tomb, nearex" 
the Heraeum, contained many beads and whorls, but only one complete 
vase and some fragments. 

It was in the old sanctuary of Hera on the uppermost terrace tha^t 
Agamemnon was said to have been chosen leader of the expeditioi^ 
against Troy (Dictys Cretensis, i. 16). Thither Cleobis and Biton dre-*)^ 
their mother in a chariot all the way from Argos (ii. 20. 3 note J- 
Strangers were not allowed to sacrifice on the altar (Herodotus, vi. 81)- 
Similarly strangers were not allowed to sacrifice in the sanctuary o^ 
Hera in Amorgos (Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Grace, No. 358). Afte^ 
ravaging the Argolic plain, Cleomenes III., King of Sparta, mockingly 
asked for the keys of the temple that he might sacrifice to Hera. But 
the temple was locked ; the heights above were occupied by the enemy ? 
and he had to content himself with sacrificing below the temple (Plutarch^ 
Cleomenes y 26). The sanctuary belonged in common to Argos and 
Mycenae (Strabo, viii. p. 372). 

See ^\.\a^y Journal^ 2. pp. 177-182; Leake, PeUp, pp. 258-264; Curtius, 
Pe/op. 2. pp. 396-400, 569 J^. ; W. G. Clark, Pelop. p. 81 sgg. ; Vischer, Erin- 
nertmgen^ p. 316 sq. ; C. Bursian, *Scavi dell' Heraeon Argivo,' BuUettino dtlf 
Imtituto di Corrisp. Archtol, 1 854, pp. xiii-xvii. ; id. Gtogr, 2. p. 47 5q.\ 
Baedeker,' p. 264 ; Guide- Joanne y 2. p. 227 sq. ; Eleventh Annual Report of the 
American School of Classical Studies at Athens^ 1891-92, pp. 29-31 ; Thirteenth 


Annual Report of the Archaeological InstittUe of America^ 1891-92, pp. 54-66; 
Twelfth Annual Report of the Anieruan School of Classical Studies at Athens ^ 

1892-93, pp. 27-35 (reprinted in American Journal of Archaeology ^ 9 (1804), pp. 
63-67); Thirteenth Annual Report of the Anterican School^ etc., 1893- 1 894, PP* 
41-49; Ch. Waldstein, Excavations of the American School of Athens at the 

Heraion of ArgoSy No. 1 (London, 1892) ; icL^ *Some sculptures from the Argive 
Heraeum,* American Journal of Archaeology^ 8 (1893), pp. 199-204 ; Overbeck, 
in Berichte d, k. sdchs, GeselL d, IViss,^ Phil. hist. CI. 45 (1093), pp. 31-34 ; C. L. 
Brownson, * Excavations at the Heraeum of Argos, * ib, pp. 205-225 ; American 
Journ. of Archaeology^ 9 (1894), pp. 287-291 ; Ch. Waldstein, * A head of Poly- 
cletan style from the metopes 01 the Argive Heraeum,' ib, pp. 331-339 ; R. B. 
Richardson, 'Stamped tiles from the Argive Heraeum,* ib, pp. 340-350; J. R. 
Wheeler, 'Some inscriptions from the Argive Heraeum,* ib, pp. 351-360, 548; 
The Timesy Weekly Edition^ 19 April 1895, p. 312; The ClassiccU Review, 9 (1895), 
p. 237 ; Amer, Journ, of Archaeology, 10 (1895), P* '^9 ^^' 

17. I. the Water of Freedom. In one of his comedies Antiphanes 
made a slave-girl say, '* If I do not do so and so, may I never drink 
the Water of Freedom" (Athenaeus, iii. p. 123 c). We are told that at 
Argos there was a fountain or conduit {Kprqvq) called Cynadra, the water 
of which was drunk by slaves at the time when they received their 
freedom ; hence the water was called the Water of Freedom and was 
used as a proverbial expression for a free life (Eustathius, on Homer, 
0(L xiii. 408 ; Hesychius, s,v, ikfvO^pov vSwp), It seems probable 
that the fountain or conduit named Cynadra was identical with the Water 
of Freedom which Pausanias mentions as being on the way from Mycenae 
to the Heraeum, and that the statement that the Cynadra was in Argos 
is not to be taken literally. The Water of Freedom (Eleutherium) is 
commonly identified with the Revma tou Kastrou, the rocky ravine 
which bounds the hill of the Heraeum on the north-west. In the bed of 
this ravine Finlay discovered in 183 1 a subterranean aqueduct, hewn 
out of the rock, which might conceivably be identified with the Cynadra. 
The aqueduct was explored more fully by the American archaeologists 
in 1892, but they did not get to the end of it. On the western side of 
the ravine a square shaft or * man-hole,' with shallow notches cut in the 
side to facilitate descent and ascent, was found to lead down into the 
^ueduct. On reaching the bottom, at a depth of 4.40 metres (14 ft. 
5 in.), the Americans found three avenues all hewn in the solid rock, 
one leading in the direction of Argos, the second back toward the 
temple, and the third south-east. " The second and third soon led out 
of the rock back to the Eleutherium, a little below the present level of 
its bed. We did not follow the third in its further course : the second, 
however, not only crossed the stream but entered the rock on the eastern 
side, the side towards the temple. Through a distance, therefore, of 
^3- 70 metres walls and roof of hewn stone were necessary. How much 
^her the passage continues as a rock-cut tunnel we could not tell. 
The first-mentioned avenue we followed for a distance of 34.25 metres, 
^ the way through native rock." In the sides of the tunnel there arc 
niches at short intervals, in which the ancient workmen probably placed 
their lamps when they were hewing out the tunnel. It seems doubtful 
whether this aqueduct was fed by the water which flows in the bed of 
the ravine after heavy rain. On the other hand, it may have been con- 

i8o THE WATER OF FREEDOM bk. Ii. corinth 

nected with a series of cisterns which are still to be seen on the left 
bank of the ravine, both above and below the sacred precinct. One of 
these, within the precinct, has been already described (p. 1 76). A group 
of four others may be seen lower down, about 200 yards from the temple. 

See Finlay, in Leake's Pehponnesiaca^ p. 260 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. 
p. 399 s^, ; ExcavuHons of the Afnerican School at the Hercuon^ No. i 
(London, 1892), p. 4 ; American Journcd of Archaeology^ 8 (1893), P- 
211 sq. 

Captain Steffen, however, has adduced good reasons for believing 
that the Water of Freedom was not in this ravine at all, but about three- 
quarters of a mile to the north-west of the Heraeum, on the road to 
Mycenae. For Pausanias's statement that the water was " beside the 
road" seems to imply that it was at some point intermediate between 
Mycenae and the Heraeum, not that it was (like the ravine in question) 
just beside the precinct. Moreover, if the Water of Freedom issued 
from a spring (which is, however, uncertain), this would also be against 
the identification of the Revma tou Kastrou with the Water of Freedom ; 
for in this rocky ravine there seems to be no spring : any water that 
flows in it is rain-water. On the other hand, about three-quarters of a 
mile to the north-west of the Heraeum, on the road to Mycenae, there 
is a spring enclosed by ancient masonry, which would answer very well 
to the Water of Freedom. The place is in a ravine immediately to the 
east of the ancient ruins at Vraserkcu Here, a few steps above the 
spot where the old road to the Heraeum probably crossed the ravine, 
not far from a chapel of the Panagia, there is a modem water-basin, 
which is fed from a spring higher up. This spring is itself enclosed by 
ancient masonry, consisting of large finely-cut blocks of marble ; and 
marble fragments are strewed about. With great probability Captain 
Steflen has conjectured that this fountain was the Cynadra, and that its 
water was the Water of Freedom. See Steflen, Karten von Mykenai^ 
Erldutemder Text^ p. 41 sq. 

Prof, von Wilamowitz-M Ollendorff" agrees with Captain Steffen in-: 
identifying the Cynadra and the Water of Freedom with this spring on 
the road from Mycenae to the Heraeum. Yet though he assumes on— ^ 
the authority of Pausanias that the Water of Freedom was here, and - 
not at Argos, he charges Pausanias with having taken his information 
from the book from which Eustathius and Hesychius (see above) derived — 
their information — that is, from a book which stated that the water in 
question was at Argos. It would thus appear, on Prof, von Wilamowitz- 
Mollendorfl^s own showing, that the book from which Pausanias copied 
made a mistake, and that Pausanias in copying it made another mistake, 
which fortunately cancelled the original error of his authority, with the 
net result that he finally blundered into placing the water quite correctly 
where Captain Steflen found it It requires less credulity to suppose 
that Pausanias saw the water for himself. See U. v. Wilamowitz- 
Mollendorflf, in Hermes^ 19 (1884), PP- 463-465. 

When Pausanias says that the women who ministered at the 
sanctuary employed the Water of Freedom for purifications, he may 
mean that they had to wash in it before they ofliciated in the temple. 


Cp. vii. 20. I sq, ; ix. 39. 5 ; x. 34. 8 ; Botticher, Die Tektonik der 
Hellenen^ 2. p. 477 sq. These washings may have taken place in the 
baths which have been found at the Heraeum (see above, pp. 174, 176) ; 
if this were so, the water must have been conveyed to the sanctuary in 
pitchers or by means of an aqueduct. Is it possible that it may have 
been so conveyed in one branch of the rock-hewn aqueduct which has 
been found the Revma tou Kastrou f 

17. 2. Proeynma. Prosymna is mentioned by Strabo (viii. p. 373) 
as being next to Midea : Stephanus Byzantius (s.v,) says it was a part 
of Argos: Statius calls it *' lofty" and "green" {Theb, i. 383, iii. 325, 
iv. 44). According to Pausanias it would seem to have been the low 
ground at the foot of the hill on which the Heraeum stood. 

17. 2. The Asterion flowing above the Heraeum etc. The river 

Asterion, mentioned only by Pausanias (ii. 15. 5 ; ii. 17. i sq.\ is 

commonly identified with the Glykia brook, a small torrent which 

descends from the mountain at the back of the Heraeum, and after 

flowing in a deep bed on the eastern side of the plateau, disappears 

without leaving a trace a few hundred yards beyond the Heraeum in the 

direction of the plain (cp. Mure, Journal^ 2. p. 180). But from the 

legend of the arbitration of the rivers related by Pausanias (ii. 15. 5) we 

naturally infer that the Asterion was one of the three chief rivers of the 

Argolic plain, the Inachus and Cephisus being the two others. Now 

the Glykia has no claim to such a distinction ; it is a mere brook, the 

bed of which is dry except after rain. Probably Captain Steffen is right 

in identifying as the Asterion the river which, rising among the mountains 

to the north-east of Mycenae, flows down the eastern flanks of the 

I^ropfut Elias mountain and Mt. Euboea, and then after traversing the 

narrow glen of the Klisura enters the Argolic plain about two and a 

half miles to the south-east of the Heraeum. Many small tributaries 

<icsccnd to it from the slopes of Mt. Euboea and Mt. Acraea, the two 

niountains which were mythically represented as the daughters of the 

river. Pausanias's statement that the Asterion disappeared in a gully 

applies well to the river in question, the water of which, about a quarter 

of a mile south of its entrance into the narrow Klisura glen, vanishes 

wholly among the shingle and boulders of its rugged bed. See Steffen, 

in Karten von Mykenai^ Text, p. 40 sq, 

17. 2. a plant which they also name Asterion. Eustathius (on 

Homer, Od, xxii. 481) states on the authority of Pausanias that the 

plant Asterion was used for purificatory ceremonies. Pausanias makes 

no such statement here. Probably Eustathius*s memory played him 

^se, and he confused what Pausanias says about the Asterion plant 

^th what he had said just before about the Water of Freedom. What 

the plant was we do not know. Schliemann, indeed, calls it a kind of 

aster {Mycenae, p. 25), but this may be a mere inference from the name. 

17. 3. The sculptures over the columns represent etc. The 

expression " the sculptures over the columns " is ambiguous. It would 

apply equally to sculptures in the metopes only, or in the gables only, 

or both in the metopes and the gables. We are thus left in uncertainty 

as to the places which the sculptured scenes occupied on the outside of the 

i82 THE HERAEUM bk. ii. corinth 

temple. But Pausanias, by distinguishing the sculptures into two groups 
(first, the birth of Zeus and the battle of the gods and giants ; second, 
the Trojan war and the taking of Ilium) seems clearly to imply that 
these two groups were fixed on different parts of the temple. Probably 
the first group occupied the front (east end), and the other group the 
back (west end) of the temple. As the existing remains of the sculptures 
are on two different scales, a larger and a smaller, it seems probable that 
the larger occupied the gables and the smaller the metopes (see above, 
p. 170 sq,^ Now the birth of Zeus is a subject suitable for a gable; 
and the capture of Troy, as the most famous exploit of the Argive arms, 
would be a natural and appropriate subject to adorn a gable of the chief 
temple of Aigolis. On the other hand, scenes of battle, in which the 
combatants can be broken up into pairs, naturally lend themselves to the 
decoration of metopes. Hence we may conjecture, with Prof. Curtius 
{Pelofi. 2. p. 570), that the birth of Zeus was represented in the eastern, 
and the capture of Troy in the western gable ; and that the battle of the 
gods and giants was sculptured in the eastern, and the Trojan war in 
the western metopes. This was Welcker's view also, at least so far as 
regards the sculptures of the gables (Antike DenkmcUer^ i. pp. 1 91-194)- 
Prof. Waldstein, also, accepts this arrangement of the sculptures in the- 
eastem gable and the eastern metopes ; but with regard to the sculptures— 
at the west end of the temple, he prefers to suppose that the Departure= 
for Troy occupied the gable, and the Capture of Troy the metopes. He= 
says that "in the western pediment [gable] we should naturally findJ 
the scene of the Departure for Troy, with Agamemnon in the presences^ 
of Hera and the other divinities, most appropriately represented on this-^ 
spot where, according to tradition, Agamemnon offered sacrifice before ^^ 
leaving for Troy " (Excavations of the American School at the Hcraion^ ^ 
No. I (London, 1892), p. 7). The suggestion is plausible; but-^ 
Pausanias's words, though vague (rot h rhv irphs Tpoiav ir6k€fiov), seem-^ 
to imply that the subject of these sculptures was not the departure for- — 
Troy, but the actual war itself ; and this latter theme would, as I have -^ 
said, lend itself naturally to treatment in a series of detached repre — 
sentations, each pair or group of combatants having a metope to itself 

From the number of fragments which have been found of sculptures -- 
which clearly belonged to metopes, Prof. Waldstein concludes {/,c.) that -^ 
the metopes on all four sides of the temple were sculptured, though ■* 
Pausanias appears to have mentioned only the subjects of the eastern -* 
and western metopes. 

17. 3. statues of women who have been priestesses of Hera. So ^ 
at Hermion images of the priestesses of Demeter stood in front of her ' 
temple (ii. 35. 8) ; and at Cerynea in Achaia there were statues of^^ 
women, said to be priestesses, at the entrance to the sanctuary of the - 
Eumenides (vii. 25. 7). At Paestum has been found a statuette, dedi- 
cated to Athena, representing one of the girl Basket-bearers (#cav>/<^pot) 
who figured in her worship. Prof. Curtius thinks that there may have 
been whole rows of such statuettes in the temples. See ArcMologische 
Zeitungy 1880, pp. 27-31 ; Curtius, Gesammelte Abhandlungen^ 2. pp. 
286-294. The Argives dated their years by the priesthoods of Hera. 


Hellanicus the historian (480-395 B.C.) wrote a history of the priestesses 
of the Argive Hera, which must have been of great importance for 
Greek chronology. See Preller, Ausgewcihlte Aufsdtze^ p. 5 1 sqq. ; 
Fragmenta kistor. Graec, ed. Muller, i. pp. xxvii. sq,, 51 sq, Cp. note 
on i. 27. 4, *a well-wrought figure of an old woman.' 

17. 3. the statue is really Orestes. Bachofen {Die Sage 

von Tanaquily p. xxxvii. note) suggested that the reason for converting a 
statue of Orestes into one of Augustus may have been that both of them 
avenged their fathers' murder. (Of course Augustus was only the 
adopted son of Julius Caesar.) On this custom of transforming ancient 
statues into portraits of living men by altering the inscriptions, see note 
on i. 18. 3, *the statues of Miltiades and Themistocles.* 

17. 3. a oonch of Hera. This was perhaps used for the dramatic 
representation of the marriage of Zeus and Hera, which took place at 
annual festivals in various parts of Greece, as at Cnosus in Crete 
(Diodorus, v. 72), at Samos (Lactantius, InstiL i. 17), and at Athens 
^Photius, s.v. up^v ydfjLov ; Etymol, Magn. s,v, lepofim^fiovts, p. 468. 
52). Cp. K. O. Miiller, Die Dorier^ i. p. 400; The Golden Bought 
1. p. 102 sqq. However, the couch may only have been intended for 
the goddess to rest upon. There was a couch beside the image of 
Aesculapius near Tithorea in Phocis (x. 32. 12). 

17. 3. the shield which Menelaus once took from Enphorbus. 

In Homer (//. xvii. i sqq,) Menelaus kills Euphorbus the Trojan, and is 

about to strip him of his arms, when he is forced to retire by the 

^vance of Hector and the Trojans ; it is not said that Menelaus 

actually carried off the shield of Euphorbus. The combat of Menelaus 

and Hector over the fallen Euphorbus is painted on an old Greek plate 

found at Camirus in Rhodes. See A. Schneider, Der troische Sagenkreis 

Mfi der dlteren griechischen Kunst^ p. 1 1 sqq. ; Kekul^, * Euphorbos,* 

Mheinisches Museuniy N. F. 43 (1888), pp. 481-485. A woodcut of 

the painting is given by Kekul^, /.r., and is prefixed to the second 

'^'ol. of Paley's ed. of the Iliad. Pythagoras alleged that in one of its 

transmigrations his soul had animated the body of Euphorbus ; and in 

proof of this he recognised the shield of Euphorbus in the temple 

of Hera. See Diogenes Laertius, viii. i. 4 sq.\ Maximus Tyrius, 

J)issert. xvi. 2 ; Jamblichus, Vit. Pythag. 63 ; Porphyry, Vit. Pythag. 

26, 27, 45 ; Horace, Odes^ i. 28. 9 sqq. Diogenes speaks of the shield 

of Euphorbus as having been dedicated in the temple of Apollo at 

^ranchidae ; Jamblichus and Porphyry speak of it as being at Mycenae. 

17. 4. The image of Hera etc. This was one of the most famous 

Vrorks of Polyclitus, the great master of the Argive school of sculpture. 

Strabo says (viii. p. 372) that the works of Polyclitus at the Heraeum 

^ere the most beautiful in the world, though in size and costliness they 

^ere surpassed by those of Phidias. Plutarch couples the Hera of 

Polyclitus with the Olympian Zeus of Phidias {Pericles^ 2). Martial 

^ys (x. 89) that Phidias would have been glad to have been able to 

claim the image of Hera as his own. Maximus Tyrius tells us {Dissert. 

^v. 6) that Polyclitus portrayed the goddess in queenly fashion sitting 

®n a golden throne. The statue is also alluded to in terms of admira- 


tion by Phiiostratus (Vit. ApoHon. vi. 19. 2) and in an epigram of the 
hMhoAogy {AntAol. Plaitud. 216). But Patisanias is the only ancient 
writer who has described the image exactly. From 
his detailed description we are able to identify copies 
both of the head and of the whole image on coins 
, of Argos (Fig. 29). These copies seem fairly 
urate ; even the cuckoo on the goddess's sceptre 
' is represented on some of them. But on the other 
hand the figures of the Graces and Seasons which 
adorned the goddess's crown are omitted on the 
HO.IO.— luiCBOFHBRA ™'ns, and a floral decoration is substituted for (hem. 
(coin at jtBcas). Perhaps the artist who cut the dies despaired of repro- 
ducing the figures on so small a scale. See Imhoof- 
Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 34, with pi. I xii. xiii_ 
xiv. XV. ; Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, p. 137 sq. i, with pi. viii. 13 ^^ 
Overbeck, Grieck, Kunstmythologie, 3 (Besonderer Theil, 2), p. 41 iqg.^^ 
with Miinitafel ii. and iii. ; Head, Historia Nutnmorum, p. 367. Thre^^ 
marble heads of Hera which have come down to us have by some beer^ 

supposed to reproduce more or less freely the type of the Hera of Poly 

clitus. They are the Famese Hera at Naples, the Juno Ludovisi al=:3 
Rome, and a head in the British Museum. See Murray, History 0^^ 
Greek Sculpture.? I. p. 303 sqq.; Lucy M, Mitchell, History of Ancien^^ 
Sculpture^ p. 390 sqq.\ Overbeck, Gesch. d. grieck. Plastik,* i. pp. 509- — 
Jii ; Collignon, Histoire de la Sculpture Grecque, i. p. 511 sqq.;S 
Friederichs-Wolters, Gipsabgiisse, Nos. 500, 501 ; Baumeister's Dcnk- — 
mdler, p. 135a sqq. To these supposed copies or imitations of the head J 
of Potyclitus's Hera may now be added the fine head found by the ' 
Americans at the Heraeum, See above, p. 1 70 sq. The image of Hera 
was probably made for the new temple in or soon after 423 B.C., the ■ 
date of the desiruaion of the old temple. Polyclitus was a contem- 
porary of Phidias (Plato, Protagoras, p. 31 1 c). According to Pliny 
(jV. H. xxxiv. 49) he flourished in 01. 90 (420-417 B.C.) Aristotle 
regarded him as the great masler of bronze-casting, and Phidias as the 
great master of sculpture in marble [Elh. Nicom. vi. 7, p. 1141 a, g-l 1). 
17. 4- tn one hoad she carries a pomegranate. On this attribute 
of Hera see Bolticher, \a Archaologische Zeitung, 1856, pp. 169.176. 
The pomegranate has sometimes been taken as a symbol of fertility, 
appropriate to the goddess who presided over marriage, Botticher, 

I however, interpreted it differently. He pointed out that, from the 
blood-red appearance of the inside of the fruit, it was associated with 
ideas of blood and death. It was said to have sprung from the blood 
of Dionysus (Clement of Alex., Protrept. ii. 19, p. 16, ed. Potter). The 
Furies planted a pomegranate tree on the grave of the slain Eleocles ; 
when the fruit was pulled, blood flowed from it (Phiiostratus, Irnag. ii. 
29). A pomegranate tree grew over the grave of the suicide Menoeceus 
(Pausanias, ix. 25. 1). To dream of pomegranates foreshadowed 
wounds (Artemidorus, Onirocr. i. 73). Proserpine, afier she had been 
carried off by Pluto to the lower world, would have been allowed to 
reitim to the upper world if she had not eaten a seed of a pomegranate 


^Homeric hymn to Demtter, 371 iqq.; Apoliodoms, i. 5. 3; Or\A,Mttam. 
V. 530 sqq.) Hence the plant was hateful to Demeier (see note on vjii, 
37. 7). For these reasons Bottichcr concludes that the pomegranate in 
the hand of Hera was a symbol of her triumph over her rival Demeter 
and her rival's daughter Proserpine. See also Overbeck, Kunstmytho- 
logie, 3 (Besonderer Theil, 2), pp. 48, 191 sq. The statue at Olympia 
of Milon the athlete, who was a priest of Hera, had a pomegranate in 
the left hand (Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. iv, 28; Pausanias, vi. 14. 6). 
The statue of Victory Athena at Athens had a pomegranate in her right 
hand (Haipocration, s.v. Nikij 'Aflijya). See Bollicher, Der Baum- 
kttltus der Nellenen, p. 471 sqq.; Hehn, Kulturpflaneen und Hausthiere 
in ikretn Uebergang aus Asien,* p. 192 sqq. ; J. Murr, Die Pflanaenwelt 
in der gritch. Mythologie (Innsbruck, 1890), p, 50 sqq. 

17. 4- the cnckoo percbed on the sceptre. See ii. 36. i note. 

17. 5. an image of Hebe. On an Argive coin of the reign of 
Antoninus Pius (Fig. 30) the image of Hebe is repre- 
sented standing opposite the seated statue of Hera, 
wiih the peacock between them (Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 34, pi. I xv.) 
On the sculptor Naucydes see note on vi. 6. 2. 

17. 5. her most uicient Image is made of \ 
the Tood of the wild pear-tree. There was a 
festival at Argos ai which the children called 
each other in sport ' throwers of wild pears ' 
{(ficiXAoxpoSts). Plutarch, who mentions this ' 
{Quaes/. Oraec. ;t), suggests as an explanation that 
the first people who were brought by Inachus down from the n 
lo the plains may have lived upon wild pears. Amongst the archaic 
lerTa<ottas found by the American excavators at the Heraeum are some 
rade figures of a sealed goddess. These may perhaps be rough copies 
of the very ancient image of Hera made of pear-tree wood. See 
Excavations of the American School at the Heraion, No. i (London, 
1892), p. 19, with pi. vii. 15, 20. It may here be mentioned that at 
the Heraeum the Americans found what they took to be a very rude 
stone idol. " It is an octagonal shaft, having a very slightly projecting 
base, narrowing toward the top and broken off at a height of about two 
feet and a half" (American Joum. 0/ Archaeology, 8 (1893), p. 225). 

17. 6. the fiihled marriage of Hebe and Hercnles. This subject 
is represented on ancient vases, notably on a large Apulian amphora 
no*- at Berlin. See Baumeister's DenkmdUr, p. 628 sqq. ; Roscher, 
Uxikon, I. p. 1870. 

17. 6. a peacock of gold and shining stoneB. On an Argive coin 
of Hadrian's time a peacock is represented with its tail spread. It is 
probably a copy of Hadrian's votive offering. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 34 sq., with pi. I xvi. In his 
«cavations on the site of the Heraeum General Gordon discovered part 
tif a marble peacock, and part of a large antefix of terra-cotta painted 
like the Uil of a peacock (Leake, Peloponnesiaca, p. 261 ; Mure, 
Journal, 2. p. 179); and the Americans in their excavations found a 

i86 THE HERABUM BK. ii. cokinth 

bronze peacock {Excavaiions of the American School at the Heraion, 
No. I. p. S). Sacred peacocl^ seem to have been kept in the great 
sanctuary of Heru at Samos, and the peacock appears on Samian coins 
(Athenaeus, xiv, p. 655 ab ; Gardner, Stones and Samian Coins, p. 18, 
pL V. 5). On a wall-painting in an ancient tomb discovered at Kertch 
a peacock is represented ; but the colours are conventional, so nothing 
can be deteimined from it as to the species or variety of peacocks in 
antiquity. See Compte Rendu (St Petersburg), 1872, p- 283 Jf., with 
plates ill. and viiL A peacock is also represented on an ancient 
tnedallion and an ancient bowl (the latter of Christian times), both 
found in the south of Russia {pp. cit. i874> p- 34 ; 5«e also ib. 
1878-79, p. 166). Peacocks seem to have been first brought to 
Mediterranean lands by merchants from India. For peacocks were 
brought to King Solomon in ships (1 Kings x. 22); and the Hebrew 
word for a peacock is a slightly modified form of the Sanscrit name or 
the bird {(iJtii) ; so the Ophir of ihe Bible may have been a place on 
the coast of India, perhaps in Malabar. In a grove in India, on the 
banks of the river Hyaratis, Alexander the Great saw multitudes of wild 
peacocks (Quintus Curtius, ix. I. 2), and he admired them so much 
that he ordered that no one should kill a peacock under pain of his 
severe displeasure (Aelian, No/. An. v. 21). The Greeks seem to have 
first received the peacock through the Phoenicians, for the Greek name 
(tucus) for the bird is derived from the Semitic and hence, indirectly, 
from the Sanscrit word for peacock. Peacocks could not have been 
imported very early into Greece, for in the fifth century B.C. they were 
still a raree-show at Athens. A man named Demus kept a number of 
peacocks, and on one day each month he exhibited them. People paid 
to see the birds, and came in crowds for the purpose, even from 
Thessaly and Sparta (Athenaeus, ix. p. 397 cd ; Aclian, I.e.) See 
Movers, Die Phoenizier, Theil iii. p. 94 sg. ; Hehn, Kulturpflanzen 
und Haustkiere,* p. 286 sgq. 

17. 7- It WM bnmed down through Ohiyseis etc. This is from 
Thucydides, iv. 133. Thucydides says that the priestess (whom he 
names Chrysis) fled to Phlius. The wreaths which caught fire were 
perhaps the garlands of asferion, which Pausanias mentions in § 2 of 
this chapter. Cp. iii. 5. 6. 

18. I. a shrine of the hero Fersens. On coins of Argos, Perseus 
■5 represented standing with the Gorgon's head in 
his right hand and the scimitar in his left (Fig. 31), 
As the type is repeated without variation fromthe time 

t of Hadrian to that of Sevcms, it is probably copied 

I from a statue. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner. 

Num. CoJiim. on Pans. p. 35, with pi. 1 xvii. xviii. 

18. I. he is most honoiued ]n Seripbus. 

The infant Perseus, the son of Zeus and Danae, was 

nc }i.— piRBsus WITH shut up with his mother by Acrisius, father of Danae, 

TMm GoRcoN'a HEAQ in 3 cliest, and set floating on the sea. The chest 

(qoiN or ABG05). landed at the island of Seriphus, where it was found 

by the fisherman Dictys in his nets. See Strabo, x. p. 487 ; Apollo- 

CH. xviii PERSEUS 187 

donis, ii. 4. i ; Hyginus, Fad. 63. There was a certain fish called 
the rcrrif cvaXios (Liddell and Scott take it to be the lobster) which 
the fishermen of Seriphus always threw back into the sea when they 
found it in their nets ; and if they found a dead one they mourned over 
it. Most Greeks refused to eat of this fish, deeming it sacred. The 
people of Seriphus thought it was a plaything of Perseus. See Aelian, 
AW. Am'm, xiii. 26. 

18. I. in Athens there is ft precinct of Perseus. See the Critical 
Note on this passage (vol. i. p. 572). If K. O. M liner's emendation of 
this passage be accepted, the translation will run : " He is most honoured 
in Seriphus, where there is a precinct of Perseus beside a shrine of 
Athena." Perseus is said to have been brought up in a sanctuary 
of Hera at Seriphus (Hyginus, Fad. 63). 

18. I. Clymene. This may perhaps be the sea-goddess, daughter 
of Ocean and Tethys (Hesiod, Theog. 351). 

18. I. Over the grave is the stone figure of ft ram. In the 
village Es Ta Phickthia^ about two miles from Mycenae, a curious 
monument, apparently sepulchral, has been discovered in a chapel. 
Two rams' heads are carved on it ; one of them is on a sort of round 
pillar, about which a band is chiselled, encircling the pillar several 
times. The ram's head is the termination of this band, which may be 
meant to represent a serpent There is a mutilated inscription on the 
monument. From the mention of Hecate and Proserpine in the 
inscription the monument appears to be a tombstone. See Mittheil. d. 
arch. Inst, in Athen^ 8 (1883), pp. 141- 148. It seems that rams, 
carved in the round and adorned with sculptures in relief on their sides, 
are common ornaments of tombs in Armenia. The tombs are of 
Christian times, some of them very late ; but Prof. Milchhofer thinks 
that this type of sepulchral decoration may be very ancient. In Phrygia 
Prof. W. M. Ramsay discovered a large stone ram, its sides carved with 
reliefs representing goats, horsemen, and birds. On the analogy of the 
Armenian tombs. Prof. Milchhofer concludes that the monument found 
near Mycenae was also a tombstone. See A. Milchhofer, in Archao- 
logisc/ie Zeitung^ 41 (1883), p. 263; W. M. Ramsay, va Joum. of 
Hellenic Studies, 3 (1882), p. 25 j^., with plate xx. On the repre- 
sentation of rams in ancient art see Stephani in Compte Rendu (St. 
Petersburg), 1869, pp. 18-128. On the ram in connexion with various 
deities (Hermes, Athena, etc.) see E. Gerhard, * Widdergottheiten,* 
Arckaologische Zeitung, 8 (1850), pp. 149-160. 

18. I. Thyestes obtained the golden lamb. The story of the 
golden lamb, as told by Apollodorus in the epitome of his work which 
was discovered a few years ago in the Vatican, is as follows. Atreus 
once vowed to sacrifice the fairest animal of his flocks to Artemis. 
But when a golden lamb appeared among them, instead of sacrificing 
it to the goddess, he strangled it and kept it in a box. But his wife 
Aerope contrived to get possession of the lamb and gave it to her 
paramour Thyestes, the brother of Atreus. Now it came about that 
the people of Mycenae were commanded by an oracle to choose a king 
of the Pelopid family ; so they sent for Atreus and Thyestes. In the 

i88 THE GOLDEN LAMB bk. ii. corixth 

assembly of the people Thyestes said that the one who had the golden 
lamb ought to be king, to which Atreus agreed, not knowing that the 
lamb had been filched from him by his brother. So Thyestes exhibited 
the lamb and obtained the kingdom. See Epitoma Vaticana ex 
Apollodori Bibliotheca^ ed. R. Wagner, pp. 60 sq,^ 166 sq. ; Mytho- 
graphi Graeci, ed. R. Wagner, p. 185. The abridged and somewhat 
confused version of the legend told by a scholiast on Homer (//. ii. 
106) and a scholiast on Euripides {Orest. 811) was probably derived from 
Apollodorus. A less fabulous account of the way in which the change 
of dynasty at Mycenae from the Perseids to the Pelopids was brought 
about may be read in Thucydides (i. 9). Cp. above, p. 1 60. 

18. 2. the avenging ghost of MyrtiloB. See viii. 14. 10 sq. 

18. 2. the Spartan Glaucus etc. See Herodotus, vi. 86 ; Juvenal, 
xiii. 199 sqq, Cp. Paus. viii. 7. 8. 

18. 3. Mysian Demeter. Cp. vii. 27. 9 sq, 

18. 3. another temple, built of burnt bricks. The only other 
building (I think) of burnt brick which Pausanias mentions is th 
Philippeum at Olympia (v. 20. 10). The use of burnt bricks (that is, 
bricks baked in a kiln) was characteristic of Roman rather than o 
Greek architecture. On the other hand, the Greeks made great use o 
unbumt bricks, that is, bricks dried in the sun, not fired in a kiln. But 
edifices built of sun-dried bricks soon moulder away when exposed to 
the action of the weather. Hence Greek buildings of this sort have 
almost wholly disappeared. See note on v. 16. i. 

18. 4. three kingdoms. On the genealogies of the kings of Argos 
see Schol. on Pindar, A^em, ix. 30 ; Eustathius on Homer, //. ii. 566. 

18. 4. Melampus cured them on condition that etc. See 

Herodotus, ix. 34 ; Diodorus, iv. 68 ; Schol. on Pindar, A- em, ix. 30 ; 
Apollodorus, ii. 2 ; and the note on Paus. viii. 18. 7. 

18. 7. Temenus and Gresphontes etc. As to the foundation of 
the three Doric kingdoms of Argos, Messene, and Sparta under 
Temenus, Cresphontes, and the sons of Aristodemus respectively, cp. 
Plato, LawSy iii. p. 683 c sqq, ; Isocrates, Archidamus, 17-33 > Apollo- 
dorus, ii. 8. 4 sq, 

18. 8. Melanthus. Though Melanthus was not a direct descend- 
ant of Nestor, he belonged to the same family, his ancestor Pericly- 
menus having been a brother of Nestor (Homer, Od. xi. 286). The 
father of Nestor and Periclymenus was Neleus. Hence Pausanias 
speaks of the family collectively as the Neleids. See the genealogical 
table in Topffer's Attische Genealogie, p. 320. 

18. 9. the rest of the Neleids went to Athens. Cp. i. 3. 3 with 
the note on * the kings from Melanthus to Clidicus.' Mr. Topffer has 
argued ingeniously and plausibly that the whole story of the emigration 
of the royal family of Messenia to Attica was concocted in the fifth 
century B.C. in order to represent Athens as the metropolis of the Ionian 
cities which were really founded by Messenian leaders. See TopfFer, 
Attische Genealogie, pp. 225-247, and Paus. vii. 2. i with the note. 
The legend as to the accession of Melanthus to the throne of Athens 
was that, in a war between Athens and Boeotia, Thymoetes, the last 


king of Athens of the house of Theseus, refused a challenge to single 

combat sent him by Xanthus, king of Boeotia, but offered to resign the 

throne to any one who would accept the challenge in his stead. 

Melanthus accepted the challenge, defeated his adversary, and was 

placed on the throne of Athens. See Hellanicus, in the Schol. on Plato, 

Symposium^ p. 208 d ; Conon, Narrationes^ 39 ; Strabo, ix. p. 393 ; 

Eusebius, Chronic, vol. 2. p. 56, ed. Schoene ; Harpocration, s.v, Aira- 

Tovpia; Polyaenus, i. 19; Schol. on Aristophanes, AchamianSy 146; 

Suidas, s,v, 'AiraTovpia, One legend was that the point in dispute 

between Athens and Boeotia was the possession of a place on the 

borders called Melaenae or Melania (see Hellanicus, Polyaenus, and 

Harpocration, //.cc, ; the scholiast on Aristophanes, /.^., whom Suidas 

copies, calls the place Celaenae, which may be a wrong reading for 

Melaenae). From this and the legend of the appearance of Dionysus 

at the combat clad in a black goat's skin, Mr. Topffer has argued that 

Melanthus was a local hero of Melaenae, an embodiment of Dionysus 

Melanthides or Melanaegis, and had originally no connexion either with 

Messenia or Athens {Aitische GencoUogie^ p. 231 j^.) 

19. 2. was condemned by the people and actually deposed. The 
Argives were governed by at least a nominal king as late as the time of 
the great Persian war. For at that time the Spartan envoys who were 
sent to Argos are said to have contrasted the two kings of Sparta with 
the one king of Argos (Herodotus, vii. 1 49). 

19. 3. Argos. The modem town of Argos stands on the site of the 
ancient city. It lies on the western side of the broad Argolic plain, at 
the eastern foot of the steep mountain (950 ft. high) which formed the 
citadel of ancient Argos and was known as the Larisa. The sea is 
distant about four miles to the south, being separated from the town by 
a stretch of level plain. The citadel (the Larisa) is a projecting spur of 
the line of moimtains which bounds the Argolic plain on the west. 
Across the plain, to the south-east, at the head of the Argolic gulf, but 
at its eastern side, Nauplia is in full view, with its lofty citadel, known 
as the Palamidi, A little way inland from Nauplia (which is the natural 
harbour of Argos) Tiryns is also plainly visible in the form of a low 
isolated eminence rising on the eastern side of the plain. Still on the 
eastern side of the plain, but away to the north, Mycenae lies incon- 
spicuous at the foot of the mountains which form the eastern boundary 
of the plain. According to Strabo (viii. p. 370) Argos stood mostly on 
the plain at the foot of the Larisa. The modem town is wholly on the 
plain. It covers a considerable extent of ground, being interspersed 
^'ith gardens. Though a rather dirty and untidy town, it is not un- 
picturesque with its low red -tiled houses. In particular, the main 
street, lined with shops and coffee-houses, presents a gay and animated 
scene when it is thronged with white-kilted, red-capped peasants who 
have come in from the hills and the neighbouring plain to market. 
Almost the only remains of antiquity to be seen in Ae town are the 
niins of the theatre (ii. 20. 7 note). See Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 217 sq,^ 
^aedcker^ p. 261. 

19. 3. a sanctuary of Wolfish Apollo. Of all the buildings 


of ancient Argos, as described by Pausanias, the only one (if we 
except the citadel) of which the site can now be identified with certainty 
is the theatre, hewn out of the rock at the south-eastern foot of the 
Larisa. The site of all the other ancient buildings is matter of inference 
and conjecture. As Pausanias, coming from the Heraeum, entered 
Argos from the north, and after describing the sanctuary of Wolfish 
Apollo proceeds to the theatre (ii. 20. 7), which must have been towards 
the southern end of the city, Leake supposed that the temple of Wolfish 
Apollo stood in the northern part of the modem town, not £ar from the 
foot of the Larisa {Morea^ 2. p. 403). A fragmentary inscription has 
been found at Argos containing part of an honorary decree with a 
direction that a copy engraved on stone should be set up in the sanctuary 
of Wolfish Apollo (E<f}Yffi€pls dpxaf-okoytKrjj 1885, p. 57). Inscrip- 
tions containing dedications to Apollo (C. /. G, Nos. 1142, 1143, cp. 
No. II 52) have been found in a church of St. Nicholas, from which 
Bursian (Geogr, 2. p. 53 j^. note) inferred that the temple in question 
must have been near this church. From Thucydides (v. 47), Sophocles 
{Electra^ 6 sq.^ with the Scholiast), and Plutarch {Pyrrhusy 32, com- 
pared with Pausanias, ii. 19. 7) we know that the temple abutted on 
the market-place ; and from Livy (xxxii. 25) we learn that the market- 
place was at the foot of the citadel. Opposite the temple was a temple 
of Nemean Zeus (Schol. on Sophocles, Electra^ 6). 

The wolf very commonly appears on coins of Argos. Sometimes 
he is represented in full between two dolphins, sometimes alone ; some- 
times only his head or forepart is given. See Head, Historia Nummorum^ 
p. 366 sq, ; id,y Coins of the Ancients^ p. 47, pi. iii. B. 36 ; Gardner, 
Types of Greek Coins^ p. 44 ; Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Nunt^ Comm, 
on Pans, p. 35 ; British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins ^ Peloponnesus^ 
p. 136 sqq.^ plates xxvii. xxviii. Some iron coins of Argos with a half 
wolf on them have been found {Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athen^ 7 
(1882), p. 2. sq.) A scholiast on Sophocles {Electra^ 6) says that 
wolves were represented on the coins of Argos like owls on the coins of 
Athens. A wolfs head, in terra-cotta, well modelled, has been found at 
Argos {Archdologische Zeitung^ 1864, p. 144). 

19. 3. Attains, an Athenian. The date of this sculptor is unkno^^ii. 
The name Attalus was inscribed on one of sixteen marble statues, of 
good style, which were found near the theatre at Argos. See Dodwell, 
Toury 2. p. 217 ; Brunn, Gesch. d. griech. KUnstler^ i. p. 558 ; C. I. G. 
No. 1 146; Loewy, Ins chrif ten griech. Bildhauer^ No. 436. 

19. 3. in those days all images were of wood. In Italy, down 
to the conquest of Western Asia in the first half of the second century 
B.C., most of the images of the gods are said to have been of wood or 
earthenware (Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 34). 

19. 3. The reason why Danans founded a sanctuary of Wolfish 
Apollo was this etc. A slightly different version of the following story 
is told by Servius (on Virgil, Aen. iv. 377) as follows. Danaus received 
an oracular response from Apollo bidding him journey till he saw a bull 
and a wolf fighting. He was to watch the issue of the fight, and if 
the bull conquered, he was to found a temple in honour of Neptune 


(Poseidon) ; but if the wolf was victorious, he was to dedicate a shrine 
to Apollo. The wolf conquered the bull, so Danaus built a temple to 
Wolfish Apollo. Cp. Plutarch, PyrrhuSy 32. 

19. 3. he daimed the kingdom. Doubtless he was supposed to 
have grounded his claim to the kingdom of Argos on his descent from 
lo, daughter of Argus or of Inachus. See Apollodorus, ii. i. On the 
lineage of his adversary, Gelanor, see Paus. ii. 16. i. Gelanor was 
king of Argos at the time when Danaus landed (Apollodorus, ii. 1.4; 
Plutarch, PyrrhuSy 32). 

19. 3. Gelanor. Stephanus Byzantius {s,v, SovayeXa) mentions a 
town of Caria called Souagela, at which, he says, " was the tomb of the 
Carian. For the Carian name for a grave is sUa^ and for a king gela.^^ 
On the strength of this statement Preller (Ausgewahlte Aufsdtze^ p. 287) 
was disposed to derive the name Gelanor from the Carian name for 
king. From the same word he would derive the Sicilian Gelon ; the 
family of Gelon came from the island of Telos, off Caria. Further, he 
suggests that we have the same root in Geleontes^ the name of one of 
the four ancient Ionic tribes ; the name would thus mean * royal * or 
* kingly.' He thinks that Zeus Geleon, whose name appears in an 
Attic inscription (C /. A, iii. No. 2), was perhaps the tribal god of the 
Geleontes. This trace, if it be such, of a Carian settlement in Argolis 
might be used as an argument by those who hold that the people who 
created the civilisation of Tiryns and Mycenae were Carians. See 
above, p. 1 5 3 sg. 

19. 4. Oelanor was like the bnll and Danaus like the well Cp. 
Plutarch, Pyrrhus^ 32. Prof. W. Robertson Smith suggested (article 
* Sacrifice,' Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed. vol. 21, p. 135) that in 
this legend we have a reminiscence of a struggle between two clans, 
one of which had for its totem the wolf, and the other the bull. 

19. 5. the fire of Fhoroneos. From a scholiast on Sophocles 
(^Elcctroy w. 4, 6) we learn that this fire was in the sanctuary of 
\Volfish Apollo, and that it was thought to have come down from 
heaven. On Phoroneus see ii. 15. 5. Before his time men all spoke 
one tongue ; Hermes introduced a diversity of languages, and hence 
arose discord for the first time (Hyginus, Fad, 143). Ad. Kuhn 
i^Herabkunft des Feuers^ P- 25 sqq,^ connected the name Phoroneus 
^ith the Sanscrit bhuranya^ ' rapid ' (applied to Agni, the deified fire), 
and the Latin Feronia, the goddess worshipped at the foot of Mount 
Soracte. As to Feronia see W. Mannhardt, Antike Wold- und Feld- 
JiultCy p. 327 sqq. 

19. 5. that Prometheus gave fire to men. The story that fire 
^as stolen from heaven and given to men by Prometheus has its analogue 
in many savage stories of the origin of fire. A powerful being (who 
is sometimes an animal) is said to have got possession of fire and to 
have kept it all to himself ; a beneficent hero (who himself is sometimes 
an animal) contrives to steal a light from him and gives it to men. See 
for examples of such tales Mr. A. Lang's article * Prometheus,' in the 
Encyclopaedia Britannica^ 9th ed. vol. 19, p. 807 sq. Many more ex- 
amples might be added. Ad. Kuhn (Herabkunft des Feuers^ P- 35 ^99-^ 


derived the name Prometheus from the Sanscrit pramantha^ the name 
for the fire-sticks, by the friction of which savages produce fire. But it 
is hard to separate the name Prometheus from prometkes^ * prudent/ 
prometheia^ 'prudence,' etc. Cp. H. Flach, *Zur Prometheussage,' 
Neue Jahrbiicher f, Philol. u. Paedag. 123 (1881), pp. 817-823. In this 
article Dr. Flach ventures on the rash assertions that the Prometheus 
story, in all its features, is purely Greek, and that it must have originated 
after Homer, since Homer makes no mention of it. 

19. 7. Ladas. See iii. 21. i note; viii. 12. 5. 

19. 7* ft bull and a wolf fighting* In 272 B.C. Pyrrhus, at the 
head of some of his troops, forced his way into Argos by night When 
day dawned he saw in the market-place the sculpture described by 
Pausanias. The king took it as an omen of death, since it had been 
foretold that he must die when he should see a wolf fighting a bull 
Plutarch, who mentions this, says that the wolf and the bull were of 
bronze. See Plutarch, Pyrrhus^ 32. Thus the group would seem to 
have been a bronze relief. The battle of the wolf and bull is represented 
on a coin of Argos (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Paus. 

P- 36). 

19. 8. Linus. As to Linus, son of Apollo and Psamathe, see i. 43. 
7 sq.y with the note on " when Crotopus was reigning.** As to Linus 
the poet see ix. 29. 6 sgq, 

19. 8. an altar of Bainy Zeus. See i. 32. 2, with the note on 
* Showery Zeus.' On a ridge of Mt. Tmolus, to the west of Sardcs, 
there was a spot which was called the Birthplace of Rainy Zeus 
(Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 48). In New Guinea there is a god 
named Laufao, who keeps the rain bottled up in a bamboo. WTien 
there is too little rain, the people make him presents of pigs and cooked 
food ; then Laufao takes the stopper out of his sacred bamboo, and the 
rain falls. When there is too much rain, presents are made to the god 
to induce him to put the stopper into the bamboo. See J. Chalmers, 
Pioneering in New Guinea^ p. I77 sq. 

19. 8. swore to take Thebes or die. The oath is described by 
Aeschylus (Seven against Thebes^ 41 sqq.) They killed a bull so that 
the blood ran into the hollow of a shield, and in swearing they touched 
the blood with their hands. This was perhaps a form of the blood- 
covenant in which the blood of a victim had been substituted for that of 
the persons themselves who took the oath. "In ancient Arabic litera- 
ture there are many references to the blood-covenant, but instead of 
human blood that of a victim slain at the sanctuary is employed. The 
ritual in this case is that all who share in the compact must dip their hands 
into the gore, which at the same time is applied to the sacred stone 
that symbolises the deity, or is poured forth at its base " (W. Robertson 
Smith, Religion of the Semites?' p. 314). 

19. 8. As to the tomb of Prometheus etc. This seems to imply 
that both Argos and Opus claimed to possess the grave of Prometheus, 
but that in Pausanias's opinion the Opuntian claim was the better 
founded. Other ancient writers appear to be silent on the subject. 

20. I. Oreugas. See viii. 40. 3 sqq. 


20. I. a work of Polyclitns. There were two sculptors of this 
name, of whom the elder was by fer the more famous. See note on ii. 
32. 7. Bmnn {SilzuHgsbericktt d. phUos. pkilolog. u. kistor. Classe d. 
k. baytrisch. Akad. d. Wissen. zu Muncken, 1880, p. 469) supposed that 
the Polyditus mentioned here was the younger Polyclitus. Overbeck 
{Sckriftquellen, No. 941) thinks it was the elder Polyditus. The 
massacre of the guards, which (as Pausanias here relates) led to the 
erection of the statue, occurred in 418 B.C. (Thucydides, v. 8z ; Dio- 
donis, xii. 80; Plutarch, Alcibiadts, 15). Overbeck holds that this 
date fits better with the elder Polyclitus. Brunn, who assigned the 
statue to the younger Polyclitus, supposed that it was not executed for 
ume time after the massacre. 

20. z. t. regiment of a thoosaud picked men. This force was 

i instituted in 421 B.C. The men were chosen from amongst the wealthiest 
dasses, and hence formed an aristocratic corps. They were relieved 
(ram all other public duties, and had to train and exercise constantly 
(Diodonis, xii. 75). They took part in the battle of Mantinea in 
418 B,c. (Thucydides, v. 67, 73). 

iO. 3- OleoUs and Biton drawing the wagon etc. Their mother's 
« was Cydippe and she was the priestess of Hera. Once on a 
niM she had to rep^r to the sanctuary to perform a sacrifice. But 
the oxen had not yet returned from the field, and time was' pressing. 
So her two sons, Cleobis and Biton, yoked themselves to the cart and 
drew their mother to the sanctuary, a distance of seven miles. There 
in the crowd of worshippers the men complimented her on the manly 
vigour, and the women on the filial piety, of her sons. In the pride of 
1*[ heart the mother stood before the image and prayed to the goddess 
that she would bestow on the sons, who had honoured her so greatly, 
"e best gift that could fall to the lot of man. So after sacrificing 
' ltd feasting the young men fell asleep in the sanctuary and awoke no 
■ODre, the goddess thus signifying that death was belter than life. The 
Arpi-es had statues of the young men made and dedicated them at 
Delphi. See Herodotus, i. 31; Plutarch, Consol. ad Apolhn. 14; 
Cicero, Tusc. Diipul. i. 47. 113; Hyginus, Fab. 254; Servius, on 
"irpl, Gtorg. iii. 532 ; Valerius Maximus, v. 4. Ext. 4. On repre- 
soiiations of Cleobis and Biton in ancient art see 
Welcker, in K. O. Miiller's Archdologit der Kunst, 
8119.4. On an Argive coin (Fig. 31) Cleobis 
^ Biton are represented drawing their mother 
in a chariot (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. 
Cemm. on Paus. p. 37, with pi. K xxxiv.) Again, 
'B Si. Marc's Library at Venice there is a sarco- 
[*agus on which their story is carved in relief It 
tslls into four scenes. On the left the mother is 
«tii standing in a chariot drawn by two oxen. oVToi/ccorK of aiI^x 
^"0 strong lads (Cleobis and Biton) grasp the 

pole of the chariot, as if about to unyoke the oxen and to draw the 
thiriot themselves. In the next scene the two lads are sleeping, face 
'Wiward, on the ground in front of the temple, while the mother stands 
vou tii O 


beside them with uplifted torches as if in the act of prayer. In the 
next scene, still further to the right, a young woman with fluttering 
robes is driving a chariot drawn by two prancing steeds, the heads Of 
which are held by Cleobis and Biton. The meaning of this scene J! 
obscure ; it has been interpreted as the Moon goddess driving her car 
through the nightly sky and taking with her the souls of the dead lads 
to the spirit-world. In the last scene, on the extreme right, the motber 
is seen seated, putting her arms about her two sons, who stand before 
her. This perhaps represents the reunion of the mother and son 
heaven. See Archaologische Zrituttg, ii {1863), pi. clxxii., with tht 
remarks of Kriiger, pp. 17-2? (who wrongly interprets the relief as a 
mythical representation of moonlight and dawn) ; H. Diitschke, 
' Kleobis und Biton,' Archaologisck - epigraphiscfu Mitthalungen nnt 
Oesterreuk, 7 (1883), pp. iS3-i67. with pi. ii. 

20. 3- a unctnuT of Nemean Zens. This sanctuary m 
opposite the temple of Wolfish Apollo (Schol. on Sophocles, Electro, f>\ 
It seems probable that all the objects described by Pausanias from 
19. 3 to the end of 30. 2 were within the precincts of Wolfish Apollo. 
Sothought Siebelis(onthispassage), andBursian(Gff(J^. 2, p. 53 note!). 

20. 3. tiie bronse linage of the god is a irork of LTBippni- 

^^^^ On Argive coins of Imperial times Zeus is repre- 

^^^^^^^ sented standing naked, with a sceptre in his riglit 
J^^^^^^^^ hand and an eagle at his feet (Fig. 33), As ifac 
^^^K^^^^L type persists practically unchanged through seveni 
^^^^^^^^H reigns, it may be a copy of Lysippus's statue. See 
^^^^^^^^V Imhoof- Blumer and Gardner, Num. Cotnm. M 
^^^^^^r fc"^- P- 36. pl- K xxviii. ; British Museum Cat*- 
^^^ logue of Greek Coins, Peloponnesus, pi. xxviii. 10. 

'""^^ "ARcoBr"" " ^^- 3- Pftlamedes. See note on ii. 38. J ; 

Eustathius (on //. ii. 308, p. 228) says that ih* 
draught-man (ir«nTM) of Paiamedes, by which he may mean the di** 
here mentioned by Pausanias, was at Argos. 

20. 4' the women who marched with BIoiitbus to Argos. CT' 
ii. 22. 1 ; ii. 23. 7. The expedition of Dionysus and his Bacchana-'* 
against Argos and the resistance offered by the Argives under Perse*'* 
are narrated at langth by Nonnus (xlvii. 474 sqq.') \ cp. ApoUodor***' 
iii. 5. 1. According to one account, Perseus killed Dionysus (Parth^'J 
on Plutarch, Ins and Osiris, 35). Two scenes on painted vases ha-"*" 
been interpreted as Perseus fighting the Bacchanals (P. Kretschm^* 
'm.Jahrbuch d. arch. Instituts, 7 (1892), pp. 32-37). 

20. 5- Their number is reduced \iy Aeschylus to seven. C^ 
Verrall has pointed out that in the Saien against Thebes Aeschyl * 
represents, not the leaders of the expedition against Thebes, but or»- 
the leaders of the final assault upon the gales, as seven in numbe ^ 
and with fine literary tact he shows how immensely this, propel — 
understood, contributes to the dramatic interest of the play. See 1^* 
introduction to his edition of the play. ' 

20. 6. the tomb of Danans. This was in the middle of tt=» 
market-place (Strabo, viii. p. 371). 


20. 6. where the Argive women bewail Adonis. I have 
examined elsewhere the worship of Adonis (The Golden Bought i. p. 
278 sqq.y etc.) On representations of Adonis in ancient art see Jahn and 
De Witte in Annali deW InsHtuto^ 1845, pp. 347-418 ; Jahn, Archdo- 
logische BeitrdgBy p. 45 sqq, ; also Gazette ArMologique^ 4 (1878), pp. 
64-66; Roscher's Lexikon^ i. p. 75; Paul/s Real'Encyclopddie^ ed. 
Wissowa, I. p. 394 sq, 

20. 6. Oephisns. See ii. 15. 5. 

20. 7* a head x)f Medusa made of stone. The head of Medusa 

was said to have the power of turning into stone whoever looked upon 

it (ApoUodorus, ii. 4. 2. and 3). In a Sicilian story a witch turns the 

hero to stone by touching him with one of her hairs (Gonzenbach, 

Sicilianische Mdrchen^ No. 40, vol. 2. p. 277). Some of the Dyaks 

believe that if they laugh at a dog or at a snake crossing their path, 

they will be turned to stone (Spencer St. John, Life in the Forests 0/ the 

Far Easty i. p. 239; cp. the snakes about the Gorgons' heads). For 

other magic modes of turning people to stone see Chalatianz, 

L^ I Armenische Mdrchen und Sagen^ Einleitung, p. v. sqq, ; Radloff, 

?rokn der Volkslitteratur der tiirkischen Stdmme Siid- Sibiriens^ 2. 

^ III sqq. 

20. 7. the Judgment Place. At the eastern foot of the Larisa, to 

4c north-east of the theatre (see below), is a wall built of great 

polygonal blocks. It is about 100 feet long and has a simple doorway 

in the middle. This wall supports an artificially levelled terrace at the 

foot of the mountain, and on this terrace are the remains of a Roman 

brick building. Opposite the doorway there is a square recess cut in 

^ wall of rock which forms the back of the terrace. This recess 

narrows gradually inwards and ends in a semicircular niche, which 

forms the termination of a channel cut in the rock. Prof. Curtius 

supposes that the Judgment Place may have been upon this terrace. 

He thinks that the order in which Pausanias mentions the buildings 

Confirms this view ; for immediately after mentioning the Judgment 

^lace Pausanias mentions the theatre. Now going to the theatre from 

^ market-place he must have passed this polygonal wall with its 

terrace. On the other hand Bursian sees in the whole structure simply 

* well-house, once fed by a spring in the interior of the mountain which 

^las now dried up. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 398 sq, ; Curtius, Pelop, 

^ p. 351 sq,y 353 sq,y 357; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 319 sq, \ 

^ursian, Geogr. 2. p. 351 sq. Prof. Ed. Meyer agrees with Curtius*s 

^'icntification of the Judgment Place, and thinks that it is the same 

^•'ith the Pron mentioned by a scholiast on Euripides {Orestes^ 872) 

^« the place where the Argives held their trials. See Philologus^ 48 

(1889), p. 185 sqq, 

20. 7. a theatre. A considerable portion of this theatre, being 
^^t out of the rock, is in tolerable preservation. It is at the south-east 
*^t of the Larisa. " Its two ends were formed of large masses of rude 
atones and mortar, faced with regular masonry ; these are now mere 
shapeless heaps of rubbish. The excavated part of the theatre 
Preserves the remains of sixty-seven rows of seats, in three divisions, 


separated by diazontata [/ .^. passages running round the theatre] : in 
the upper division are nineteen rows, in the middle sixteen, and in the 
lower thirty-two, and there may, perhaps, be some more at the bottom 
concealed under the earth" (Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 396). W. G. Clark 
counted 35 rows of seats in the lowest division, 16 in the middle, and 
1 8 in the uppermost, making 69 in all (^Peloponnesus^ P* 9 ^ )• '^hc ruinous 
state of the wings makes exact estimates impossible, but Leake judged 
that the diameter of the theatre may have been 450 feet, and that of 
the orchestra 200 feet. He calculated that, when entire, the theatre 
may have held 20,000 people. In 1891 some excavations were made 
in the theatre by Mr. Kophiniotis on behalf of the Greek Government 
Twenty rows of seats were discovered lower down than the rock-cut 
seats hitherto visible. The front row of seats is in the form of ann- 
chairs. Remains of both a Greek and a Roman stage were laid bare, 
the former built of tufa, the latter paved with red stone. A subterranean 
passage, to the north of the Roman stage, united the stage with the 
orchestra, as in the theatres at Eretria, Magnesia on the Maeander, 
Sicyon, and Tralles. See AcXrtov apxaiokoyiKov^ 1891, p. 86; 
MittheiL d, arch, Inst, in A then, 16(1891), p. 383; Bull. Corr. Htll 
15 ( 1 89 1 ), p. 651 ; American Journal of Archaeology, 7 ( 1 89 1 ), p. 5 1 8. 
" Contiguous to the south-western angle of the theatre, on the extreme 
foot of the mountain, are twenty-one rows of seats excavated in the 
rock. These rows are rectilinear, forming a line which is nearly that 
of the orchestra of the theatre produced ; the seats, therefore, must 
have belonged to some separate place of spectacle, as they could not 
have commanded a view of any part of the interior of the theatre. 
Their position clearly proves that the upper division of the excavated 
seats of the theatre was not prolonged to the wings" (Leake, Morea, 2. 
P- 397 SQ') See also Curtius, Pclop. 2. p. 352 j^. ; Vischer, Erinner- 
ungen, p. 320 sq. \ W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus, p. 91 ; Bursian, Geoff^- 
2. p. 52. 1 

20. 7- the Spartan Othryadas. Herodotus's version (i. 82) ^ 
this famous story is as follows. The Lacedaemonians had taken 
possession of the district of Thyrea, which belonged to the Argives. 
The two peoples agreed that each should pick out 300 champions w1^° 
should fight each other, and that Thyrea should belong to the victorious 
side. The fight took place. Of the 300 Argives all fell but t^'^' 
Alcenor and Chromius ; of the Lacedaemonians all were slain but o«^^ 
Othryades (Othryadas). The two Argives ran to Argos to tell \y>^ 
they had conquered ; Othryades remained on the field, spoiled the sl3-^^ 
Argives, and deposited the spoils in the Lacedaemonian camp, 
dispute hence arose between Sparta and Argos, each claiming a victo^^' 
A battle was the result, in which the Lacedaemonians were victorio*^^' 
Othryades, ashamed to return to Sparta when all his comrades l»^ 
perished, slew himself on the spot. This contest is believed to h^- "^^ 
taken place in 548 B.C. It is described by Pausanias elsewhere (ii. ^ 
5), but without mention of Othryades. The combat was very famc^'^ 
in antiquity and became a favourite subject of rhetorical declamatic^ ^ 
See Chrysermus, in Fragm. hist. Graec. ed. Miiller, 4. p. 361 ; Theseu^ " 

I. XX ARGOS 197 

. Stobaeus, FloriUgium^ vii. 67 ; Suidas, s,v, 'OOpvaSas ; and the 
jmerous other writers cited by Kohlmann in his article * Othryades,' 
heinisches Museum^ N. F. 29 (1874), pp. 463-480 ; «V/., 31 (1876), pp. 
30-302. Now none of the other authorities agrees with Pausanias, 
ho represents the Spartan Othryadas as killed by an Argive. In the 
her accounts Othryadas is represented either as having killed himself 
ierodotus's version), or as having died of his wounds. As the group 
" statuary representing Othryadas being slain by an Argive was at 
rgos, it is natural to see in it the embodiment of an Argive tradition 
hich contradicted the Lacedaemonian tradition followed by Herodotus, 
he Argive tradition would be told to Pausanias when the statue was 
lown him. If Pausanias (as has been maintained) took all his facts 
om books, how is it that here his account agrees with none of the very 
umerous literary accounts of the same subject which have come down 
> us, but does agree with what we should expect to be the local 
irgive tradition, coloured by Argive patriotic prejudice ? 

20. 8. a sanctuary of Aphrodite. Above the theatre is a small 
ocky platform, on which stands a chapel of St. George. Curtius and 
iursian think that this may have been the site of the sanctuary of 
Vphrodite. See Curtius, Pelop, 2. pp. 351, 357 j^., 562; Bursian, 
jeo^r. 2. p. 52. 

20. 8. the image of the goddess. The word for image here is 
fSo9 ; it is used by Pausanias only here and in viii. 46. 2. On the 
*'ord see Maxim. Fraenkel, De verbis potioribus quibus opera siaiuaria 
Graeci notabant^ pp. 24-29. 

20. 8. Telesilla. See Plutarch, De muL irirL 4 ; Polyaenus, viii. 
33; Suidas, s.v, TcXco-tXXa; Clement of Alex., Strom, iv. 19. § 122 ; 
Bahr on Herodotus, vi. TT, Telesilla*s heroic defence of Argos is 
supposed to have taken place in 510 B.C. It was commemorated by an 
annual festival called the Festival of Wantonness (ra *Y)8pMmica), 
Celebrated at the new moon of the month of Hermaeus (the fourth 
iionth, perhaps June-July ; see Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire^ 2. 
?. 829). At this festival the women dressed as men and the men as 
vomen, the men even wearing veils (Plutarch and Polyaenus, 
Hie story of the defence of Argos by Telesilla may have been invented 
o explain the festival. Certainly the exchange of garments between 
tien and women as a religious or superstitious rite is not uncommon 
'Isewhere. For example, there was a sacrifice to Aphrodite at which 
ncn were dressed as women and women as men (Macrobius, Sat, iii. 
$. 3). In Cos the priest of Hercules wore female attire when he offered 
"acrifices (Plutarch, Quaest. Graec, 58). Argive women on their 
narriage night wore false beards. Plutarch, who mentions this custom, 
ittempts to assign an historical origin to it {De mul. virt, 4) ; but it is 
:ertain that the practice of women dressing as men, or men as women, 
>r both, is a widely spread marriage custom. Spartan brides were 
Pressed in men's clothes on the wedding night (Plutarch, Lycurgus^ 15). 
See also Sepp, Altbayertscher Sagenschatz^ p. 233 ; Schroeder, Die 
Volksbrduche der Ehsten, pp. 93 sgq.^ 218 sqq,\ J. Thomson, Through 
^fasai Landy p. 442 ; Matthes, Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid- 


198 ARGOS BK. II. coinrra 

Celebes^ P* 35* Sometimes it is not the bride and bridegroom but their 
attendants who thus disguise themselves. See Proceedings R. Geogr, Sec. 
1879, P- 92; Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh^^i^. jZ^ 80; Griersoo, 
Bihar peasant life y p. 365 ; Folk-lore Journal^ 6 (1888), p. 122 ; SebiUot, 
Cou fumes populcUres de la Haute-Bretagne^ p. 138. Plutarch (/.f.) 
mentions that the women who shared in the exploit of Telesilla were 
allowed to build a temple of the war-god (Enyalius) ; and Lucian 
(AmoreSf 30) says that in consequence of Telesilla's victory the war-god 
(Ares) was held at Argos to be a god of women. But, as we Icara 
from Pausanias, the statue of Telesilla stood in front of a temple of 
Aphrodite. May not this have been the Armed Aphrodite ? and would 
not this explain the statements of Plutarch and Lucian just quoted ? If 
this were so, the historical foundation of the story of Telesilla would 
become more doubtful than ever. On the Armed Aphrodite see iii. 15. 
10 note. 

20. 8. her books axe lying at her feet, and she is lookiiig at a 
helmet. This statue has been cited by Leopardi in a fine passage to 
illustrate the superiority of the active over the contemplative life (// 
Parim\ owero della gloria^ cap. i. ) 

20. 8. The Lacedaemonians, nnder Cleomenes etc. See Hero- 
dotus, vi. 76-80. 
-^0. 10. Herodotus has recorded. See Herodotus, vi. ^^, 

21. 2. Bias. See ii. 1 8. 4. 
21. 3. the Lydian woman. 1 Omphalei Cp. Dionysius Halic 

Antiquit, Rom. i. 28. "--- 

21. 3. the grave of Epimenides. His tomb was also shown at 
Sparta. See iii. 11. 11 ; also iii. 12. 11. 

21. 4- as I have shown in my account of Attica. See i. 13. 8. 

21. 5. the story told of her is this. With the following account of 
the Gorgons, Mr. E. Bethe, in Hermes^ 25 (1890), p. 31 1 sq.^ compares 
Diodorus, iii. 52 sqq. Diodorus admittedly takes his account of the 
Gorgons etc. from Dionysius, sumamed Scytobrachion ; and from the 
supposed resemblance between the narratives of Pausanias and Dio- 
dorus, Mr. Bethe infers that Pausanias also drew upon Dionysius. This 
is quite possible, but the supposed resemblance seems far too slight to 
warrant the inference. 

21. 6. The desert of Libya contains wild beasts etc. Cp. 
Herodotus, iv. 191. 

21. 7- it had been the custom for women to remain single after 
their husbands' death. It is quite possible that in very early times 
Greek widows were forbidden to marry again, for among many peoples 
this rule holds, as amongst the Heh Kioh Miau or * Black-footed 
aborigines' (an aboriginal tribe in China), in Su-shin (an anciet^^ 
kingdom in Corea), amongst some families or tribes in Malabar, among 
the Tamil potters of Travancore, and the Alfoers of Ceram. S^^ 
Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ^' 
No. 3 (December 1859), p. 261 ; Pfizmaier, *Nachrichten von d^^ 
alten Bewohnem des heutigen Corea,' Sitsungsberichte der philoso^^' 
histor. Classe der kaiser. Akad. der Wissen. (Vienna), 57 ( 1 86^ )' 


p. 518; J. T. Phillips, Account of the religion etc, of the people of 

MeUabixr^ p. 28 ; S. Mateer, Native life in Travancore, p. 108 ; G. A. 

Wilken, Das Haaropfer^ P- 44 sq. Among some peoples the marriage 

of widows, if not absolutely forbidden, is strongly discountenanced. In 

the Chinese * Book of Rites ' it is said : " The widow is one with her 

husband, and this does not change during the whole course of her life ; 

therefore, when her husband dies, she does not marry again" (De 

Groot, Feesten en Gebruiken van de Emoy-Chineezen^ p. 442 ; J. H. 

Plath, Die hdusliche Verhdltnisse der alien Chinesen, p. 10; cp. /'//., 

Geseti und Recht im alien China, p. 18). In conformity with this 

precept, at the present day in China " it is considered very improper for 

a widow to contract a second marriage ; and in genteel families such an 

event rarely, if ever, occurs. Indeed, if I do not mistake, a lady of rank 

by contracting a second marriage exposes herself to a penalty of eighty 

blows" (Gray, China, i. p. 215). In ancient Peru the marriage of 

widows was not approved of (Garcilasso de la Vega, Royal Commentaries 

of the Incas, i. p. 305 sq., Markham's trans.) The reason why widows 

are not allowed to marry after their husbands' death was given to the old 

traveller Rubruquis by the Tartars. "Their widows never marry a 

second time, for this reason, because they believe that all who have 

served them in this life shall do them service also in the life to come. 

Whereupon they are persuaded that every widow after death shall 

return to her own husband" (Rubruquis, 'Travels into Tartary and 

China,* in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, 7. p. 33). So among the 

Khi-tan, a people of eastern Tartary, " the wife does not marry a second 

time. She is considered the wife of the deceased, and no one would 

niany her " (Pfizmaier, * Die fremdlandichen Reiche zu den Zeiten der 

Sui,' Sitzungsberichte d, philos, hist. Classc d, kais, Akad. d. IVissen, 

(Vienna), 97 (1881), p. 482). Hence the Alfoers of Minahassa, in 

Celebes, are afraid to marry a widow, thinking that if they did, they 

^uld soon die (* lets over het Bijgeloof in de Minahasa,' Tijdschrift 

^HHfr Nederlandsch Indie, July 1870, p. 3). They probably fear the 

Vengeance of the deceased husband's ghost. For a similar reason, 

probably, in West Prussia, when a widow marries for the third time, her 

Husband must enter her house by the window and go thrice through it, 

**that no harm may befall him" (G. A. Wilken, Das Haaropfer, p. 46 

riote). Among the Syrian Christians of Travancore " remarriage of 

^dows is conducted in the early morning before daylight, as a 

scmewhat shameful thing" (S. Mateer, Native life in Travancore, 

p. 161). This again may be a precaution to evade the late husband's 


The belief that the soul of the wife would rejoin the soul of her 

departed husband in the other world has led many barbarous peoples to 

Will the wife on the death of her husband, in order that the spiritual 

^"^eunion may immediately take place. It is especially on the death of kings 

^Jid great men that these massacres are perpetrated. In the East 

I ndian island of Bali, when the king died, all his wives and concubines, 

^Jnounting sometimes to a hundred or a hundred and fifty, were burnt 

(Crawford, History of the Indian Archipelago, 2. p. 252). Herodotus 


(v. 5) mentions that among a Thracian tribe it was the custom, when a 
man died, that his best-beloved wife should be killed and buried with 
him ; the women used to contend eageriy for the honour. Prof. 0. 
Schrader is of opinion that the custom of slaying the wife on the death 
of the husband was an ancient Aryan institution (Sprachvergleichmg 
und Urgeschichte^ p. 565). The best known instance of it among an 
Aryan people is the suttee of Hindu widows. The custom of widow- 
burning does not appear in the Vedas ; but nevertheless, as Mr. 
Zimmer and Dr. Tylor argue, the custom is probably older than the 
Vedas ; so barbarous a rite is hardly likely to be a later inventioa It 
is, and has been since the days of Manu at least, the rule that a Hindu 
widow never marries again ; only among Pariahs and some Sudras 
is she allowed to marry again. See Laws of Manu^ v. 160 17.; 
Dubois, Moeurs etc. des peupies de rinde^ i- PP* M s^^y 294 sq, ; Bose, 
The Hindoos as they are^ p- 237 sqq, ; Mayne, Hindu law and usage^ 
p. 82 sqq, ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben^ pp. 326-329 ; Max Miiller, 
Essays, i. pp. 332-337. Amongst the Slavs there is evidence that the 
wife was regularly burnt with her dead husband (J. Grimm, Ueber das 
Verbrennen der Leichen, p. 62 sqq,\ V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und 
Hausthiere,^ p. 440). Amongst the South Slavs it is still regarded a^ 
an insult to her late husband's memory if a widow marries again (F. S- 
Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Siidslaven, p. 578). Among the anciex^^ 
Germans it seems to have been thought better that a widow should ix^ 
marry again (Tacitus, Germ, 19 ; Grimm, Deutsche RechtsalterthUm^^ 
p. 453). In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of wido"*^ 
burning in the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was burning 
the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and perish* 
(Euripides, Supplices, 980 sqq. ; Apollodorus, iii. 7. i ; Zenobit^ ■ 
Cent. i. 30; Ovid, Tristia, v. 14. 38). In some Indian tribes of Nort^ 
West America the practice of burning the widow has been mitigat^^ 
into a rule that she must lie beside her husband's corpse on the pyre t^^ 
she is nearly suffocated, when she is allowed to withdraw. See Mors ** 
Report on Indian affairs, p. 339 sq. ; Rev. Sheldon Jackson, *Alaste= 
and its inhabitants,' American Antiquarian, 2. p. 112 sq. ; Bancroft 
Amative races of the Pacific States, i. p. 126. For more examples c::: 
killing the widow on the husband's death see the works of Grimi 
and Hehn cited above; Tylor, Primitive Culture,^ i. pp. 459-467 
Herbert Spencer, Sociology,^ pt. i. ch. 14, pp. 204-206. For evidence 
of the custom in Greece see Lasaulx, * Zur Geschichte und Philosophi > 
der Ehe bei den Griechen,' Abhandl. d. philos. philolog. Classe dr^ 
konig. bayer, Akad d. IVissen. 7 (1853), p. 48 sqq. ; and on the custor^ 
in general see Westermarck, History of human marriage, p. 124 sqq. 

21. 9. Ohlorifl daughter of Niobe. See v. 16. 4. On th^ 

mythical connexion of Niobe with Argos see Stark, Niobe und dim 
Niobiden, p. 337 sqq. Stark thought that Chloris was a mythica - 
expression for the fresh green vegetation of spring. The adjective fron^ 
which her name is formed (xXwpos) is often so applied in Greek. \xC 
an article on Chloris in Rheinisches Museum, 10 (1856), pp. 369-377^ 
Schwenk maintained that Chloris corresponded to the Roman Flora.- 


>n representations .of the Niobe legend in ancient art see, in addition 

Stark's monograph, H. Heydemann, ' Niobe und die Niobiden auf 
;riechischen Vasenbildern,' Verkandlungen d. kbn. sacks. Gesell. d. 
Vissen. zu Leipwig, a? (1875), pp. 205-230; id., -ii) (1877), pp. 
'0-103; id., 35 (1883), pp. 159-168; Lenormant, in Gazette ArcM- 
iogique, 3 (1877), p. 171 sq.\ C. Robert, in Annali deir Insl. di 
"lorrisp. Archeol. 1882, pp. 285-289. By far the most famous of the 
epresentations of ihe Niobe legend is the group in the Uffizi gallery at 
•"lorence, which was discovered near the Lateran at Rome in 1583. 
rhe ancients themselves knew not whether to attribute the group to 
icopas or to Praxiteles (Pliny, Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 28) ; and modem 
ipinion is still divided on the subject See Friederichs, Praxiteles 
md die Niobegruppe ; Brunn, Gesch. d gritck. Kiinsller, 1. pp. 324, 
;S7 sq. ; Murray, Hist, of Creek Sculpture, 2. pp. 314-322 ; Lucy M. 
4itchel!, Hist, of Ancient Sculpture, pp. 475-481 : Overbed^ Gesch. d. 
Tieck. Plastit,* 2. pp. 78-91 ; Welcker, Aniike Denkmdltr, 1. pp. 218- 
;2o ; Stark, Niobe und die Niobiden, p. 332 sq. ; Friederichs-Wolters, 
"lipsabgiisse., pp. 433-445. The images of Latona and Chloris, here 
lescribed by Pausanias, 

eem to be reproduced on 

1 series of Argive coins 
Figs. 34, 35), on which 
..atona stands clad in a long 
;arment, holding some ob- 
ect (a torch ?) in her left 
land, and raising her right 
land to her shoulder ; the 
imall figure of Chloris ,,(«. j^_ 35.— latona *kd chlows (coini of abcos). 
itands close to the elbow 

if [he goddess and is similarly attired. See Imhoof- Blumer and 
Gardner, Num. Comm. on Paus. p. 38, pi. K xxxvi. xxxvii. xxxviii. 

22. 1. Flowery Hera. Cp. Etymolog. Magnum, p. loS. 47. Girls 
3r women officiated as flower-bearers in her temple, while the flutes played 
1 special air (Pollux, iv. 78). In spring the Peloponnesian women cele- 
brated a festival called Erosantheia or Eroantkia, the chief feature of 
'hich seems to have been the gathering of flowers (Hesychius, s.v. 
Hpoo-ai'fltKt ; Photius, s.v. 'HpoQV^ui), Probably this festival was 
:onnected with the worship of Flowery Hera ; the flower-bearers who 
officiated in her temple may have been the girls who gathered flowers 
H the Erosantheia. The Greek ist of May (our 12th) is still a 
esiival of flowers in Greece ; the people go out in the morning 
ind gather flowers, with which they deck the outside of their houses 
Folklore, 1 (1890), p. 518). This modem custom has obvious affinities 
*illi the celebration of May-day in northern Europe. I have suggested 
^sewhere (Tie Golden Boug/i, i. p. 100 sgq.) that at some Greek 
«ii(als Zeus and Hera corresponded to the King and Queen of May. 
The Flowery Hera, personated by a girl, with her attendant flower- 
^ring handmaidens, would answer very well to our Queen of the May. 

22. I. a grave of women etc. Cp. ii. 20. 4 note. 


22. I. Pelasgns, son of Triopas. On Pelasgus see i. 14. 2. On 
Triopas see ii. 16. i ; x. 11. i note. 

22. 2. 2ieu8 the Oontriver. From an inscription it appears that 
Zeus was worshipped under this title (Mechaneus or Machaneus) in Cos, 
where the sacrifices offered to him every other year were three fiill-grown 
sheep and a choice ox. See Journal of Hellenic Studies, 9 (1888), 
p. 328 ; Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, No. 38. 

22. 3. Now that the Tantalus, who was son to Thyestea etc. 
On this passage see Stark, Niobe und die Niobiden, p. 350 sqq. 
Pausanias, who is apt to take legends and myths as literal truth, is sure 
that the bones of the famous Tantalus, son of Zeus, cannot be at Argos, 
since his tomb was on Mt. Sipylus in Asia Minor. But, as Stark 
points out, some circumstances certainly point to a legend that the first, 
the celebrated, Tantalus was buried at Argos. For unless such a legend 
existed, Pausanias would not have gone out of his way to refute it. 
Moreover the younger Tantalus, son of Thyestes and first husband of 
Clytaemnestra, would have been buried not at Argos, but with his 
kindred the Atridae at Mycenae, the seat of the dynasty and their" 
burial place. Again, the name of Tantalus, son of Zeus, occurs in th^= 
list of the most ancient kings of Argos immediately before that o^ 
his son Pelops (Hyginus, Fab, 124). If then there was a legend thaCfl 
Tantalus reigned at Argos, it is perfectly natural there should hav^= 
been a legend that he was buried there. It is worth noting, as Starl^ 
points out, that as here the bones of Tantalus are said to have been-r: 
kept in a bronze vessel, so the bones of Pelops, son of Tantalus, wer^a 
preserved in a bronze box at Pisa (Paus. vi. 22. i). With regard tc^: 
the younger Tantalus, son of Thyestes, he is mentioned as one of th< 
children whom his father ate at the infamous banquet prepared h\ 
Atreus (Hyginus, Fab. 88, 244, 246; cp. Paus. ii. 16. 2). Euripides.-- 
like Pausanias, speaks of this younger Tantalus as having been th^^ 
first husband of Clytaemnestra {iphigenia in Aulis^ 1 1 50). 

22. 3. Broteas. See iii. 22. 4 ; Gerhard, * Broteas,* Rheinisckex^ 
Museum, N. F. 8 (1853), pp. 130-133 ; Stark, Niobe und die Niobiden^ ' 
p. 437 sq, Gerhard thought that the name might be connected withr^ 
^puKTt?, and hence might mean * the one who was eaten.' He suggestec 
that Broteas was a mere mythological dummy invented to relieve Pelops,^' 
as ancestor of the Pelopids, from the odium of having been partially^* 
eaten by Demeter. See Schol. on Pindar, Olymp, i. 37. Broteas w; 
said to have been so much ridiculed for his personal deformity that h< 
leapt into the fire and was burnt. Stark saw in this feature of th< 
legend a trace of Assyrian-Lydian ideas of resurrection and apotheosij 
through death. 

22. 3. his grave is on Mount Sipylns. See v. 13. 7 note. 

22. 3. Ilus the Phrygian. Ilus was son of Tros and brother of^ 
Assaracus and Ganymede (Apollodorus, iii. 12. 2). "That Ilus and-^ 
Assaracus were originally divinities of the first rank, and divinities of^ 
Semitic and Assyrian origin, is proved beyond doubt by their names. - 
These names are in fact purely Assyrian and present, without alteration, «- 
two very well-known names of the Ninivite pantheon, Ilu and Assur- -^ 


akku (Assur the great, the powerful). These two names contain one of 
the most decisive proofs of very ancient Assyrian influence in the Troad " 
(Fr. Lenormant, note in Gazette ArcJUologique^ 5 (1879), P* 239). 

22. 3. they still throw bnmmg tordies into the pit etc. On 

Easter Saturday young people in Albania march with lighted torches 

through the village. Then they throw the lighted torches into the 

river crying, " Hah Kore ! we throw you into the river, like these 

torches, that you may return no more ! " See Hahn, Albanesische StucUen^ 

I. p. 160. The coincidence in name between the Albanian Kore and 

the Greek Kore (the Maiden, ue. Proserpine) may be merely accidental. 

When the Romans erected boundary-stones they threw torches into 

holes in the ground (Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 981). In some parts of 

Germany the people on Christmas morning throw fire-brands into springs 

and troughs to keep off the witches (A. Bastian, in Zeitschrift fiir 

Ethnologie^ i. p. 418 ^^.) In England it seems to have been an old 

custom to carry lighted torches at a funeral and to extinguish them in 

the earth with which the corpse was about to be covered (Bume and 

Jackson, Shropshire Folklore^ p. 3 1 o). 

22. 5. a temple of the Dioscuri. According to Plutarch {Quaest, 
Graec. 23) the Argives called Castor mixarchagetas^ and believed that 
he u'as buried in their city ; but they worshipped Pollux as one of the 
Olympian gods. 

22. 6. Aphidna had been captured by the Dioscuri etc. See i. 
17. 4 sq,^ with the notes. 

22. 7. his brother Naucydes, son of Mothon. Elsewhere (Paus. 
^"i. 6. 2) we learn that Polyclitus was the pupil of Naucydes. Naucydes 
^ust therefore have been his elder brother. The Polyclitus referred to 
IS (as Pausanias l,c, remarks) not the great Polyclitus, but a younger 
Namesake. From an inscription found at Olympia it appears that the 
father of Naucydes (and therefore of the younger Polyclitus) was 
f*atrocles (see note on vi. 6. 2). Further, inscriptions found at Ephesus 
^nd Olympia show that the sculptor Daedalus of Sicyon (see Index) was a 
^on of Patrocles (see vi. 3. 4 and note on \\. 2. 8). Hence the younger 
Polyclitus, Naucydes, and Daedalus were all brothers. Thus in the 
present passage Pausanias or his copyists seem to be wrong in giving 
^lothon as the name of Naucydes's father. See Critical Note on this 
passage. On a block of black marble found at the church of St. George 
^t Thebes the name of the sculptor Polyclitus is found side by side with 
^^at of Lysippus ; two separate inscriptions are engraved on the block, 
^ne referring to a statue by Polyclitus, the other referring to a statue by 
lysippus (C. /. G, G, S. Nos. 2532, 2533; Kaibel, Epigrafnmata 
^^aeca, Nos. 492, 492 a; Collitz, G. D. I. i. No. 710, p. 236 ; Loewy, 
-^^schri/ten griech, Bildhauer^ No. 93). From this fact Messrs. Foucart 
^^d Loeschcke have inferred that Polyclitus the younger was a con- 
temporary of Lysippus, though Prof. Loeschcke holds that Polyclitus 
^^as a good deal the older of the two and places his artistic activity 
^t^^'een 372 and 332 B.C. The late H. Brunn, however, did not admit 
^*^c inference. The block of marble on which the names of the two 
Sculptors occur is not an independent base, but an architectural member. 


and Brunn thought that it might have formed part of a building destined 
for the reception, at successive times, of statues of victorious athletes. 
Brunn himself supposed that Patrocles, the father, may have been bom 
about 470 B.C., his son Naucydes about 440 B.C., and the younger 
Polyclitus about 432 B.C. Prof. W. Dittenberger, however, one of the 
highest living authorities on Greek epigraphy, holds that the two inscrip- 
tions in question are undoubtedly contemporary, and that they are later 
than 316 B.C. ; hence he considers that the sculptor Polyclitus whose 
name occurs on one of them can be neither the elder nor the younger 
Polyclitus, but a third sculptor of the same name, younger than either 
of the two others. Mr. Stuart Jones suggests that the inscriptions may 
be restorations of earlier inscriptions, and that the statues to which they 
were attached may have had no original connexion. 

See Foucart in Revue Archiologique^ N. S. 29 (1875), pp. i lo-ii 5 ; 
Loeschcke, in Archdologische Zeitung^ 36 (1878), pp. 10-13 ; E. 
Curtius, ib. p. 84 ; Furtwangler and Weil, in ArchaoL Zeitung^ 37 
(1879), p. 45 sq, ; H. Brunn, in Silzungsberichte d, philos. Classe d. k. 
b, Akad. d, IVt'ss, zu Miinchen^ Phil, philolog. Classe, 6 Novemb. 1880, 
p. 464 sq. ; Loewy, Inschriften griechischer Btldhauer^ No. 93 ; Murray, 
History of Greek Sculpture^ 2. p. 235 sq,\ Overbeck, Gesch, d. griech, 
Plastik^^ I. p. 531 sqq, ; W, Dittenberger, note on C. /. G. G, S. No. 
2532 ; H. Stuart Jones, Select Passages from Ancient Writers illustra- 
tive of the History of Greek Sculpture^ p. 192 sq, 

22. 8. the gymnasiain named Cylarabis. This gymnasium was 
less than 300 paces outside the city-walls, and the gate which led to it 
seems to have been called Diamperes (Livy, xxxiv. 26 ; Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus^ 32; /V/., Cleomenes^ 17 and 26; Lucian, Apol. pro mere, 
cond, 11). 

22. 8. Sacadas. See iv. 27. 7 ; vi. 14. 9 sq, ; ix. 30. 2 ; x. 7. 4. 
As to the Pythian tune see note on x. 7. 4. 

23. 2. Baton. Cp. v. 17. 8 note; x. 10. 3 ; Apollodorus, iii. 6. 8. 
23. 3. Hymetho. One of the Argive tribes was called after her 

(CoUitz, G, D, I, 3. Nos. 3296, 3319). As to her death and burial see 
ii. 28. 3 sqq, 

23. 4. Xenophilus and Strato. These were Argive sculptors. 
Their names appear in an inscription found at Marbcu:ca^ near Tiryns : 


"Xenophilus and Strato, Argives, made (the statue or statues)." 
See Brunn, Gesch. d, griech. Kiinstler^ i. p. 420; Overbeck, Schrift- 
quellen^ No. 1586. The same inscription {^tv6^iko% icat ^rpar^av 
'A^y[€r]ot €Troiri(rav) was found by Mr. Collignon engraved on two 
blocks, slightly concave, near the khan of Kourtesa^ on the site of the 
ancient Cleonae. These inscriptions appear to belong to the middle of 
the second century B.C. ; this then may be the date of these two artists. 
See Bulletin de Corresp, HelUnique^ 4 (1880), p. 46 sq, ; MittJuilungen 
d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 6 (1881), p. 356 ; and note on ii. 15. i. At 


Sicyon, Prof. E. Curtius found a mutilated base with some fragments of 
an inscription which perhaps included the names of these two sculptors. 
See Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 586. For all three inscriptions see Loew)', 
Inschriften griech, Bildhauer^ Nos. 261, 262, 270. Another mutilated 
inscription which seems to have contained the names of both sculptors 
has been found at the sanctuary of Epidaurus. As restored it runs : 
[H€i^<^iXo]s kqX ^Tpdrtiiv hroirp-av " Xenophon and Strato made (it)." 
See AcXrtov dp^aiokoyiKoVy 1892, p. 72 ; Cawadias, Fouilles 
(P^pidaurey I. p. 108, No. 253. The statues of Aesculapius and 
Health by Xenophilus and Strato appear to be reproduced on coins of 
Argos. The Aesculapius is of a Phidian type. Health is represented 
clad in a long tunic, and wearing an overdress, of which the end hangs 
over her left arm. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm, on 
Pans, p. 40 sq,y with plate K xlvii. xlviii. 

23. 4- Alezanor. See ii. 11. 5 sqq, 

23. 5. Pheraean Artemis. See ii. 10. 7. 

23. 5. the Palladium. See i. 28. 9. 

23. 6. Helenas, son of PrianL See i. 11. i. 

23. 6. the district of Oestrina It was separated from Thesprotis 
by the river Thyamis (Thucydides, i. 46 ; cp. Paus. i. 11. i). Cestrine 
is said to have been the older name of Chaonia. The oxen of the 
district were famous. See Hesychius, s.v, Kio-rpiviKol )8o€s ; Schol. on 
Aristophanes, Peace, 925 ; Suidas, s.v, Xapivol /^ocs. 

23. 7. an nndergroond stmctnre. On the south-eastern slope 
of the hill Diras (see 24. i note) there is a subterranean passage which 
is now open for a length of 65 feet. The sides of the passage are 
composed of large, almost unhewn blocks of stone ; the walls slope 
inward till at the top they are only a foot distant from each other. The 
passage leads into a small circular chamber. Curtius and Bursian 
think that this may be what was shown to sight-seers as the prison of 
Danae. Bursian considered it to be in reality an old reservoir. See 
Curtius, Peiop. 2. pp. 354, 361 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 50 sq. Cp. 
Cell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 66. Mr. Helbig considers that in the 
brazen chamber in which Danae was said to have been confined we 
have a reminiscence of buildings like the beehive tombs at Mycenae, 
the walls of which were lined with bronze plates or rosettes (Helbig, 
Das homerische Epos aus den Denknicilern erldutert^ p. 440). Pau- 
sanias describes Danae's prison as a bronze chamber above a sub- 
terranean structure. Apollodorus (ii. 4. i), with whom Sophocles 
(Antigone, 944 sqq,) seems to agree, describes it simply as a brazen 
underground chamber. Horace (Odes, iii. 16. i) speaks of it as a 
brazen tower. I have attempted to explain the story in The Golden 
Bough, 2. p. 237. 

23. 7. Cretan Dionysns. See Preller, Ausgewdhlte Aufsdtze, pp. 
293-296. According to Preller, the Cretan legend of the relation of 
Dionysus to Ariadne was that Dionysus loved her before she became 
the bride of Theseus, and that for her infidelity to the god (as Homer 
relates, Od. xi. 321 sqq.) she was slain by Artemis. 

23. 7. after warring with Persens. See ii. 20. 4 ; ii. 22. i. 

206 ARGOS BK» 11. CO&INTR 

24. I. They call the acropolis Laxisa. The Larisa or acropdis 
of Argos is a conical rocky mountain which rises abruptly from the 
plain to a height of 950 feet. The slopes, though steep, can in general 
be climbed ; but in a few places the rocks are so precipitous as to 
be inaccessible, as on the north-east side, where the conspicuous 
monastery of the Panagia seems to overhang them. The top is somt- 
what small in proportion to the size of the mountain. " A ruined castle 
of lower Greek or Frank construction, which occupies the summit of 
this rocky hill, still preserves, amidst the rude masonry of its crumbling 
walls, some remains of those of the famed Acropolis of Argos. They 
are of various dates ; some parts approach to the Tirynthian [Cyclo- 
pean] style of building, others are of the most accurate polygon^ kind, 
and there are some remains of towers, which appear to have been a 
late addition to the original Larissa, which was probably construaed 
without towers. The modem castle consists of an outer inclosure and 
a keep, and in both of these a part of the walls consists of Hellenic 
work, thus showing that the modem construction preserves very nearly 
the form of the ancient fortress, and that the Larissa had a complete 
castle within the outer inclosure. The masonry of the interior work 
is a fine specimen of the second order, being without any horizontal 
courses ; and the stones are accurately joined and smoothed on the 
outside ; in the latter particular it differs from a piece of the exterior 
Hellenic wall, obser\'able on the north-western side of the outer inclosure 
of the modem castle, where the stones, though not less irregular in 
shape, and joined with equal accuracy, are rough on the outside, and 
are also of larger dimensions. The interior Larissa was equal to a 
square of about 200 feet" (Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 395 sq.) The keep 
is a quadrangle of about 70 paces in length by 60 feet in breadth. 
Its ancient walls are standing to a considerable height, especially on 
the north-east side, and are constructed of fine polygonal blocks, with 
some pieces of quadrangular masonry here and there. From the 
summit a fortification- wall extends southward along the ridge and down 
to the plain. On the opposite side a similar wall descends the slope 
into the saddle which divides the Larisa from the lower hill to the 
north. There are several cistems on the summit ; the oldest is within 
the inner wall. The view is fine, embracing the whole of the ArgoHc 
plain, with the mountains which surround it. See Dodwell, Tour, 2. 
p. 217 sgq. \ Curtius, Pchp, 2. p. 350 sq.\ W. G. Clark, Pchp. P- 
91 sqq.\ Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 317 sqq.\ Guide- Joanne, 2. P- 
218 5q.\ Baedeker,'^ p. it2 sq. A good general idea of the view <^^ 
the Argolic plain and gulf as seen from the summit of the Larisa *^ 
afforded by plate 1 9 of Cell's Topography of Greece, 

24. I. who gave her name also to two cities of Thessa^^' 
Strabo (ix. p. 440) gives a long list of places in Greece, Asia Mir^ ^^ 
and the islands which were called Larisa ; and Stephanus Byzant i ^ 
{s.v. Adpurcra) enumerates ten places named Larisa, exclusive of C •^ 
citadel of Argos. 

24. I. Hera of the Height. Argive coins of the Imperial 2l ^ 
exhibit heads of Hera covered with a goat's skin. Hence Panof 


conjectured that Hera of the Height was so represented. He points 
out that goats were sacrificed to Hera of the Height at Corinth 
(Zenobius, i. 26, and note on ii. 3. 6). See Panofka, Archdologischer 
Commentar zu Pausamas Buck II. Kap, 24, p. 5. On sacrifices of 
goats to Hera see note on iii. 15.9. 

24. I. a temple of Apollo built by Pythaens. See ii. 35. 2 ; 

"• 36. 5 ; iii. 10. 8 ; iii. 11. 9. The epithet Pythaean, as applied to 

Apollo, is doubtless only another form of the more common Pythian, 

as Panofka (op, cit p. 8), following Boeckh, rightly assumed. On the 

diffusion of the worship of the Pythian or Pythaean Apollo in 

Peloponnese see Preller, Griech. Mythol^ i. p. 267. There were 

sanctuaries of the Pythian Apollo near Pheneus (viii. 15.5) and Tegea 

(viii. 54. 5). An inscription (/. G. A, No. 59) shows that the worship 

existed in Cynuria. It seems probable that Argos was the centre from 

which the worship spread ; for the Epidaurians and Spartans were 

bound to send sacrifices to the Pythaean Apollo of Argos (Thucydides, 

V. 53 : Diodorus, xii. 78). Perhaps, as Arnold on Thucydides Lc, puts 

it, "the worship of Apollo, the national god of the Dorians, was 

established by the Argives earlier than by any other of the Dorian 

states after their conquest of Peloponnesus. Be this as it may, we 

know that Argos enjoyed in early times a much greater dominion and 

influence than she possessed in the Peloponnesian war; and she was 

probably at the head of a confederacy of the adjoining states (Miiller, 

Darter^ i. p. 154), and thus enjoyed both a political and religious 

supremacy. The religious supremacy outlasted the political ; and the 

Argives still retained the management of the temple of Apollo Pythaeus, 

to whom offerings were due from the sevefW states of the confederation, 

just as they were sent by the several states of Latium to the common 

temple of Jupiter Latiaris on the Alban mount." Cp. Bouch^-Leclercq, 

Histoire de la Divination dans PAntiquiti^ 3. pp. no sq,^ 225 sqq, 

24. I . Apollo BiradioteB. The name signifies Apollo of the Ridge, 
^ing derived from diras (6€i/xis) * a ridge.' Panofka {Archdologischer 
(Commentar zu Pausanias Buck II, Kap, 24, p. 12) thought that combined 
^th this there may be the meaning of * the Skinner,' the name Diradiotis 
including the sense of * skinning,' from the verb deiro or dero * to skin.' 
Hence he supposed that Apollo Diradiotis appears on monuments 
'^here the god is represented as about to skin Marsyas or as holding 
^e head of Marsyas in his hand. But to attribute this double or 
punning sense to the name Diradiotis seems inadmissible. 

24. I. because the place also is called Diras. *^The north- 
^^tem projection of the mountain of Larissa . . . forms a conspicuous 
^<^ture of Argos, though it rises only to one-third of the height of the 
'fountain. It appears to be the hill by Pausanias called Deiras [Diras], 
^ Word which, though better suited to the neck uniting this hill with 
^^e Larissa, we may easily conceive to have had a more comprehensive 
leaning, and to have been applied to the entire projection. The proofs 
^f the identity of Deiras are : first, that the ascent to the Acropolis was 
^y Deiras, and the ridge in question furnishes the only easy ascent to 
^He siunmit of the mountain ; secondly, that the gate of Deiras [see ch. 


25. I sqq,'\ led to the river Charadrus, to Oenoe, to the sources of the 
Inachus, and to Lyrceia, Omeae, and Phlius, sdl places to which the 
road from Argos would naturally lead out of the city across this ridge. 
The ancient walls of Argos may be traced along the crest of the neck 
which unites the projection with the mountain, and I observed an 
opening in the line of the ancient walls, which I conceive to mark 
precisely the position of the gate of Deiras. . . . The eastern extremitjr 
of Deiras was probably the position of that second citadel which is 
alluded to by Livy (xxxiv. 25): the height and magnitude as well as 
the situation of this steep rock would naturally, in the progress (tf 
military science, suggest to the Argives the utility of occupying it with 
an inclosed work" (Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 399-401). Prof. Curtius 
{Pelop, 2. pp. 350, 560 sq,) agrees with this identi^cation of Diras. 
Vischer and Bursian, however, held that the name Diras could only %>« 
applied to the neck joining the projection to the Larisa. The projection 
itself, Bursian thought, might perhaps be the place called Shield (Aspis) 
by Plutarch, who describes it as being above the theatre [CUomm^^% 
17 and 21 ; Pyrrkus^ 32). In this case Plutarch would seem to ha.*^^ 
confused the theatre with the stadium, which was situated at the Dir"^^ 
or neck between the Larisa and the projection in question (Paus. ^i* 
24. 2). See Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 318; Bursian, Geogr, 2. !>• 
50 note. 

24. I. the woman tastes of the blood, and becomes 
by the god. For examples of the power of divination supposed to 
acquired by tasting the blood of a victim, see The Golden Bough^ ^• 
p. 34 sq, 

24. 2. Sharp-sighted Athena etc. See Homer, //rW, v. 127 
Panofka {Arch, Commentar zu Pausanias Buch IL Kap, 24, p. 20 s\ 
thinks that this goddess is represented in an old vase-painting, 
sharpness of her sight being indicated by the serpents coiling al 
her ; while, behind the goddess, Sthenelus is bandaging the woundi 
finger of Diomede. It seems that the Argive maidens annually carrii 
out this image of Athena and washed it in the water of the Inachu 
the shield of Diomede was also carried in the procession. See Cal 
machus. Hymn v, The Baths of Pallas, Cp. Paus. iii. 18. 2. 

24. 2. the sons of Aegyptns etc. With the story of the murder 
the sons of Aegyptus by their brides, the Danaids, we may compare ti 
story of the massacre of the Lemnian men by their wives and daughtei 
Hypsipele alone sparing her father Thoas (ApoUodorus, i. 8. i 
The Lemnian massacre was said to have been provoked because the mc 
had married Thracian women. Amongst the Gonds of India a regul^ 
part of a marriage ceremony was the killing of a sham bridegroom 
the bride. The sham bridegroom was a Brahman boy ; and 
Brahman boys were scarce, the murder of one was used to consecra^ 
simultaneously a number of marriages. See Panjab Notes and Queried 
2 (1884-1885), No. 721. 

24. 3. a temple of Athena. From the evidence of Argive coins : ^ '-• 
seems that the Palladium, or what the Argives showed as such (sec ir ^' 
23. 5), was preserved in this temple of Athena. We should hav'^*"*^ 

[. XXIV ARGOS 209 

:pected to find it rather in the temple of Sharp-sighted Athena (§ 2 of 
Lis chapter), since that temple was dedicated by Diomede, who carried 
T the Palladium. But in fact the Palladium seems to have stood in 
le temple of Athena on the summit of the acropolis. " For the archaic 
nage of Pallas, which on some coins (K xliii) Diomede carries, is identical 
1 details with the image represented on other coins (K xlii) as occupying 
he temple on the acropolis. In form it is an ordinary archaic Palladium, 
epresenting the goddess as stiff and erect, holding a spear in her right 
land, and a shield on her left arm. Below, the figure passes into a 
Here column " (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Nunu Comm. on Paus. 
p. 40 ; see plate K xlii.-xlv. of their work). 

24. 3. a wooden image of Zens with a third eye on the 

forehead. Panofka {ArchaeoL Comtnentar zu Pausanias Buck II, Kap, 
24, p. 30 sqq.) thinks that this three-eyed Zeus is represented on two 
wases, of which he gives woodcuts, pi. iii. 15, 15a, 16. Pausanias's 
interpretation of the three eyes is accepted by Welcker {firiechische 
Cotter lehre^ i. p. 161 sq,)^ Overbeck (Griech, Kunstmythologie^ 2. p. 7), 
and K. O. Miiller {Archaeologie dcr Kunst^ § 349. 2). But Mr. 
Nlaximilian Mayer (Die Giganten und Titanen in der antiken Sage und 
fCunsty^, I II) justly objects to this interpretation as far-fetched. He 
is probably right in supposing that the story of the Trojan origin of 
^le image was invented to explain the barbarous and un-Greek character 
^f the image, which must have been of extreme antiquity. He ingeniously 
r"€minds us of the oracle given to the Heraclids that on their return to 
f^eloponnese they should take as their leader a three-eyed person (see 
f^aus. v, 3. 5) ; and in the three -eyed person of the oracle he sees, 
^rhaps rightly, the three-eyed Zeus. He thinks that the Cyclopes and 
f riops or Triopas are kindred mythical figures, all of which he explains 
^ divinities of thunder and lightning. The Hindoo god Siva is always 
"^presented with three eyes, the third eye being in his forehead ; the 
liree eyes are thought to denote his insight into past, present, and future 
ime. See Monier Williams, Religious Life and Thought in India, 
^. 79 sq. ; Friederich, Voorloopig Verslag van Jiet eiland Bali, p. 30 
according to Mr. Friederich, Siva is regarded as the god of the sun and 
^f fire). The Chinese of the island of Hainan have a great respect for 
I- deity called Lui-cong, who presides over thunder and is by some 
xipposed to be the thunder itself. The images of this deity are common 
ti the island and have three eyes, like those of Siva. See Moura, 
^oyaume du Cambodge^ i . p. 5 1 4. A king of Burma is said to have had 
^n his forehead a third eye, with which he could see right through the 
-arth (A. Bastian, Die V'dlker des bstlichen Asicn^ i. p. 25). Another 
Burmese king had also a third eye on his forehead, but he lost it 
tirough wiping his face with a cloth which a woman had used before 
"^ im {ib, p. 76 sq,) 

24. 4. a verse of Homer. See //. ix. 457. 

24. 4. Aeschylns applies the name of Zens also to the god 

^bo dwells in the sea. The play of Aeschylus in which this passage 
*<^curred is lost. According to Proclus (quoted in Preller's Griech. 
^tyhologie,^ I. p. 567), Poseidon was sometimes called "the Zeus of the 

VOL. Ill p 

210 ARTEMIS OF THE STEEP bk. ii. cownth 

sea." A marine Zeus was worshipped at Sidon (Hesychius, s,v, Bakatr- 
o-ios Zcvs). Ahrens tried to show that the name Poseidon was com- 
pounded oi posts {voa-is) and the same root which appears in the name 
Zeus (Zev?, Aid? k.t.X.) See H. L. Ahrens, *Ueber den Namen des 
Poseidon,' Philologus^ 23 (1866), pp. i sqq,^ 193 sqq. Cp. Prtllcr, 
Griech, Mythologk^^ I.e. 

24. 5. one goes to Tegea. "The road to Tegea leaves Argos in 
the neighbourhood of the theatre, and runs at first almost due south at 
the foot of Mount Lycone. To the right of the road, at the foot of the 
mountain, are traces of an aqueduct which brought water to Argos from 
the gully between Mt Lycone and Mt. Chaon" (L. Ross, Reisen^ p. 140). 

24. 5. a sanctuary of Artemis of the Steep {Artemis Orthia\ 
The remains of this sanctuary were discovered by Mr. Kophiniotis in 
1888. At the foot of Mt. Lycone he found fragments of pottery and 
bits of brick ; on the summit there was a levelled space strewn with 
small worked stones and bits of pottery. Below and around lay great 
squared blocks of good workmanship, which seemed to have formed part 
of the inclosure of the sanctuary. By his excavations Mr. Kophiniotis 
laid bare most of the inclosure. The north wall was 12.30 metres long, 
the east and west walls 9.80 metres each. The eastern and western 
walls were connected, at the sixth metre, by an iimer wall, a portion of 
which remains. There is an empty space 7.30 metres long between the 
fragment of this interior wall and the western wall. The north-west part 
was surrounded by a wall of its own. This inclosed portion of the 
sanctuary has a mosaic floor. Of the stones of the inclosing walls some 
were not worked at all, the rest were finished. Within and outside the 
inclosure were found clay tiles, lion's heads in clay and marble, and parts 
of the arm and thigh of a great statue. On the east of the inclosure 
has been found a well-preserved torso of the marble statue of a woman 
or goddess ; it is 0.20 metre high ; head, hands, and feet are missing. 
The workmanship is fine. The discovery of three Roman coins of Geta 
and Constantius II. proves that the sanctuary was kept up as late as the 
middle of the fourth century a.d. See American Journal of Archaeology^ 
4 (1888), p. 360; id. 5 (1889), p. loi sq.; AcAtiov apx^-ioXoyiKov^ 
1888, p. 205 ; Berliner philolog. Wochenschrift^ 29th December, 1888, 
p. \(i\% sq.\ Journal of Hellenic Studies^ 10 (1889), p. 273. 

24. 6. trees grow at the foot of it, and here the water of the 
Erasinus comes to the surface. From Argos the road to Tegea goes 
south-west. At first it skirts the foot of the steep Larisa, and then runs 
through the southern part of the Argolic plain. On the right rise the 
mountains, of no great height, which bound the plain on the west 
About three miles from Argos this chain of hills sends out a rocky spur, 
which descends in precipices of yellowish limestone beside the road. At 
the foot of the precipices a body of clear, sparkling water comes rushing 
impetuously in several streams from the rocks, partly issuing from a low 
cavern, partly welling up from the ground. Under the rocks it forms a 
deep pellucid pool, then passing beneath the high road in a broad stream 
is diverted into several channels which, shaded by tall poplars, willows, 
and mulberries, turn in a short space a dozen of mills (the Mills of Argos, 


they are called), and then water the ricefields. Farther on they unite 
ice more into a river, which finds its way into the sea through swampy 
round, among thick tangled beds of reeds and sedge, some three miles 
ily from its source at the foot of the hills. This river, the modem 
'epkalati^ is the Erasinus (* the lovely river ') of antiquity. It is the 
nly river of the Argolic plain which flows summer and winter alike ; 
nd the opinion both of the ancient and the modem Greeks that it is an 
missary of the Stymphalian lake in Arcadia, appears to be well founded, 
n the face of the limestone cliflf, a few feet above the springs of the 
iver, are the mouths of two caves. Huge masses of fallen rock lie in 
Vont of them, almost barring the entrance. Passing through the larger 
Df the two, the one to the north, we find ourselves in a lofty, dimly-lighted 
cavern with an arched roof, like a Gothic cathedral, which extends into 
the mountain for a distance of 200 feet or more. Water drips from the 
roof, forming long stalactites. Some light penetrates into the cave from 
above the fallen rocks which block its mouth ; but even at high noon it 
is but a dim twilight. Bats, the natural inhabitants of the gloomy 
cavern, whir past our heads, as if resenting the intmsion. Several 
branches open off the central cave. One of them, near the inner end, 
communicates by a shaft or aperture with the upper air and the surface 
of the mountain. Another branch, about 50 feet inward from the mouth 
ctfthe cave, leads to the left, but it is so dark that it cannot be explored 
without artificial light. Part of the cave is walled off and forms a 
chapel of the Panagia Kephalariotissa. The worship of Pan, which 
Pausanias mentions, may have been held in this or the neighbouring 
cavern ; for Pan, the shepherd's god, loved to haunt caves, and in these 
two caves shepherds with their flocks still seek shelter from rain and 
storm. The chapel of the Panagia, in which there are some ancient 
blocks, may very well have succeeded to a shrine of Pan, or perhaps of 
Dionysus, who was also worshipped here. A festival is still held 
annually on the spot on the 1 8th of April ; it may be nothing but a 
continuation, in a changed form, of the festival of Dionysus called 
Tyrbe, which Pausanias mentions. Opposite the mouths of the caves is 
a tumulus ; some small columns of grey granite were discovered in it 
about the beginning of the nineteenth century. Farther off, on the right 
bank of the river, the mins of a temple were discernible some years later, 
rhe whole place — the rocky precipices, the shady caverns, the crystal 
itream, the tranquil pool, the verdure and shade of the trees — is at once 
;o beautiful and agreeable, that if it had been near Athens it would 
irobably have been renowned in song and legend. But Argos had no 
>ophocles to sing its praises in immortal verse. 

Sec Dodwell, Toury 2. p. 224 sq, ; Cell, Itinerary of Greece^ p. 79 ; Leake, 
^orea, 2. p. 340 saq, ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 47 ; Fiedler, Reise^ ''PP* 30^*3^3 > 
V". 'SUae/jourruJy 2. p. 191 ; Welcker, Tagebtuh^ i. p. 193 sq. ; L. Koss, Reisetiy 
. 140 sq. ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 364 sq, ; Vischer, krinnerungen, p. 325 ; W. 
r. Clark, PeloponncsuSf p. 100 sqq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 65 ; Baedeker,^ p. 275 ; 
'uide-Joanm, 2. p. 233 ; Philippson, Ptlopcntusy p. 70 sq. The view that the 
Irasinus is the emissary of the Stymphalian lake is mentioned by other ancient 
Titers (Herodotus, vi. 76; Diodorus, xv. 49; Strabo, vi. p. 275, viii. p. 371) 
esides Pausanias. 


212 CENCHREAE BK. ii. corinth 

24. 6. the Bhiti See i. 38. i, and vol. 2. p. 486 sq, 

24. 7* we see Oenclireae on the right of what is called the Wheel 

Beyond the springs of the Erasinus the road forks. The modem highroad 
and railway to Tegea, or rather to Tripolitza^ keep straight on southward 
through the plain to Lema (Myli) ; but a bridle-path diverges to the 
right, and after skirting the southern foot of Mount Chaon soon begins 
to ascend among the hills. This bridle-path is the old road to Tegea, 
and along it Pausanias, whom we follow, is now travelling. In 
about a mile from the springs, at the point where the ascent begins, we 
see some ruins in the fields to the right of the path, and beyond them 
on a rocky eminence, about half a mile away, the ruins of a small 
pyramid. These ruins were taken by L. Ross and the French sur\eyors 
to be those of Cenchreae (as to the pyramid see the next note) ; but 
Leake and modem topographers in general look for Cenchreae farther on. 
We therefore continue to follow the bridle-path, which ascends at first 
gradually and then steeply in many zigzags up a toilsome slope. On 
reaching the summit it tums southward and winds for several miles 
through a wild open country among the upper ridges of barren and 
rugged hills. In about three hours from leaving the springs of the 
Erasinus we come to a place which takes the name of Sta Nera (* the 
waters') from the numerous springs which rise on the spot and flow 
across the path. There is a large ruined khan here, and the seaward 
view from it down the valley to Lema and across the gulf to Nauplia is 
very fine. Here too are some ruins of antiquity which are now generally 
identified as those of Cenchreae. They consist of scattered foundations 
together with other vestiges of ancient Greek buildings and monuments, 
such as blocks of marble and fragments of columns. Close to the road 
Ross observed a small piece of polygonal wall, and beside a spring a 
broken capital and two small columns of blue marble. In a litde dell 
just beyond, Mure saw remains of a temple or of a Christian church built 
of ancient materials. Two small columns of cipollino were standing, 
but apparently not in their original places. This position of Cenchreae 
agrees with the statement of Strabo (viii. p. 376) that Cenchreae '*lics 
on the road which leads from Tegea to Argos over Mount Parthenius." 
What the Wheel (Trochos) mentioned by Pausanias may have been is 
uncertain. It may have been the name given to this part of the road 
because of its many windings. Not far from the ruins of Cenchreae is 
the deserted village of Palaco-SkaphidakL 

See Cell, Itifurary of Greece^ p. 80 ; Leake, Morcay 2. p. 337 sqq, ; Boblaye, 
RiclKrches^ p. 46 sq. ; lAwitj /oiintal^ 2. p. 195 sqq. ; L. Ross, Reisen^ P« I4I •^?^''» 
Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 366 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ p. 328 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. 
p. 66 ; Baedeker,* p. 275 ; Guide-Joanne ^ 2. p. 233 sq.^ Philippson, Peloponnes^ 
pp. 70, 81, Meliarakes, Fcwypa^/a, pp. 33, 59, 60. 

24. 7- buried at Cenchreae, each grave being shared by many 
men. The Greek name for the common tomb in which many slain 
men were buried together is poluandrion. On the spot described by 
Pausanias there appear to have been several such tombs. One of them 
has been identified by some writers with the ruins of the remark- 


le monument commonly known as the Pyramid of Cenchreae. It 
inds on the summit of a rocky eminence, which projects into the plain 
>m the southern declivities of Mount Chaon, about a mile and a 
larter beyond the Erasinus, and about half a mile to the right of the 
idle-path which leads to Tripolitza and Tegea (see preceding note). 
lie base of the structure forms a rectangle of 48 feet by 39 feet. The 
est side is much damaged, but the other three sides still rise to a 
iight of about 10 feet. The masonry "is of an intermediate style 
etween the Cyclopean and polygonal, consisting of large irregular 
locks, with a tendency, however, to quadrangular forms and horizontal 
ourses ; the inequalities being, as usual, filled up with smaller pieces. 
'he largest stones may be from four to five feet in length, and from two 
D three in thickness. There are traces of mortar between the stones, 
v'hich ought, perhaps, to be assigned rather to subsequent repairs than 

the original workmanship. The symmetry of the structure is not 
itrictly preserved, being interrupted by a rectangular recess cutting off 
)ne comer of the building. In this angle there is a doorway, consisting 
)f two perpendicular side walls, surmounted by an open gable or Gothic 
irch, formed by horizontal layers of masonry converging into an apex, 
is in the triangular opening above the Gate of Lions and * Treasury of 
Atreus.' This door gives access to a passage between two walls. At 
its extremity on the right hand is another doorway, of which little or 
nothing of the masonry is preserved, opening into the interior chamber 
3r vault" QAurt^ Journal^ 2. p. 196, sq,) The inner chamber is nearly 

1 square of about 23 feet. Originally it was divided lengthways into 
:wo compartments by a thin partition-wall. The whole structure rests 
)n a low platform composed of large squared blocks. The outer walls. 
It the level of the ground, are 8 to 9 feet thick. The inner surfaces of 
iie u-alls are vertical, but the outer surfaces incline inwards, pyramid- 
Rise. It appears that the walls were never carried up to an apex, but 
that the structure must have been roofed over at about its present height 
t)f 10 feet. The square holes for the reception of the ends of the rafters 
are still visible at the upper edge of the perpendicular walls. The 
mortar with which the walls are bonded is positively asserted by Ross, 
Prof. Curtius, and W. G. Clark to be original and not to date, as 
Leake and Mure were inclined to conjecture, from a later repair of the 
structure. At both doorways, the outer and the inner, there were 
regular doors. The doorposts of both (according to Prof. Curtius) are 
well preserved, and the holes are clearly visible into which the inner 
bolts were shot. From this fact Prof. Curtius infers that the building 
ft^s meant to be barricaded from within and defended. He thinks that 
he building was a military watch-post, intended to command the road, 
md that it is not of extreme antiquity. It is justly objected that a 
>>Tamid, without windows or loop-holes, is a structure adapted neither 
3r defence nor observation. Ross and W. G. Clark inclined to regard 
: as one of the poluandria mentioned by Pausanias. Ross, Mure, and 
ischer have pointed out that pyramids exist or are known to have 
fisted in other parts of Argolis, but (with the exception of one in 
)uthem Laconia) nowhere else in Greece ; and they see in this fact a 


confirmation of that traditional connexion between Argolis and Eg>'pt 
which is embodied in the story of Danaus and his daughters. Pausanias 
saw a pyramid-shaped building between Argos and Tiryns (ii. 25. 7). 
At Ugurio (the ancient Lessa), on the way frbm Nauplia to Epidaurus, 
there are the remains of a pyramid (see note on ii. 25. 10). There is 
another at Astros in Cynuria, which long belonged to Argolis (Vischer, 
Erinnerungen^ p. 327). Lastly, the name of the place where Danaus 
was said to have landed in Argolis, was Pyramia (Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus^ 32). 

On the pyTamid of Cenchreae, as it is called, see Leake, Morea^ 2. pp. 338 i^., 

343; id,y Peloponmsiaca, ^^ 251 sq. \ L. Ross, Reisen^ pp. 142-145; • Mure, 

Journal f 2. pp. 195- 197 » Curtius, Pghp. 2. pp. 365 j^., 564 ; Vischer, Erinru- 

rungetty pp. 326-328; W. G. Clark, Pelop. pp. 98-100 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 65; 

Baedeker,^ p. 275 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 233 sq, 

24. 7- when Pisistratus was archon at Athens etc. Eurybotus 
(or Eurybates, as Dionysius calls him) won the foot-race at Olympia in 
01. 27. I (672/1 B.C.), as we learn from Dionysius of Halicamasstis 
{Antiquit. Rom, iii. i ). Hence the archonship of Pisistratus fell in Ol. 
27. 4 (669/8 B.C.). Cp. Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, i. p. 188. There was 
another Athenian archon who bore the name of Pisistratus ; he was a 
grandson of the tyrant of that name. See Thucydides, vi. 54 and note 
on i. 19. I, *an image of Pythian Apollo.' 

24. 7. Having descended into the lower ground you reach the 
ruins of Hysiae. Beyond the ruins at Sta Nera the road leads south 
for about two miles to the khan of Dakouli^ where it is joined by the 
modem highroad and railway from Lerna {Myli), From this point the 
road turns to the west and descends for about two miles into an upland 
valley, a narrow but green and fertile dale hemmed in by steep 
mountains. In the bottom of the valley com and olives are cultivated, 
and the slopes of the mountains on the northern side are partly wooded 
with tall evergreen oaks. The water of the dale is discharged through a 
narrow gully and falls into the sea at Lema. This is the valley of the 
ancient Hysiae, the modem Achladokampos^ so called from the wild 
pear trees {achlades) which gjrow on the slopes of the hills. The 
modem village of Achladokampos stands upon the steep side of the 
mountain to the right of the road ; with its houses peeping from among 
thick -growing evergreens, olives, ilexes, and cypresses it presents a 
very pleasing aspect. The ruins of the ancient Hysiae are to the left 
of the road, on a green rocky knoll in the north-eastem comer of the 
dale. The walls of the acropolis are flanked by round towers, and 
are remarkable because they are of polygonal masonry resting upon 
a foundation of regular ashlar masonry in horizontal courses. The 
walls are bonded with mortar. The little town was destroyed by the 
Lacedaemonians in 417 B.C., and its people put to the sword (Thucy- 
dides, v. 83; Diodorus, xii. 81). 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 337 ; Boblaye, Recherchts^ p. 48 ; L. Ross, Reisen, p. 
147 ; Mure, loumaly 2. p. 199 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 367 ; Vischer, Erinnerungen^ 
p. 328 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 66 ; Baedeker,' p. 276 ; Guide- Joantie^ p. 235 ; 
Philippson, Pelopontus^ pp. 70, 80. 


25. I. The road from Argos to Mfti^tin^, Two roads lead from 
Argos to Mantinea, both starting from the north-west comer of the city. 
The southern and shorter of the two follows the bed of the Charadrus 
(now caUed the Xerias\ which rises at the foot of Mt. Kienias^ neai* the 
village of Turmki^ and after descending through a long narrow valley, 
sweeps round the northern and eastern sides of Argos. The northern 
and longer way to Mantinea follows the valley of the Inachus and goes 
by the villages Kaparelli^ Sanga, and Pikemi to Mantinea. These two 
roads to Mantinea are described by Pausanias, from the points where 
they pass from Argolis into Arcadia, in viii. 6. 4 sqq, (see the notes on 
that passage). The southern or shorter road is the one which he calls 
Prinus ; the northern or longer is the Climax. The southern road 
itself bifurcates at a place called CJuIonas in the valley of the Charadrus ; 
the southern branch goes by the village of Turniki over Mt Ktenias ; 
the northern branch goes by the village of Karya over Mt. Artemisius 
(the modem Malevd), But these two branches reunite at the village of 
Tsipiana^ where the Arcadian plain begins. See L. Ross, Reiseriy p. 129 
sq.\ Conze and Michaelis, in Annali delV Instituto^ 33 (1861), p. 
21 sqq, \ W. Loring, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 15 (1895), p. 80 sqq. 
In going from Argos to Mantinea I followed the southern road, and the 
southern branch of it. W. G. Clark {Pelop, p. 114^^.) also followed the 
southem road, but took the northem branch of it, by Karya, I have 
called it a road, but really it is a rough bridle-path most of the way ; 
in places it crosses the deep beds of torrents, which at the time of my 
journey (22nd April, 1890) were dry. The path turns round the 
northern foot of the Larisa, and skirting the wide Argolic plain, enters 
the valley of the Charadrus {Xerias), It is a long, narrow valley, 
endosed by barren and rocky hills, and barred at the farther, or western, 
^d by a steep mountain, on which, when I saw it in the distance, 
purple shadows rested. The bed of the river is broad and stony, 
sometimes as much as 300 yards in width ; it is generally dry, but 
after heavy rains the spates that come roaring down it from the 
mountains are much dreaded. Flocks of sheep and goats feed in the 
valley ; the herdsmen carry long staves tipped with crooks, and some- 
times a gun. Trains of laden mules or asses, conducted by peasants, 
also met us. The head of this long valley, immediately under the 
mountain barrier, is very picturesque. The bottom is partly covered 
with shmbs and trees, among which (for the place was then in its spring 
beauty) I noticed the broom and the hawthorn, both in flower, also wild 
roses, and a tree with a lovely purple bloom, which I believe to have 
been the Judas tree. At the head of the valley, before the path begins 
the long ascent, is a small hamlet, consisting of a few wretched stone 
cottages. Its name, I was told, is Mazi, Beyond the village the 
path leads right up the face of the mountain-wall in a series of zigzags. 
The view backward from the summit of the pass is magnificent, 
embracing a wilderness of mountains with the sea and the islands of 
Hydra and Spetsa in the distance. On the crest of the ridge is a 
hamlet (Turniki f). From the top of the pass the path drops down 
very steeply, almost precipitously, to Tsipiana in Arcadia, which nestles 

2i6 OENO& — LYRCEA bk. ii. corikth 

at the foot of the mountain, just at the mouth of the pass. Cell 
took this route, but in the reverse direction (from Tsifdana to Aigos). 
See his Itinerary of the Morea^ p. 174. The dangerous spates on the 
Xerias river are mentioned by Mr. Philippson {Peloponnes^ p. 62). 

25. 2. Oeno6. The exact site of this place is not known. From 
the fact that a pitched battle was fought at Oenoe (see i. 15. i; 
X. 10. 4) L. Ross inferred that the place must have been in the Ai:give 
plain, near the entrance to the narrow valley down which the Charadrus 
\Xeria5) flows {Reisen, p. 133). Bursian, on the other hand, following 
Conze and Michaelis, places it at the head of this narrow valley, at a 
place called Palaeochora^ where ancient coins have often been found 
See Ross, Reisen^ P* '33 J Conze and Michaelis, in Annali delP Instituto^ 
33 (1861), p. 23 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 64. Compare also Leake, 
Morea^ 2. p. 412 5q,\ id,^ Peloponnesiaca^ p. 266 sq. Others suppose 
that Oenoe was near the modem Schoenochori, on a hill which is now 
surmounted by a chapel of the Virgin (Panagia). A road, bordered by 
tombs, descended from the hill for a distance of several kilometres. 
Near this place was found an archaic relief representing a lion seizing a 
bird. See Bull. <ie Corr, HelUn. 17 (1893) P- ^99 ^q. The village of 
Schoenochori is among the hills on the south side of the valley of the 
Inachus, about 8 miles north-west of Argos. 

25. 3- a sanctuary of Artemis on the top of the moimtain. 
Bursian thought that the site of this sanctuary is probably marked by a 
ruined chapel of St. Elias, which is surrounded by a fine clump 0^ 
evergreen oaks {Geogr. 2. p. 64). 

25. 3. its water does not rmi far. See ii. 15. 5 note. 

25. 4- Another road leads from the Diras gate etc. This is the 
longer of the two roads to Mantinea. See above, p. 215. 

25. 4. Lyrcea. The site of this place was believed by L. Ross to 
be in the valley of the Inachus, ten minutes east of the village of Sterna, 
at the point where another glen joins the valley on the north. Here on 
a rising-ground are the ruins of a square tower of irregular masonry ; 
there are also remains of other foundations, and the surface of the 
rising-ground is strewed with potsherds. This is the point at which, 
descending the valley of the Inachus, we first sight the citadel of 
Argos. But the distance from Argos (apparently about 10 miles in a 
north-westerly direction) does not agree well with the 60 Greek 
furlongs (under 7 miles) at which Pausanias estimates it. See L. 
Ross, Reisen, p. 138; Leake, Peloponnesiaca^ p. 268. Prof. Curtius 
accepts this identification of the site of Lyrcea, and talks of "square 
towers with polygonal masonry among scattered ruins" (Pelop. 2. p. 
415), which is probably only his way of repeating Ross's statement 
about the one tower of irregular masonry. 

25. 4- the Argives annually celebrate a festival of beacon-fires. 
From the tradition that Hypermnestra lit a fire on the summit of the 
Larisa, we may infer that at the annual festival of beacons, supposed to 
commemorate that event, a bonfire was kindled on the top of that 
mountain. It seems a fair conjecture that the festival of bonfires in 
question belonged to the same class of rites as those Midsummer 


^nfires which are still annually lighted in many parts of Europe. 
On St. John's Eve (Midsummer Eve) the Greeks still kindle fires and 
jump over them. On the custom in general see The Golden Bought 2. 
p. 246 sqq. 

25. 5. Qmeae. From the statement of Pausanias (§ 6) we infer 

that Omeae lay near the border of Phliasia, Strabo says (viii. p. 382) 

that it was situated beside a river of the same name, above the Sicyonian 

plain. As Omeae must have lain to the north-west of Argos, and its 

distance is given by Pausanias as 120 Greek furlongs (about 13 English 

miles), the river beside which it stood would appear to have been the 

stream which runs by the modem village of Leondi to join the Asopus 

from the west. Accordingly the topographers look for the ancient 

Omeae in the neighbourhood of Leondi (so Ross and Curtius) or of 

Palaeo-Leondi (so Bursian). The latter place is in the same valley as 

Leondi^ but higher up it, three or four miles to the south ; mins are 

said to exist at it The place is reached from Argos by following the 

valley of the Inachus (the modem Panitzd) as far as the village of 

Sterna. West of this village a glen opens into the valley of the Inachus 

from the north. By following up this glen we reach the narrow dale of 

Leondi, See Ross, Reisen^ p. 135 note; QvxixMS^ Pelop, 2. pp. 415, 

478 sq,\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 63 sq. As to the valley of Leondi 

{Liondi) see Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 75. Omeae was already 

deserted in Strabo's time ; he mentions there a sanctuary of Priapus 

which was in high repute (Strabo, viii. p. 382). Homer's mention of 

Omeae is in Ili<xd^ ii. 571. The destruction of Omeae by the Argives 

took place in 416 B.C. (Thucydides, vi. 7). 

25. 6. Menesthens, who with a body of Athenians etc. See 
Homer, //. ii. 552 sqq.^ iv. 327 sqq. As to Peteos, the father of 
Menestheus, see x. 35. 8. 

25. 6. temple dedicated to all the gods. Cp. ii. 2. 8 note. 
25. 7* the way from Argos to Epidaoria. The road first strikes 
across the broadest part of the great plain of Argos in a south-easterly 
direction. It then enters the hills, among which it continues to wind for 
a good many miles. See below, notes on ii. 25, 9 and 10. 

25. 7. a pyramid. See note on ii. 24. 7. As to the contest 
between Proetus and Acrisius for the kingdom of Argos see ApoUodorus, 
'i. 2. I, who also says that shields were first invented by these rivals 
for the throne. At Argos a festival called Daulis was said to be an 
imitation of the battle between Proetus and Acrisius (Hesychius, 5,v, 

25. 8. Tiryns. In the south-eastern part of the Argolic plain 
several isolated rocky hillocks rise abruptly like islands from the dead 
level of the surrounding country. Long ago they were no doubt actually 
islands, and have been left stranded, as it were, by the sea as it re- 
treated before the alluvial soil washed down by the rivers. The most 
westerly of these hillocks, and at the same time the lowest and flattest 
oi them all, divided from the sea by a mile of marshland, is crooned by 
the ruins of Tiryns, on which time would seem to have wrought little 
change since the day when they excited the wonder of Pausanias. The 

ai8 TIRYNS bk. ii. corinth 

hillock, a flat-topped ridge of limestone measuring about 300 yards in 
length by somewhat less than 100 yards in width, is situated two and a 
half miles north of Nauplia. The line of railway which joins Nauplia 
with Argos runs close under the western foot of the hillock. In shape 
the flat summit of the hillock, which at its highest point is only some 
26.39 nietres (86 feet) above the level of the sea, has been not inaptly 
compared to the sole of a foot. It contracts in the middle, so that its 
surface falls into two nearly equal parts, of which the somewhat broader 
southern half is some feet higher than the northern. These two terraces, 
the southern and the northern, may be called respectively the Upper 
Citadel and the Lower Citadel. Between them, and intermediate in 
height, is a much smaller terrace, which may be called the Middle 
Citadel. Round the whole of the citadel. Upper, Middle, and Lower, 
run the famous fortification-walls to which Homer refers (//. ii. 559)1 
and which even in ruins are still massive and imposing. 

The Upper and Middle Citadels were excavated by Dr. Schliemann 
with the assistance of Dr. Dorpfeld in 1884. On the Upper Citadel 
they found the ruins of the palace of the old kings of Tiryns ; on the 
Middle Citadel they found only some petty dwellings, much dilapidated, 
which may have served as lodgings for servants. In the Lower Citadel 
Dr. Schliemann only cut two trenches crossing each other at right 
angles ; in these he laid bare some foundations of buildings. Otherv-ise 
the Lower Citadel has not yet been excavated. It is conjectured to 
have contained storerooms, stables, and servants* apartments. Tbc 
u'alls of the citadel, with their towers and galleries, were to a grea-* 
extent excavated by Dr. Dorpfeld in 1885. 

I. Walls and Gates. — The circuit -wall of the citadel is buil^ 
throughout of very large blocks of limestone. The limestone is of tw^ 
sorts, which were quarried in two mountains in the neighbourhood (^* 
Tiryns. One of them is of a light grey, the other of a reddish colour it^ 
its inner parts. While the grey limestone is very hard and weather-^ 
proof, the reddish sort decays with time ; and it seems* probable that th^ 
ruinous state of the walls in many places has been brought about by 
the decomposition and consequent falling in of blocks of the red limestone. 
The citadel walls do not batter ; in other words, they do not slope in- 
wards, but rise perpendicularly from the base. Nor did they support a 
wall of clay bricks, like the wall of Troy. Very many of the stones 
are from 6 to 10 feet long by more than a yard both in height and 
breadth. The blocks are not, however, as was formerly supposed, quite 
unhewn. Almost all the stones, before they were built into the walls, 
had been wrought on one or several faces with a pick-hammer. In this 
way some of them received a better bed, others a smooth facing. 
Moreover, they are not piled one on the top of the other irregularly, 
but are laid as far as possible in horizontal courses. Lastly, Dr. 
Dorpfeld's excavations in 1885 refuted the old opinion that the walli 
were built without mortar. On the contrary, it appears that almost al 
the walls of the citadel as well as of the palace were built with cla> 
mortar. Almost throughout, wherever Dr. Dorpfeld's excavations laic 
bare pieces of wall which had long been covered with rubbish, th< 

=j^^^r\-ed. The absence of the ti 
^Sf^ ■" ife^^ exp lained chiefly by the 
~~ " ' 't away ; but 


VbI. ///. It/atl/aei 3i9 



hillock, a flat-topped ridge of limes*'^' 

length by somewhat less thap->^ 

half miles noi 

>vith An 

the flat 




lortar within the joints was well preserved. The absence of the mortar 
om the exposed parts of the walls is to be explained chiefly by the 
aion of the rain which in the course of ages has washed it away ; but 
: may also be in part accounted for by the burrowing of the lizard^and 
ats which live by hundreds in the walls. 

V The strength and construction of the walls are different in different 
•arts of the citadel. Around the lower citadel the wall is uniformly 23 
3 26 feet thick, and is still standing to a height of 24 ft. 6 in. Their 
ontinuity is here only interrupted by some niches which are let into the 
iner side of the wall. The purpose of these niches is unknown ; Dr.- 
)6rpfeld conjectures that they were intended merely to economise 
laterial. Round the upper citadel, on the other hand, the wall varies 
1 thickness from 16 to 57 feet ; its line is broken by many salient and 
e-entering angles ; and it is strengthened with towers, and pierced by 
alleries and chambers. The galleries and chambers are best preserved 
n the southern portion of the wall. Here in the great tower at 
he south-western angle (AA on the plan of Tiryns) are two chambers 
idjoining each other. They have no entrance on any side, and may 
»ave served as dungeons or provision - cellars, but more probably 
IS cisterns. Their upper walls must have been built of bricks, since a 
luantity of brick rubbish was found in the chambers. The adjoining 
outh line of wall, the most massive in the whole circuit, was, before Dr. 
^orpfeld's excavations, supposed to have been built in two sections or 
rreat steps. It was assumed that on a substructure 36 feet thick a 
etreatirig superstructure 14 ft. 7 in. thick was built, so that a free space 
^r platform 21 ft. 5 in. in width would thus be left along the top of the 
ower wall in front of the upper wall. In the upper structure the long 
■orridor or gallery with the five doorways leading from it had long been 
^nown ; but opinions were much divided as to its object, until an ex- 
planation offered by Captain Steffen gained universal acceptance. He 
^ggested that in a siege soldiers mustered in the gallery and rushed 
'Ut through the doorways upon the outer platform to defend the walls, 
^ut the excavations of 1885 refuted this theory. It turns out that the 
apposed platform on the outer wall never existed. In its place there 
ere found five chambers, which, as is clear from the remains in some 
laces, were roofed with a vaulted ceiling formed by the gradual con- 
^rgence of the courses of stones in the side-walls. Over these chambers 
^e wall must have been carried up to the same height as it had on the 
iner side, above the gallery and the staircase. 

The disposition of the galleries and chambers will be understood by 
^ni paring the ground -plan of the citadel with the annexed trans- 
-rse section (Fig. 36). From the court F in the interior of the 
tadel a passage, which has not been preserved, gave access to the 
^rridor and staircase D {c on the transverse section), which led with a 
ngle bend into the long corridor C {b on the section), which is 24 ft. 
in. lower. This corridor or gallery is from 5 feet to 5 ft. 7 in. wide ; 
3 western end is completely closed, but its eastern end is lit by a 
indow {d)^ which, starting with the same width as the corridor, narrows 
Awards the outside till it ends as a mere loophole 4 inches wide. The 


ceiling of the corridor is fonned by the convergence of the side-walls, 
so that it has the shape of a pointed vault. From the corridor Gvf 
separate doorways, of which the stone sills are preserved, lead into Gn 

separate chambers. The two chambers on the west are somewhat 
larger than the three on the east, being 1 7 fL 4 in. deep as agaiost 
14 ft. z in. These chambers, like the corridor, were roofed by the con- 
vergence of the side-walls, and they may each have been lighted by a 
similar window. They were doubtless magaiines. A similar series of 
chambers opening off a corridor exists in the walls of the citadel of 
Carthage and in the walls of other Phoenician colonies in north Africa. 
At Tiryns itself a second series of chambers (six in mmiber) opening otT 
a corridor is found in the southern end of the eastern wall of the citadel. 
The staircase which gave access to it has been completely destroyed, but 
it must have ascended from the point marked S on the plan of the 

In the ruins of the southern wall there is nothing left to show how 
its broad upper surface was utilised. But remains of the summit of the 
eastern wall, towards its southern CKtremity, are fortunately presened ; 
and here, on the inner edge of the wall, four bases of columns still exist 
in their original places, proving that a colonnade was here built on the 
top of the wall so as to open inwards on the citadel. Whether it 
occupied the whole breadth of the wall or not, we cannot say. 

The chief entrance to the citadel lies nearly in the middle of the 
s of a passage, 8 feet wide, through the citadel 


wall. Curiously enough the passage would seem to have been left quite 
open ; at least no traces of a threshold or of doorposts have here come 
to light. Outside of the citadel an ascending road or ramp (A), built of 
large blocks, leads up at an easy gradient to the entrance. The ramp, 
which is 19 ft 4 in. wide, begins at the north and ascends southward, 
skirting the foot of the citadel wall. 

The excavations of 1885 laid bare a second smaller ascent on the 
west side of the citadel. A great semicircular structure or bastion is 
here built out from the line of the wall, and a long narrow staircase 
leads up through it to the citadel. The entrance from the outside is 
through a gateway 6 ft. 6 in. wide (T), which as usual has the shape of 
a pointed arch. On passing through this gateway we find that the floor 
is at first paved with large stones and rises very gradually. At a dis- 
tance of 18 feet from the entrance the steps begin. The two lowest 
steps are cut in the rock ; the rest consist of limestone slabs. After 
the sixty-fifth step the staircase is completely destroyed ; but farther on 
a part of the substructure, about 2 1 feet long, has been preserved. 
Probably the staircase opened out at V into the court Y at the back of 
the palace. From this court a small staircase (X) led up to the interior 
of the palace itself. 

Besides these two entrances, the one on the east, the other on the 
west, there were two posterns in the wall of the citadel : one was on the 
western side of the middle citadel ; the other was at the northern 
extremity of the lower citadel. 

II. TAe Palace. — In the upper citadel the excavations of Dr. Schlie- 
mann in 1884 laid bare almost the entire ground-plan of a large palace, 
with its gateways, courts, halls, and chambers. Most of the walls are 
still standing to a height of 1 8 inches to 3 feet ; many bases of pillars 
are still in their places ; and the huge stone door-sills still lie in the 
doorways. In describing the palace we shall begin at the entrance and 
go through it systematically. The reader will follow our route on the 

On passing through the main entrance to the citadel, on its eastern 
side, we turn to the left, ue, in this case southward, and find ourselves 
in an approach or passage shut in by high walls. At a distance of 49 
feet hoTCi the entrance we reach the remains of a great gate (8), 
which in material, size, and construction closely resembles the Lions' 
Gate at Mycenae. It is built of huge slabs of breccia. The great 
threshold (4 ft. 9 in. broad) lies intact ; the door-post on the right 
(10 ft. 6 in. high) is still preserved ; but the door-post on the left is 
broken off in its upper part, and the lintel and all the structure above it 
have disappeared. The entrance on the outside is 8 ft. 4 in. wide, but 
on the inside 10 ft. 4} in., since each door-post is rebated at a right 
angle. In the recess thus formed folding doors were fixed ; they 
opened inwards, and when closed rested against the projecting parts of 
the door-posts. They were barred by a great wooden bolt ; the holes 
meant to receive it are still to be seen about half-way up each door-post : 
on the side of the palace the hole is only about i ft. 4 in. deep, but on 
the opposite side the hole passes right through the door-post into the 


outer wall of the citadel ; so that when the gate was open the bolt could 
be shot right back into the wall. 

Beyond the gateway the approach or passage continues in the same 
direction as before for about 33 yards, when it leads into an open place 
or fore-court bounded on the east (left) by the citadel wall with the 
colonnade. On the west side of this fore-court there is a great portal 
or propylaeum (H). The ground-plan of this portal is substantially the 
same as that of the Propylaea or grand portal of the Acropolis at 
Athens and of the sanctuary at Eleusis (vol. 2. pp. 249 sq.^ 505 sq.) 
This portal may, indeed, be called the archetype of all Greek orna- 
mental gateways or portals (propylaea). It comprises an outer and an 
inner vestibulf , while the doorway proper is in the wall which divides the 
two vestibules. The breadth of the portal is 45 ft. 9 in. The fe^adc 
of each vestibule was supported by two columns between antae. The 
ground-plan of the portal is quite certain : the walls are standing to a 
height of 18 inches, and the four bases of the columns, as well as the 
great stone /threshold, are all in their places ; moreover, in the vestibules 
pieces of ^ concrete pavement composed of lime and pebbles are still 
to be seei|l The inner vestibule is somewhat deeper than the outer. 
A door vi its northern side-wall opens into a passage which leads to 
the woinen's apartments. A doorway on the right of this passage, dose 
to the pbrtal, gives access to some inferior chambers. 

Passing through the great portal (H), we find ourselves in the large 
court F, which is bounded on the east and south by the citadel walls 
with their two little colonnades (E and I). The west side of the court 
is completely destroyed ; the wall of the citadel seems to have given way 
here. The interior disposition of the court has been almost wholly 
effaced by the construction of a Byzantine church. On the north side 
of the court, close to the portal (H), a small side-door leads by the 
shortest way into the colonnade of the men's court Westward, on the 
left, are two chambers, which must have been entered from the large 
court (F), since there are no doors on their other sides ; but their front 
walls have quite disappeared. These may have been guard-rooms. 
Next to these rooms, on the west, comes the smaller portal or propylaeum 
K, which, though in ruins, shows the same ground-plan as the great 
portal (H), but on a smaller scale. It seems to have been 36 feet wide. 

This second portal forms the entrance into the court of the men's 
apartments (L). In this court we stand in front of the chief rooms of the 
palace. The court itself is a quadrangle, 5 1 ft. 7 in. long by 66 ft. 4 in. 
broad ; it is paved with a very solid floor of concrete, composed of lime 
and pebbles. Colonnades surround the court on all sides ; on its north 
side is the portico or vestibule leading into the men*s apartments. In 
the middle of the south side of the court is a quadrangular block of 
masonry, built of flat-shaped quarry-stones and clay ; it is 1 1 ft. 6 in. 
long by 9 ft. \\ in. wide. At first it was supposed to be an altar ; but 
later excavations laid bare a circular opening in the middle of it This 
circular opening is the mouth of a sort of well-like shaft or funnel, 3 
feet deep, lined with masonry, which leads down into a hole in the 
ground. The whole structure would seem to have been a sacrificial 

:h. XXV TIRYNS 223 

pit. In Homer {Od, xxii. 334 sqq,) mention is made of an altar of 

Zeus in the courtyard of the palace of Ulysses. In the sanctuary 

of Aesculapius at Athens there is a somewhat similar structure, which 

Prof. U. Kohler proposed to explain as a sacrificial pit (vol. 2. p. 236). 

A sacrificial pit, of semicircular shape, has been found in the temple of 

the Cabiri in Samothrace (O. Rubensohn, Die MysterienheiligtUmer in 

EUusis und Samothrake (Berlin, 1892), p. 184). Further, there are two 

sacrificial pits, lined with stones, in the sanctuary of the Cabiri near 

Thebes (see note on ix. 25. 5). 

On the north side of the court, and exactly in its axis, are the men's 
apartments, consisting of the great hall with its ante -chamber and 
vestibule. Two stone steps, the lower st^p of sandstone, the upper step 
of red limestone, lead up into the portico or Vestibule. The fa9ade of 
the vestibule was supported by two columns between two aniae; the 
bases of these columns and antae are still well preserved. The floor of 
the vestibule was covered with a concrete of lime, most of which is pre- 
served In the north-west comer we can see that the floor was divided 
into squares and narrow rectangles by incised lines. The side-walls of 
the vestibule, immediately behind the antae^ become i ft. 3| in. thinner, 
which points to their having been cased with some material. Dr. 
Dorpfeld conjectures that they may have been wainscotted with wood, 
and the wooden wainscotting may itself have been covered with bronze 
or other metal. On one of these side-walls the remains of a fine frieze 
of alabaster are still to be seen (see below p. 227). 

From the vestibule three doors lead into the ante - chamber ; the 
three great door-sills, made of blocks of breccia, are still in their places. 
In each door-sill there are two pivot-holes so placed as to show that 
each door consisted of two folding wings which opened inwards. The 
^ door-posts seem to have been of wood. The ante-chamber itself, 
which we enter through the three folding doors, is of about the same size 
as the vestibule. On the floor are the remains of a concrete pavement 
made of lime and pebbles ; no incised lines are visible on it In the west 
vail of the ante-chamber is a door leading to the bathroom and other 
; apartments ; in the doorway the great sill made of breccia is still pre- 
served ; it has only one pivot-hole, showing that the door was single. The 
door-posts were of wood ; some charcoal and the condition of the 
adjoining wall prove that they were burnt 

In the north wall of the ante-chamber a large doorway, about 6 ft 
7 in. wide, leads into the great hall {megaron) of the men. The great 
door-sill, made of breccia, is still in its place ; as it has no pivot-hole, 
we must suppose that the doorway was closed only by a curtain. 
The great hall {megaron\ which we now enter, is an apartment 11.81 
metres (38 ft. 9 in.) long from north to south, by about 9.80 metres 
(42 ft 6 in.) wide. The floor was covered with excellent concrete, the 
polished surfistce of which was decorated with a pattern of incised lines 
crossing each other at right angles and so forming squares and rect- 
angular strips. Traces of colour on the concrete show that the squares 
were painted red and the strips blue, so that the floor presented a gaily 
coloured carpet-like pattern. So large a room could hardly have been 


spanned by a free roof; hence four inner pillars were set towards the 
middle of it, on which lay strong supports to carry the roof beams. Of 
these pillars the round stone bases still remain in the^ir places. On their 
upper surface is an inner circle, within which the stone is well preserved, 
while the surrounding edge has been eaten by fire and partly chipped 
away. This proves that the pillars were of wood and smaller in diameter 
than the bases. Dr. D5rpfeld conjectures that the part of the roof 
which covered the square included by these four pillars was raised 
above the level of the rest of the roof in the form of a clere-story, and 
that windows in the vertical walls of the clere-story served the double 
purpose of lighting the hall and allowing the smoke from the hearth to 
escape. For the hearth was in the centre of the hall, within the square 
inclosed by the four pillars. Its position is marked on the floor by a 
circle about lo ft. 9 in. in diameter, within which there is no concrete. 
It is surrounded by an upright rim of plaster, which makes it likely 
that the core of the circle, raised above the level of the floor, was 
made of clay, or of clay bricks covered with mortar. We have seen 
(p. 120) that the hearth occupied a similar position in the palace d 
Mycenae. This arrangement of the hearth surrounded by the pillars 
illustrates well a passage of the Odyssey (vi. 304 sqq,\ where Ulysses 
is told by the princess Nausicaa that he will find the queen-mother 
sitting with her back to a pillar beside the hearth, spinning purple wool 
by the light of the fire. The outer walls which surround the hall are all 
preserved to a height of 15I inches, except at the north-west comer: 
they are built of limestone with clay mortar. The wall, so far as it now 
exists, consists of a single course of stones. (The higher masonry on 
the east wall belongs to a later alteration.) Above this lowest course j 
wooden beams seem to have been laid longitudinally on both faces of 
the wall. Above these beams the walls were probably built of clay 
bricks, for the hall, when excavated, was nearly filled with half-burnt 
debris of bricks. The walls were coated first with clay and over that 
with good lime plaster ; remains of both are found on the west wall, 
showing clear traces of fire. 

In later times a building was erected on the site of the men's apart- 
ments. Its foundations show a rectangle extending from the north-west 
central pillar of the hall to its east wall in one direction, and to the 
entrance of the vestibule in the other direction. Probably this building 
was the temple of which some architectural fragments (including an old 
Doric capital of sandstone) have been found. 

If we now return to the ante-chamber and pass through the door in 
its west wall, we find ourselves in a passage, which soon leads to the 
bathroom, one of the most interesting parts of the palace. The floor is 
formed by a gigantic block of limestone, 13 ft. i in. long, over 10 ft. 
broad, and about 2 ft. 3J in. thick. Its weight must therefore be 
about 20 tons. The projecting rough edges of this huge block ran 
under the masonry of the walls. Its exposed surface is worked so as 
to form a border about 4| inches to 5 J inches broad, skirting the walls, 
and raised about \ inch above the polished rectangle in the centre. At 
regular intervals along this border are found two holes close together ; 


these holes probably served to fasten wooden panels of wainscot, which 
lined the walls ; the panels, we may suppose, were fastened by dowels 
let into the holes. The door of the bathroom was in the south wall ; 
it is not preserved, for the whole of that wall has been destroyed. But 
the existence of the door may be inferred from the absence of dowel- 
boles (and consequently of wainscot) along a part of this wall. The 
central part of the great block which forms the floor is well polished, 
and slopes gently so as to let the water run off, at the north-east comer, 
into a gutter, which is here cut in the stone floor ; where the great 
stone floor ends the gutter is continued by a stone pipe through the 
eastern wall of the bathroom. Tubs filled with water must have been 
placed on the floor of the bathroom for the use of bathers. A fragment 
of such a tub was actually found. It is made of thick terra-cotta, and 
in shape resembles our own bathing- tubs ; it had a thick upper rim 
and strong handles on the sides, and was painted with spiral ornaments 
on the inside. Such were perhaps the "well -polished bathing-tubs" 
mentioned by Homer (//. x. 576; Od. iv. 48, xvii. 87). Fragments 
of somewhat similar bathing-tubs have been found in the sanctuary of 
Cranaean Athena near Elatea (see note on x. 34. 8). In the north 
wall of the bathroom there are two roimd receptacles, coated on the 
inside with smooth plaster. How high these receptacles reached, we 
cannot say, since the upper part of the wall is gone. Perhaps the 
receptacles held oil, with which the Greeks anointed themselves after 
bathing (see the passages of Homer referred to above). Possibly the 
oil was held, not in the holes themselves, but in large earthen jars 
which were fitted into the holes. 

A passage which skirts the bathroom on the west and north leads 
in many turns round the north end of the meif s hall to the apartments 
of the women, which lie on the eastern side of the men's apartments. 
The arrangement of the women's apartments is so similar to that of 
the men's that a detailed description of them is needless. There is a 
great court, partly surrounded by colonnades, within which are traces of 
benches fixed against the walls. On the north side of the court is the 
chief room or large hall (O), approached through a vestibule. As the 
dimensions of these two rooms (18 feet is the breadth) are smaller than 
those of the corresponding apartments of the men, they have no 
colnmns either in the vestibule between the aniae or in the hall round 
the hearth. This hearth in the women's hall is square. The floor of 
I the hall is of lime concrete ; in places it shows a decoration effected by 
incised lines and red colour. On the walls there are traces of paintings, 
all the more interesting because in the other rooms the fragments of 
painted plaster no longer adhere to the walls, but were found lying on 
the floor. 

Round the women's hall runs a passage or corridor, which leads to 
some apartments lying on the east side of the hall. Of these the chief 
is a large chamber with an ante-room ; it may have been the bedroom 
of the king and queen. South of it are two long narrow rooms side 
by side. It is supposed that the stairs leading to the upper floor of the 
palace were contained in these two rooms. The stairs may have 

VOL. Ill Q 


ascended in two flights, first from east to west in the southern of the 
two rooms, and then from west to east in the northern room. 

\ In the north-eastern comer of the palace are some rooms of various 
sizes, which may have served as treasuries, armouries, etc. South-east 
of the women's court is another court ; and south of this again a 
labyrinth of walls exists, of which the ground-plan cannot be restored 
with certainty. Amongst them are to be noted traces of other very 
ancient walls, which, in opposition to the whole of the rest of the 
palace, have the same orientation as the great portal (H). From this 
it would appear that the great portal was built on lines taken over from 
an earlier stage in the building of the citadel. Traces of an eariier age 
have also been found in other places, especially in the south-west 
comer of the middle citadel, where about lo feet below the later floor, 
and even under parts of the circuit-wall, a floor of clay concrete was 
discovered, together with walls built of rubble and bits of a rough 
monochrome pottery. This proves that the palace which we have been 
examining was preceded by an older building on the same site, and 
that the massive circuit-wall itself formed no part of the earlier palace. 

So much for the plan and disposition of the palace. With regard 
to its materials and mode of construction, the stones employed are 
limestone, breccia, and sandstone. Of these stones breccia (a con- 
glomerate of pebbles) is used for some door-sills and a/i/o^-blocks ; and 
the huge door-posts of the gate of the upper citadel are also of breccia. 
Sandstone is used only for some a/i/o^-blocks and the lower step of the 
men's hall. Limestone is the stone most commonly used as building 
material in the palace. It is employed both in the rough shape as it 
came from the quarry, and in the form of ashlars or hewn blocks. The 
ashlars are employed for thresholds, a/i/o^-blocks, pillar-bases, steps, 
and for the floor of the bathroom. On the other hand the inner wails 
of the palace are built of small rough blocks (rubble) of limestone 
cemented with clay mortar ; the interstices between the blocks, which 
are very rough, are partly filled with pebbles. This style of masonry 
is still common in Greece and other countries. But as walls built of 
rubble and clay, if exposed to the weather, would soon crumble away 
through the action of the rain, which would wash the clay mortar out 
of them, it is necessary to coat them on the outside with plaster. 
Hence the walls of the palace were coated, first with a layer of clay, 
and over that with a plaster of lime, which was smoothed on the 
surface and painted. While the lower part of almost all the hous^ 
walls was constructed in this manner, the upper part of many, if noif 
most, of the walls was built of clay bricks. This appears from the fact 
that at the time of their excavation almost all the rooms of the palace 
were found filled with half-burnt bricks and red-brick cUbris, In two 
places only (namely, in the women's hall and in the court to the south-east 
of the women's apartments) does the brick-work start from the ground ; 
here, therefore, it is in good preservation. Elsewhere it has mostly 
disappeared, since the walls are now only standing to a height of about 
3 feet at most above the ground, and it was just at this height that the 
brick-work began. The bricks used in the palace were unbumt or 


sun-dried, not burnt {i.e. baked in a kiln). At first sight it would seem 

that the two brick walls mentioned above were built of baked, not of 

sun-dried, bricks, for the bricks are now, as they stand, thoroughly 

fired or burnt But that this burning of the bricks took place after 

the \^'alls were built is proved by two facts : first, the mortar between 

the bricks is baked as well as the bricks themselves ; and, second, the 

bricks in the woman's hall which were in contact with a large wooden 

door-post are not only fired but vitrified. These facts show that the 

baking of the bricks was merely a result of the conflagration in which 

the palace perished. 

We have already seen that in the vestibule of the men's hall there 
was found an alabaster frieze. As this frieze seems to throw some 
light on a disputed passage of Homer, a brief notice of it may not be 
out of place here. The frieze was found occupying with its seven 
slabs the whole foot of the west wall of the vestibule. But various 
indications show that this could not have been its original position. 
The frieze is composed of broad and narrow slabs alternately, and the 
nam)w slab projects beyond the broad one, just as in the frieze of ^ 
Doric temple the triglyph slab projects beyond the metope. Now if th^ 
fiicze was made for the place where it was found, the concrete floor 
should have been cut out so as to fit into the broken line of the frieze. 
This, however, is not the case. The concrete floor is cut off in a 
straight line in front of the frieze, and its edge skirts the projecting 
slabs, leaving in front of the receding ones a gap which is filled only 
with sand. Hence probably, as Dr. Dorpfeld originally held (he 
changed his view afterwards), the frieze was at first placed elsewhere, 
and was transferred to the west wall of the vestibule at some later time. 
The slabs of the frieze are much damaged, but enough remains to allow 
OS to restore the pattern of the sculptured ornament with tolerable 
certainty. It consisted essentially of an elliptical palmetto divided into 
tvo halves by a vertical band. The palmetto ornament is placed on 
the broad receding slabs ; the vertical band on the narrow projecting 
slabs. Each vertical band is adorned with two rows of rosettes, and 
nxind the palmettes is a band of spirals resembling plaited work. The 
Qiiddle of the rosettes and of the spirals, and the dentils which form the 
^es of both, are inlaid with a blue glass-paste. The chemical composi- 
tion of the two materials of the frieze is thus stated by Prof. Virchow : 
''The stone consists of sulphate of lime (gypsum), but in a form which 
Aches here and there the transparent blue of alabaster. The glass- 
Me consists of a calcium-glass, which is coloured with copper ; it 
contains no admixture of cobalt." Probably this blue glass-paste is the 
^Jtowwj of Homer, as to the meaning of which opinions were formerly 
mnch divided. In the palace of Alcinous the poet describes a frieze 
^kuanos as running round the walls of the rooms (fid, vii. 87) ; and 
this frieze of kuanos may have resembled in material, if not in pattern, 
the fneie found in the vestibule at Tiryns. See Helbig, Das homerische 
Epos aus den Denkmdlem erldutert^ p. 1 00 sqq. 

The wall-paintings, fragments of which have been found in several 
of the rooms of the palace, especially in the hall of the men, were true 


frescoes, that is, they were painted on the plaster of the walls while the 
plaster was still wet. Dr. Dorpfeld recognised this by noticing that in 
some places the brush has entered into the lime, leaving the painted 
surface rough, while the surrounding part is smooth. Only five colours 
are used — white, black, blue, red, and yellow ; green and all mixed 
colours are absent. The patterns painted on the plaster are often 
purely decorative, consisting of rosettes, spirals, dentils, net-work, etc., 
variously arranged and combined. On the largest fragment of wall- 
plaster which has been preserved a mighty bull is painted galloping at 
full speed to the left. His head, with its long curved horns, is lifted 
up. Above the back of the bull is seen a man in a peculiar position. 
He seems at first sight to be stretched out on the animal's back, which 
he just touches with his right knee and the tip of his toe, while he 
throws the other leg high in air, and holds on to the bulPs horns with 
his right hand ; his left hand is under his breast. He seems to be 
naked except for a loin-cloth and several bands round his knees and his 
ankles. As to the colours, the man and the bull are painted white or 
whitish -yellow ; but there are red spots on the animal, and various 
parts of its body (breast, belly, back, etc.) are brought out in red. The 
background is blue. With regard to the meaning of the picture, it was 
at first supposed that the man was an acrobat such as Homer describes 
(//. XV. 679 sqq.) leaping from back to back of four horses. Afterwards 
Dr. Marx suggested that bull and man may represent river -gods, 
because on coins of Catana in Sicily a man-headed bull is figured with 
a tailed man or satyr above its back in much the same attitude as the 
man in the Tirynthian wall-painting. See Fr. Marx, *Der Stier von 
Xvcyn^^ Jahrbuch d, arch, InstiiutSy 4 (1889), pp. 11 9- 129. However, 
since the discovery of the two gold cups of VaphiOy on which men dad 
very similarly are represented catching and herding bulls (see above, 
p. 135 sq.\ archaeologists have come to the conclusion that the wall- 
painting in question represents nothing more than a man tr>'ing to catch 
a bull. 

III. Separate objects found. Apart from the great discovery of the 
palace, the excavations at Tijyns did not bring to light many individual 
objects of interest and value ; certainly nothing has yet been found ^S- 
Tiryns to vie with the treasures found in the royal graves at Mycenae- 
The objects found consist chiefly of pottery and terra-cottas. Her^ 
we have to distinguish the objects belonging to the oldest settlement 
from those belonging to the later palace. It has already beef* 
mentioned that excavations in various parts of the citadel, especially in 
the south-west comer of the middle citadel, revealed the existence of an^ 
older and much ruder settlement under the great palace. The pottery 
found in this oldest settlement is (with the exception of the cups) quite 
different in form, workmanship, and decoration from that which was 
used by the inhabitants of the palace, and has its closest analogies in 
the pottery of Troy, especially that of the first and second settlement. 
For example, a small, round, somewhat flattened vessel, made with the 
hand and covered with reddish-yellow clay, has on each side of the body 
a projection pierced with two vertical holes, through which a string was 


passed to serve as a handle. Vases with similar vertically pierced 

projections were the commonest of all in the first town at Troy, but 

elsewhere they are rare and have been found only in the most ancient 

settlements. Another vessel belonging to the oldest settlement at 

Tiryns is a terra-cotta cup without a foot ; round its upper edge is laid 

a stripe adorned with rough round impressions, which were obviously 

made with the tip of the finger. This mode of decoration also occurs 

on the Trojan pottery. Some rude female idols or figurines, made of 

terra-cotta, were found in the oldest Tirynthian settlement. No object 

of metal was discovered which could with certainty be attributed to 

this most ancient settlement ; but on the other hand stone implements 

came to light which certainly belonged to it. Amongst them are many 

knives and arrow-heads of obsidian, also obsidian fiakes and nuclei, 

proving that the knives and arrow-heads were manufactured on the 

spot ; further, about a dozen rude stone hammers, which would seem to 

have been grasped in the hand, not fixed in a handle ; a well-polished 

axe of very hard red stone, in shape resembling the bronze battle-axes of 

Troy ; and several conical spinning-whorls made of blue stone. To these 

objects may be added a perforated bead of blue glass like those found 

at Spaia and Menidi ; also a few bodkins and an embroidering needle 

made of bone. Hundreds of such needles have been found at Troy. 

On the other hand, the objects found in the great palace at Tiryns 
belong to the Mycenaean type of civili?ation. Of the vases the 
comnionest type is the so-called stirojpaxase {Bugelkanne\ which, as 
we have seen (p. 112 sq.)y is the most characteristic shape of Mycenaean 
potter>\ Many rude terra-cotta. figurines were found in the palace. 
Some of them represent a woman with arms raised in the shape of 
a sickle, or else clasped together in a circle. A considerable number 
of unbroken, and great masses of broken, cows of terra-cotta were also 
found ; they are of small size and painted for the most part with bright 
red or brown on a ground of light yellow. Similar cows of terra-cotta 
were found in the prehistoric graves at Nauplia. Dr. Schliemann held 
that " the countless numbers of idols in form of terra-cotta cows found 
ifl Tiryns and Mycenae, as well as cows* -heads of gold, women with 
cows'-hom-Iike, crescent-shaped projections from the breast, or with the 
upper part of the body shaped like the disc of the full moon, and also 
the idols in Mycenae, with cows'-heads, can only represent Hera7 the 
tutelary divinity of Tiryns and Mycenae, especially as Homer con- 
stantly gives this goddess the epithet /^oowrts, which originally can ^ 
have had no other meaning than 'cow-faced'" {TirynSy p. 165). The 
objects of metal found in the palace were few and insignificant. Of 
gold there was only one small ornament shaped like the pedestals which 
are carved in relief over the Lions' Gate at Mycenae ; of silver there 
Has only a signet-ring with a star engraved on it. Amongst the bronze 
objects may be mentioned the figure of a warrior fighting, a chisel, a 
two-headed battle-axe, a bracelet, a brooch, thirteen very common rings, 
and an arrow-head of very primitive shape without barbs. Lead was 
found in many places ; it was used by the Tirynthians for clamping 
together broken vessels of earthenware. No trace of iron was dis- 


covered. A lance-head of iron was indeed found on the ramp leadi; 
up to the main entrance of the citadel, but it certainly belongs to 
much later period. Of ivory there were found only three small objec 
On the other hand, countless knives and arrow-heads of obsidian car 
to light ; they appear to have been in common use among t 
inhabitants down to the time when the palace was destroyed. The 
arrow-heads have no barbs and are extremely rude and primitive, mui 
more so than those found at Mycenae. 

Besides pottery of the Mycenaean age there have been found 
Tiryns many fragments of the later pottery, which is known as Dipylu 
ware, from the place (the Dipylum at Athens) where it has been discoven 
in large quantities. This Dipylum pottery appears to have everywhe 
succeeded immediately to the Mycenaean pottery, and its occurrence 
Tiryns is a proof that the acropolis continued to be inhabited after tl 
close of the Mycenaean era. The chief difference between the two styh 
of pottery is in their modes of decoration ; for whereas the Mycenaea 
pottery is painted with figures of marine plants and animals, the Dipylui 
pottery exhibits patterns composed of lines such as might be suggestc 
by woven fabrics ; instead of the spiral, so characteristic of Mycenaea 
art, we have the maeander, and instead of the wave line the zigzaj 
Seaweed and polyps never appear on Dipylum vases, but on the othe 
hand human figures are oftener represented, though in a rude an 
clumsy way. The clay of the Dipylum pottery is much coarser tha 
that of the Mycenaean pottery ; the paints used are always lustrous. 

After the end of the Dipylum period the citadel of Tiryns woul 
appear to have been deserted for centuries ; for after the Doric templ< 
which was built in the middle of the men's hall and may date froi 
the seventh century B.C., the first traces of inhabitation are < 
the Byzantine age : many Byzantine graves have been found at th 
south end of the citadel, and a Byzantine church was built in the grei 
fore-court (F). However, a town of Tiryns must have existed down 1 
the Persian wars, since men of Tiryns fought at Plataea (Herodotus, i 

The chief work on Tiryns is Schliemann*s Tiryns (London, 1886), of whi 
not the least valuable part was contributed by Dr. Dorpfeld. The researches 
Schliemann and Dorpfeld are summarised in Schuchhardt's Schliemanns Ausgrt 
ungen,^ pp. 11 7- 165; Perrot and Chipiez*s Histoire deTArtdans VAtUiquiti, 
pp. 258-303 ; and Baumeister's DeiikmdUr^ pp. 1809-1817. As to tlie palace 
particular see also P. Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History^ pp. 91-117 ; J. 
Middleton, * A suggested restoration of the great hall in the palace of Tiryr 
Journal of Hellenic Studies, 7(1886), pp. 161-169; R. C. Jebb, * The Home 
house in relation to the remains at Tiryns,' ib, pp. 170-188 ; D. Joseph, I 
Paldste des honierischen Epos mit Riicksicht auf die Ausgrabungen Schliemat 
(Berlin, 1895). ^ ^^ some subsequent excavations under the bathroom of 1 
palace see IlpaKTuch. rrji* kpxoLf-oK. 'Erat/j/as, 1890, pp. 37-41 ; ib,, 1891, pp. 20- 
For earlier descriptions of Tiryns see Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 248 sqq.\ Lea 
Morea, 2. p. 350 sqq,\ Gell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 54 sqqr, W. Mure, ybwrwa/, 
p. 173 sqqr, Curtius, Pehponnesos^ 2. p. 384 sqq,\ Vischer, Erinnerungcn v 
Eindriicke^ p. 296 sqq. ; W. G. Clark, Pelopontusus, p. 86 sqq. ; Bursian, Geo 
2 p. 57 sq. 

It was in Tiryns that Hercules dwelt for twelve years in the serv 


of Eurystheus, who imposed on him his twelve famous tasks (Apollodorus, 
ii. 4. 12). 

25. 8. Tiryns was depopulated by the Argives etc. See v. 23. 
3 note. 

25. 8. tlie wall, which is a work of the Cyclopes. The Cyclopes 
who built Tiryns are said to have been seven in number and to have 
been fetched from Lycia by Proetus, first king of Tiryns (Strabo, viii. 
p. 372 ; Apollodorus, ii. 2. i). 

25. 9. the daughters of Proetus. As to Proetus, first king of 
Tir^jis, see ii. 16. 2. As to his daughters see ii. 7. 8 ; viii. 18. 7. 

*lh, 9. We come to Midea on the left. Pausanias, proceed- 

ing by the highroad from Argos to Epidaurus, had diverged to the right 
to visit Tiryns. He now resumes the route to Epidaurus, and says that 
going in this direction we have Midea on the left. Midea is now 
generally identified with the ruins which occupy a steep and lofty 
mountain, inaccessible on three sides, which rises to the east of the 
village of Dendra, The place is six miles east by north of the citadel of 
Argos, and lies at the same distance to the north-east of Nauplia. Four 
walls, following the curves of the mountain, form four separate lines of 
defence, one above the other. The wall which protects the summit is 
built of great rough blocks, the interstices being filled with small stones. 
This wall is discontinued at the south-east and south-west sides, where 
precipitous rocks are a sufficient natural defence. In one of the walls 
there is a gateway built of three stones, like the postern at Mycenae. 
The ruins extend from the summit of the mountain down to a spring 
which issues from a grotto near a chapel of the Panagia. Numerous 
potsherds of the Mycenaean style are to be seen on the acropolis, making 
it fairly certain that the place is indeed Midea. The situation is a very 
commanding one. Standing on this lofty height we see the whole 
Argive plain from Nauplia to Argos and northward to Mycenae, with all 
its side valleys, stretched out like a map at our feet. 

To the identification of this site with the ancient Midea it was 
objected by Leake that it lies too far (more than three geographical 
miles) to the left of the road to Epidaurus. He therefore preferred to 
identify Midea with the ruins oiSt Adrian^ which crown a rocky hill to 
the north-east of Katzingrty about two and a half miles due east of 
Tiryns. The fortifications seem to have included an inner and an outer 
'^vall, and are visible for a long distance. Excavations were made on the 
site in 1890 for the Greek Archaeological Society by Mr. Kophiniotis, 
^iwho believes that he has identified the place as Midea. But the fortifi- 
cations are of well-jointed polygonal, not Cyclopean style, and among 
tlie potsherds found on the site there seems to be none of the Mycenaean 
sort Probably, therefore, the place is a small fortress of the Greek 
historical age, not a prehistoric citadel such as Midea must have been. 
This is the conclusion to which Dr. Dorpfeld came when he visited the 
site in 1891. Moreover, the place is to the right of the road to 
Epidaurus, and therefore does not answer to Pausanias's description. 

—^ Sec Gell, Itinerary of Greece^ p. 97 sq.'y Leake, Pelofxmtusiaca^ p. 268 sqq.\ 
""^^blayc, Recherches, p. 52 ; Curtius, Pehp, 2, p. 395 sq. ; Conze c Michaelis, in 


Annali deir InsiitutOi 33 (iS6i), p. l^ sq,; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 62 sq,\ Baedek 
p. 263 ; W. Dorpfeld, in MiitheiL d. arch. Inst, in Athen, 16 (1891), p. 255 
id. J 17 (1S9T), p. 95 so. A view of the walls of Midea, which are even ir 
irregularly built than those of Tiryns, is given by Perrot and Chippiez [Hist 
de VArt dans tAntiquiti^ 6. p. 475). 

The legends that the fortifications of Midea were built by Pars 
(Apollodonis, ii. 4. 4), and that Proetus, first king of Tiryns, reigi 
over it (Paus. ii. 16. 2), are evidence of the great antiquity of Mid 
and this evidence is confirmed by its massive remains. Professor W. 
Ramsay says : " Midea appears to be the city of Midas, and the na 
is one more link in the chain that binds Mycenae to Phrygia " (Encyi 
paedia Bfitannica^ 9th edition, voL 18. p. 850 j^.) 

25. 10. On the straight road to Epidatmu is a village Les 
Modem travellers generally drive to the great Epidaurian sanctuary 
Aesculapius by the highroad from Nauplia, which runs through unint 
esting scenery between low, barren hills of dull, monotonous aspect ' 
drearier tract of country," says Welcker, " is scarcely to be found 
Peloponnese." Pausanias, however, went by the more northerly n 
from Argos, which joins the road from Nauplia about five miles to 
west of the sanctuary. From the point where the road from Arg 
quitting the great Argive plain, enters the valley of Kopkino^ it contim 
to run among hills the whole way to Epidaurus. On the left rise, n: 
after mile, in monotonous uniformity, the long, bare, rocky slopes 
Mount Arachnaeus. High up on the mountain-side may be seen 
prettily situated monastery of St. Demetrius Karakala, but the re 
keeps low down in the valleys, except where it rises over the ridj 
which divide them from each other. The ground is clothed with bus! 
and stunted wood, through which the pudding-stone protrudes its sh; 
edges like the ruins of ancient walls. About midway between Arj 
and the Epidaurian sanctuary, a mile or so to the south of the ro 
there rises from the little fertile level of Soulinari an isolated hill wh 
is crowned by one of the best preserved fortresses of antiquity in 
Peloponnese. It is now known as Kazarma (or Kasarmi\ and 
been identified as the Lessa of Pausanias by Mr. Cavvadias and the \ 
H. G. Lolling. The highroad from Nauplia to the sanctuary runs 
the southern side of the hill ; from Nauplia to Kazarma the time 
this road is about three hours. The hill is a pretty high one ; its si 
is gradual at first but steep at the top. The summit is surround 
by a wall of admirable polygonal masonry, which on the east sid 
standing for a considerable distance to a height of 20 feet. At 
comers are round towers, strongly built, and between them are s( 
square towers. The wall also forms salient angles at various poi 
On the eastem side of the fortress, and parallel to its wall, is a struc 
somewhat in the style of the covered galleries at Tiryns. It is a p 
age or corridor about 3 paces wide and sunk about 4 feet in 
ground ; the sides are built of excellent masonry, and converge as 
meet overhead ; the stones are bonded with mortar. Within the fort 
there are some ruins and foundations of ancient and mediaeval buildi 
The ground is littered with potsherds and broken tiles. The soutl 


slope of the hill and the level ground at its foot are also covered with 
ruins and potsherds, proving that a township existed outside the walls 
of the citadel. About a mile and a half to the north-east of this fortress 
is another large ancient acropolis, which is now called Kastrakij it is 
to the left of the road from Nauplia, but to the right of the road from 
Argos ; the two roads unite about a mile to the east of Kastraki. At 
Kastrakij in addition to the acropolis, there are remains of a town of 
some size on the north-eastern side of the fortress. The two considerable 
fortresses just described were probably built by the Argives to defend 
their frontier against incursions from the side of Epidaurus. 

From the point where the two roads from Argos and Nauplia meet, 
the valley, some four or five miles long, widens and the highroad runs 
through olive woods to the village of UgauriOy which stands conspicu- 
ously on the slope of an arid spur of Moimt Arachnaeus at the eastern 
end of the valley. On the summit of this spur is a long line of ancient 
foundations, which topographers have generally identified as those of 
X-essa. The situation, on the direct road from Argos to Epidaurus, 
certainly agrees better with Pausanias's statement as to the site of Lessa 
than the fortress of Kazarma^ which lies about a mile away from the 
direct road. About half a mile to the west of Ugourio, in a field on 
the north side of the road, there is a chapel of St. Marina ; it contains 
two Ionic columns, fragments of architraves, and some painted ante- 
fixes, which may perhaps be remains of the temple of Athena mentioned 
by Pausanias. A little to the east of the chapel are the remains of an 
ancient pyramid ; the lower part of it only is left ; it was faced with poly- 
gonal masonry, and measured nearly 40 feet square at the base. From an 
inscription found in the Epidaurian sanctuary of Aesculapius ('Ao-KAT/Trto)! 
A-tycwn/i o t€po<^avT?7s k.t.A.) Mr. Cavvadias infers that there was an 
aticient village or town called Liguria, Ligeia, or Ligea, which may have 
occupied the site of, and bequeathed its name to, the modem Ligoiirio, 
If this conjecture is right, the ancient Lessa cannot of course have been 
on the site of Ugourio. A little to the south-east of Ugourio is a 
village called Karoni; the name may be derived from Coronis, the 
deputed mother of Aesculapius. 

See Leake, Aforea, 2. pp. 416*420; Dodwell, Tour, 2. pp. 253-255; Gell, 
Itinerary of Greece, pp. 9j5-l02 ; Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 52 sq. ; Welcker, Tage- 
My I. p. 326 sq, ; Curtius, Pehp. 2. pp. 416-418 ; Vischer, Erintierungen, pp. 
502*505 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 62 ; Baedeker,* d. 252 sq. ; Guide- JoantiCy 2. p. 
22Sj^. ; Cavvadias, in Etftrj/jiepls &pxaio\oyLidh 1S84, p* 21 sqq.\ 

25. 10. Monnt Arachnaeus. This is the high, naked range on 

the left or northern side of the road as you go to the Epidaurian sanctuary 

from Argos. The most remarkable peak is Mt. Arna, the pointed 

rocky summit which rises immediately above the village of Ugourio, 

h is 3540 feet high. The western summit, Mt. St, Elt'as, is a little 

higher (3930 ft.) From the summit of Mt. Arna the mountains of 

Megara and Attica are visible. It might well have been on its top that 

the beacon was lighted which flashed to Argos the news of the fall of 

Troy (Aeschylus, Agam, 320 sq,) The name Arachnaea is said to have 

234 MOUNT ARACHNAEUS bk. ii. Corinth 

been still used by the peasantry in the early part of this century. The 
altars of Zeus and Hera upon which, according to Pausanias, the people 
sacrificed for rain, appear to have stood in the hollow between the peaks 
of Ama and St, Elias, for there is here a square enclosure of Cyclopean 
masonry which would appear to have been an ancient place of worship. 
See Boblaye, Recherches^ ?• 53 ; Gell, Itinerary of Greece^ p. 99 sq. ; 
Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 418 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 72 ; Baedeker,^ p. 250. 
Mt. Arachnaeus and the mountains of the Argolic peninsula in general 
are little better than a stony, waterless wilderness. The climate is ver>' 
dry, and the beds of all the streams are waterless except after heavy 
rain. The hardy little holly-oak and a few dun-coloured shrubs are 
almost the only representatives of plant life. The eye of the traveller is 
wearied by the grey monotony of these arid mountains and desert table- 
lands, and his feet are cut and bruised by the sharp stones over which 
he has painfully to pick his steps. Nowhere else in Greece, probably, 
is the scenery so desolate and forbidding. See Philippson, Peloponnes, 
pp. 43 sq., 65. 

26. I. Who dwelt in the conntry etc. Strabo (viii. p. 374), 
following Aristotle, says that Epidauria, like Hermione, was formerly 
occupied by Carians, and that, after the return of the Heraclids, a colony 
of lonians from Attica settled in the land. 

26. 3. Aesculapius. With the following genealogies of Aesculapius 
we may compare another which came to light some years ago. Accord- 
ing to Isyllus of Epidaurus the pedigree of Aesculapius was as follows. 
Malus married the Muse Erato. They had a daughter Cleophema, 
who married Phlegyas, and had by him a daughter called Aegla or 
Coronis ; and Coronis was the mother of Aesculapius by Apollo. The 
hymn of Isyllus in which this genealogy occurs was found, engraved 
on a limestone tablet, to the east of the temple of Aesculapius in the 
great Epidaurian sanctuary. See v. Wilaniowitz-Mollendorff, Isyllus von 
Epidaurus, P- '3 ; Cavvadias, Fouilles iVEpidaure, i. p. 35 J^. ; Colliu, 
G. D. I. 3. No. 3342. 

26. 3. the mountain which is named Titthium. Leake {Aforea, 
2. p. 419 j^.) took this to be the hill upon which the modem village 
oi Ugourio stands. See note on ii. 25. 10. Others hold that Titthium 
is the modem Velonidia, the mountain (2815 feet high) which rises 
to the north of the great sanctuary of Aesculapius ; it is famed in the 
district for the medicinal virtues of its plants (Boblaye, Recherckes, p- 
54; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 419; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 75 ; Baedeker,* 
p. 251). 

26. 4* one of the goats gave suck to the forsaken bab^* 

Ancient myths and legends often tell of persons who were suckled b>' 
animals. Romulus and Remus were suckled by a wolf (see Liebrecht^ 
Zur Volkskunde, p. 17 sqq,) Telephus was suckled by a deer (Apollo^ 
doms, ii. 7. 4), Atalanta by a bear {id,, iii. 9. a), and so was Paris {id.^ 
iii. 12. 5; Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 138). Miletus was suckled 
by wolves (Antoninus Liberalis, 30), and a wolf suckled Lycastus and 
Parrhasius (Plutarch, Parallela, 36). The two sons of Melanippe were 
suckled by a cow (Hyginus, Fab, 186); Hippothous by a mare [id,. 


187). Meliteus was fed by bees (Antoninus Liberalis, 13), and 
Semiramis was fed with milk by doves (Diodonis, ii. 4). It is perfectly 
possible that some stories of the suckling of children by animals may 
be founded on fact. Mr. Francis Galton says : 'Mt is marvellous how 
soon goats find out children and tempt them to suckle. I have had 
the milk of my goats, when encamping for the night in African travels, 
drained dry by small black children, who had not the strength to do 
more than crawl about, but nevertheless came to some secret under- 
standing with the goats and fed themselves" {Transactions of the 
Ethnological Society of London^ N. S. 3 (1865), p. 135 sq.") In India 
there are numerous stories of boys who have been found living with 
wolves ; the stories are recent, and particulars of names, places, and 
time are given. A number of them have been collected by Mr. Valentine 
Ball in his Jungle Life in India, pp. 455-496 (the passage is also ex- 
tracted in the Journal of the Anthropological InstitutCy 9 (1880), p. 
565 sqq,) See also Panjab Notes and Queries^ 3 (1885-6), Nos. 
452, 602, 603, 604, 659, 660, 661. 

26. 5. he raised the dead. A list of persons said to have been 
restored to life by Aesculapius is given by Apollodorus, iii. i o. 4. See 
also Paus. ii. 27. 4, and note on ii. 11. 7. 

26. 6. Ck>ro]lis. See note on ii. 11. 7. It is remarkable that, as 
we have seen (p. 233), the name of Aesculapius's mother is preser\'ed 
in that of a hamlet to the south-east of the village of Ligourio, 

26. 7- bom to be the world's great joy etc. Some phrases of 
this oracle recur in a hymn to Aesculapius of which inscribed, copies 
have been found in Egypt and Athens. The Athenian copy is very 
fragmentary. See Revue Arch^ologique, 3rd series, 13 (1889), p. 70 
sq.\ Rhcinisches Museum, N. F. 49 (1894), p. 315. 

26. 8. PindaSTLS. A mountain-range in Asia Minor, to the north of 
Pergamus. See Pliny, N. H.\, 126 ; Baumeister's DenknuUer, p. 1206. 

26. 9- in our time the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Smyrna 

was founded. This sanctuary played an important part in the life of 
the rhetorician Aristides. It was not finished in 165 A.D. Hence 
Mr. Gurlitt supposes that Pausanias wrote the second book after that 
year. See Gurlitt, Pausanias, p. 59. 

26. 9. the one at Pergamus. Cp. iii. 26. 10 note ; v. 13. 3. 
26. 9. Lebene in Crete. A metrical inscription has been found 
at this place referring to the worship of Aesculapius. It records the 
<iedication to Aesculapius of two statues representing Dreams by a man 
I^iodorus, who had recovered his sight through the help of the god. 
See Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta, No. 839. 

26. 9. whereas the Gyrenians sacrifice goats, it is against the 
Bpidanrian custom to do so. At the sanctuary of Aesculapius near 
Tithorea in Phocis all animals were sacrificed to Aesculapius except 
goats (x. 32. 12). Sextus Empiricus (p. 173 ed. Bekker) states gener- 
al/ that goats were not sacrificed to Aesculapius. A goat was said to 
have suckled Aesculapius (above, § 4). On the other hand Servius (on 
Virgil, Georg. ii. 380) says that goats were sacrificed to Aesculapius 
because there was always fever where there were goats. 

236 SANCTUARY OF AESCULAPIUS bk. ii. corinth 

26. lo. the words which Homer puts in the month of 
Agamemnon etc. See Iliad^ iv. 193 sq. 

27. I. The sacred grove of Aescnlapins is surronnded by moun- 
tains. Leaving the village oi Ugourio (above, p. 233) on the left, v;t 
continue to follow the highroad in a south-easterly direction, and enter a 
defile between two little rocky hills dotted over with mastich bushes. 
The entrance to the pass seems to have been guarded by two towers. 
Having traversed the defile, we enter, in about half an hour from 
Ugourio^ the valley in which are situated the ruins of the famous 
sanctuary of Aesculapius. It is a fine open valley encircled by 
mountains from 2000 to 3000 feet high. In spring the level bottom 
of the vale is green with com, interspersed with clumps of trees and 
bushes. The surrounding mountains, though grey and barren, with 
undulating uniform outlines, are rather still and solemn than stem and 
sombre in character ; and the whole scene has a certain pleasing 
solitariness about it. The mins of the sanctuary lie towards the upper 
or northem end of the valley. They were excavated for the Greek 
Archaeological Society under the direction of Messrs. Cawadias and 
Staes in the years 1 881-1887, 1 891-1894. The place is still called 'the 
Sanctuary ' {to hiero or sto hiero) by the people of the neighbourhood. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 420 ; Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 255 sq, ; Cell, Itintmry 
of Greece^ p. 102 sq, ; Welcker, Tagelmchy I. p. 327 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 418 
sqq. ; Vischer, Erinncrungent p. 505 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 7^sq. ; Baedeker,' 
p. 250 sqq, ; GuicU- Joanne^ 2. p. 229 ; Cawadias, FouilUs d Epidaure^ vol. I 
(Athene 1893). ^^ this last-mentioned work are published the inscriptions as 
well as a description of the buildings which have been excavated in the sanctuary. 
As to these inscriptions see J. Baunack, 'Zu den Inschriften aus Epidauros/ 
Philologtts, 54 (1895), PP* '6-63. Some more inscriptions, discovered in 1893, 
are published by Mr. Ca\'vadias in *E<fnjfiepls dpxo-ioXoyiKi/if 1894, pp. 16-24. The 
excavations of 1894 laid bare the stadium. See note on iL 27. 5. 

The general arrangement of the sanctuary will be best understood 
from the accompanying plan (Fig. 37). The chief buildings as yet 
discovered are the theatre, the temple of Aesculapius (A), the Rotunda 
(B), the temple of Artemis (C), and the great colonnade (D). These 
will be described in detail later on. Meantime the less important 
buildings may be briefly noticed here. 

E is a large rectangular edifice, situated to the south-east of the 
temple of Aesculapius and immediately to the north of the temple of 
Artemis. It is built of common stone and is divided into several com- 
partments. Its arrangement suggests that it may have been the house 
of the priests or a hospice for patients. In the Roman period it was 
rebuilt of bricks, stone, and lime. A pavement of stone was discovered 
in this building in 1891 ; it seems to have been part of an altar ; for a 
channel or gutter runs round its four sides, probably to convey away the 
blood of the victims, and beside it was found a layer of charred bones 
and ashes, mingled with many small earthenware pots and bits of bronze 
vessels. Some of these bronze fragments and one potsherd are inscribed 
with dedications, some to Aesculapius and some to Apollo. These 
inscriptions are archaic, being not later than the beginning of the fifth 


century B.C. See AcXriov dp^^ioXoytKov, 1891, p. 85 ; II/xiKTCKa t7;s 
*Apx«toA.. 'Eratpia?, 1 89 1, p. 26 5q,\ Cavvadias, FouiUes cPipidaure^ 
I. p. 37 sq, 

F is a great portal or propylaeum of the Doric order, situated to the 
south of £ and of the temple of Artemis, and to the east of the stadium. 
This great portal led southward into a large square building (not shown 
on the plan), the ruins of which were excavated in 1891. The edifice, 
which from the style of the architectural fragments would seem to have 
been built in the finest period of Greek art, was probably a gymnasium ; 
it inclosed in the centre a square court surrounded by colonnades of the 
Doric order. Some pieces of the columns of these colonnades are still 
standing in their original places. This building must have fallen into 
ruins even in antiquity, for in one of the comers of the cloistered court 
are the remains of an Odeum or Music Hall of Roman date, built partly 
on the stylobate of the colonnade. The stage and the entrances of 
the Music Hall are standing to a height of about 18 inches. The 
auditorium now numbers nine rows of seats, divided into two sections 
by a single staircase. The floor of the orchestra consists of an orna- 
mental mosaic pavement. Into the middle wall of the stage and the 
north retaining-wall of the auditorium are built pieces of the columns 
of the colonnade, still standing in their original places. See ^tkriov 
apxatoXoyiKOVf 1 89 1, pp. 19, 33, 65 sq. ; UpaKTiKo, rrjs 'Ap\aio\. 
*Eraip4a9, 1 89 1, p. 26. 

G is a large rectangular building situated between the edifice £ and 
the great portal F. The use to which it is put is not kno^Ti. It is 
built of limestone ; the entry is on the west side. 

H is a small monument close to the building G, on the north side ; 
its purpose is unknown. 

J marks the foundations of a building lying to the south of the 
temple of Aesculapius. 

We may also note the two parallel walls, divided by a trench (^), 
which, extending first from north to south, and then from west to east, 
unite the great colonnade D with the temple of Artemis and the quad- 
rangular building £, thus forming on two sides the boundary of the 
sacred precinct. The purpose and date of these walls are unknown. 
For the most part they are built of blocks of marble taken from various 
ancient buildings ; some of these blocks bear inscriptions. 

To the north of the temple of Aesculapius there is a large and ver>' 
complex edifice (not marked on the plan), built in a very commonplace 
and uninteresting style. It is divided into halls, chambers, passages, 
etc., and was clearly a bathing establishment. Not improbably it is the 
bath of Aesculapius built by Antoninus (Paus. ii. 27. 6). 

The ground to the north-east of the temple of Aesculapius was 
excavated in 1891 and 1892 ; many pedestals and votive inscriptions of 
Greek and Roman times were discovered here ; and at a considerable 
distance in this direction were laid bare the foundations of a small 
temple, which may have been the sanctuary of Aphrodite (Paus. ii. 27. 
5 note). See AeAriov dp\ai.o\oyiK6v^ 1891, p. 85 ; UpaKTiKa t7)<» 
'ApxatoAoyiK-^S 'Eratpias, 1891, p. 27; td., 1892, p. -55* 


There are two paved platforms (a and ol\ one to the east and the 
other to the south of the temple of Aesculapius. One of them may 
have supported the altar of Aesculapius. 

See P. Cavvadias, FouilUs ^Epidaure^ vol. i (Athens, 1893), p. 9 sq. 

To these buildings may be added the names of a few which are 
known to us only from inscriptions. Thus we hear of an Olympium or 
sanctuary of Olympian Zeus, built in the reign of Hadrian (Cavvadias, 
op, cit. p. 43, No. 35) ; an Anaceum or sanctuary of the Dioscuri 
(Cavvadias, op, ciL p. 48, No. 57) ; a workshop, put up apparently 
while the temple of Aesculapius was building (Cavvadias, op, cit, p. 79, 
No. 241, line 27 sq,) ; and a library, dedicated apparently to Maleatian 
Apollo and Aesculapius (Cavvadias, op, cit, p. 57, No. 131). From 
Inscriptions also we learn that under the Roman empire statues were 
set up of Livia, Tiberius, Claudius, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, Septimius 
Severus, and Caracalla (Cavvadias, op, cit. Inscriptions 214, 215, 219, 
220, 222, 226, 260, 106, 107). Another inscription records the dedica- 
tion of an altar of the Curetes by a priest of Aesculapius (Cavvadias, 
op. cit, Inscr. No. 40). 

27. I. Within the enclosure no death or birth takes place etc. 
In 426 B.C the Athenians purified Delos by removing all the dead 
from it, and they enacted that for the future no death or birth should 
take place in the island (Thucydides, iii. 104 ; Diodorus, xii. 58). An 
inscription found during the recent excavations on the Acropolis of 
Athens declares that it is the custom of the country that no one should 
be bom or die within any sacred precinct {*E<l>-qfjL€pls dpxaioXoyiKrj, 
1884, p. 167 sq,) Another inscription, found in Egypt, lays down 
similar rules of ceremonial purity to be observed by persons entering a 
sanctuary. It runs thus (so far as it exists and can be deciphered) : 

Tovs Sk €«riovTa9 ct? T[h 
ayvcuctv Kara vttok 
dirh wdSovs IBiov koi 
rjfJL€pas ^ ava^raAA. 

\-q €KTp<lXrfJLOV (TVV 

TCTOKViaS Kol Tp€<f>ov(rrjs 
Kal €av €\&Q (?) 18^ Tovs 5c a^vSpas 
dirh yvvatKhs I3\ ras Se y\yvaiKas 
dKoXov6u}s TOts dvSpdcr^iv 

dv kKTfMKTflOV fX 

T^v 8t r€KO\krav koI Tp€^<f>ovcrav 
€av Se e^^ fh /3p€(f}0S 
aTTojSara /x7/via)V ^ 
dvSpos 1^ fJLVp(rivrjv 8c 

This inscription is of the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus. See Revue 
ArcfUologiquCy 3rd series, 2 (1883), P- 182. The rule that no birth 
might take place within the sanctuary is illustrated by a case recorded 
on one of the two great inscribed slabs found on the spot See note 

240 SANCTUARY OF AESCULAPIUS bk. ii. corinth 

on § 3 of this chapter. Cp. v. 20. 5 ; v. 27. 10 ; Antoninus Liberalis, 
19 ; Lobeck, Aglaophamus^ p. 249. 

27. I. The sacrifices are consnmed within the bounds. 

A similar rule was observed in the sanctuary of Amphiaraus at Oropus 
(see note on i. 34. i, vol. 2. p. 470), and in the sanctuary of the Gracious 
Gods at Myonia in Locris (x. 38. 8). No doubt it was feared that the 
sacred food might be profaned if it were carried outside the sanctuar)'. 
It is not an uncommon rule of sacrificial feasts that all the food must be 
consumed on the spot. The Arabs who sacrificed to the Morning Star 
had to consume the whole of the victim — flesh, skin, and bones — before 
the sun rose upon it and the Morning Star had faded (W. R. Smith, 
The Religion of the Semites^ p. 282). At the old Lithuanian festival of 
first-fruits all the food had to be eaten up with certain ceremonial forms 
(The Golden Bought 2. p. 70). The North American Indians have 
feasts at which every scrap of food must be finished before the ban- 
queters disperse. If a man is physically incapable of swallowing the 
remainder of his share he must get some one else to eat it for him. 

27. 2. The image of Aesculapius. This image doubtless stood 
in the temple of Aesculapius. The remains of the temple were dis- 
covered in the course of the excavations in 1884. They consist only 
of foundations ; not a column or part of a column is standing ; but 
architectural fragments were found in sufficient numbers to enable us 
to restore the plan. The temple was peripteral, and of the Doric 
order. It had six columns at each end, and eleven columns (inclusive 
of the end ones) at each side. There was no opisthodomos or back- 
chamber at the western end. The length of the temple was 24.35 
metres, and its breadth 13.04 metres. The stylobate or platform on 
which the temple stood was raised by three steps above the ground, 
but the entrance was by an inclined plane or ramp in the middle of the 
eastern end. The stylobate was of * poros ' stone, covered with slabs of 
white limestone and black Eleusinian stone. The black slabs probably 
paved the floor immediately in front of the image of the god, as in the 
temple of Zeus at Olympia (v. 11. 10), but as none of them was found 
in position, this is uncertain. The temple itself was built of * poros ' 
stone coated with stucco, but the roof was of wood, and the tiles were 
of marble. The columns have twenty flutes. There were no reliefs in 
the metopes, but the gables were adorned with sculptures of Pentelic 
marble, of which some pieces have been found. The sculptures in the 
western gable appear to have represented a battle with the Amazons ; 
those in the eastern gable a battle with the Centaurs. Two female 
figures riding quietly on horses, found near the western end of the 
temple, may have stood on the roof, crowning the two extremities of the 
western gable. They probably represent Nereids. The remains of the 
sculptures appear to belong to the finest period of Greek art, about the 
beginning of the fourth century B.C. Mr. Cavvadias thinks they are of 
the Attic school which was founded by Phidias. The style of the archi- 
tecture of the temple also points to about the same date. 

A little to the east of the temple was discovered, in 1885, a long 
inscription, giving full details as to the cost of construction of the 


temple. From this inscription it appears that the temple was built by 

contract. Some persons contracted to execute various portions of the 

work ; others contracted to supply the materials and bring them to the 

spot ; others again contracted only for the transport of the materials. 

Amongst the contractors were men from Corinth, Argos, Stymphalia, 

and Crete. The whole work was under the superintendence of a single 

architect named Theodotes, who received 353 drachms a year. The 

building of the temple lasted four years, eight months, and ten days. 

The sculptures of the gables and the figures which stood on the roof 

were executed by various artists after models furnished by a certain 

Timotheus, perhaps the same Timotheus who worked with Scopas at the 

Mausoleum of Halicarnassus (Pliny, N, H, xxxvi. 30) and who made 

the image of Aesculapius at Troezen (Paus. ii. 32. 4). The doors of 

the temple were of ivory and cost 3070 drachms. From the style of 

the letters Mr. Cavvadias infers that the inscription must have been 

carved very soon after the archonship of Euclides, t.e, about the end of 

the fifth or the beginning of the fourth century B.C. 

On the temple see npeucTtJcd r^ *kpxo-io\. 'Eratp/aj, 1882, p. 81 sq., id,, 1884, 
pp. 54-58; jV/., 1885, p. 30; Cavvadias, Fouilles d^Epidaure, I. p. 16 sq. On 
the gable (pedimental) sculptures see '£^T7/iep2s fipxaioXo7tict^, 1884, pp. 49-60 ; 
Cavvadias, op, cit, p. 20 sqq,\ Overbeck, Gesch, d, griech. Plasfiky^ 2. p. 126 sqq. 
On other sculptures found at Epidaurus see 'E^/Ae/>2s ipxci-toKoyiicfiy 1886, pp. 243- 
258; Cavvadias, op, cit, p. 22 sq. For the inscription giving the cost of the 
temple see UpaicTiKh. r^j Apx« 'Ercup. 1 8851 p. 30 sq, ; *B<l>rifjL€plt dpxatoXo7i«n^. 
1886, pp. 145-178 ; Baunack, Aus Epidaurus, p. 22 jqq,; Collitz, Griech, Dialekt- 
Inichrifteftf 3. No. 3325; Cavvadias, Fouilles d^Epidaure, I. p. 78 sqq,. No. 
241. Mr. Foucart would date the temple 380-375 B.c. {Bulletin de Corresp. 
HdUnique, 14 (1890), p. 5891^^.) Prof. Furtwangler dates it about 420 B.c. He 
considers the sculptures of the temple to be nearly akin to those of the Victory 
balustrade at Athens (see voL 2. p. 258 sqq, ), but still more closely allied to the 
sculptures of the Jleraeum. He points out that the inscription which records 
the cost of building the temple is not necessarily post - Euclidean because the 
alphabet is Ionic ; for we do not know when the Ionic alphabet was introduced 
into Epidaurus. He thinks that three small marble Victories belong to the 
temple of Artemis, near which they were found, and not to the temple of 
Aesculapius, as Mr. Cavvadias at first supposed. His view as to these figures 
is now accepted by Mr. Cavvadias. See Berliner philologischc Wochenschrift, 
24 November, 1880, p. 1484 j^. 

The image of Aesculapius here described by Pausanias is repre- 
sented on coins of Epidaurus (Fig. 38). The god is 
seen seated on a throne, his left hand holds a staff, his 
right is extended over the serpent. His dog is lying 
under or beside the throne. See Imhoof-Blumer and 
Gardner, Num, Contm, on Paus, p. 43, with pi. L iv. v. 
In the excavations at the Epidaurian sanctuary there 
were found two marble reliefs which Mr. Cavvadias, 

, , .,• L • t ^\. FIG* 38. — AESCULA- 

with great probability, supposes to be copies of the pj^g ^^^^^ ^^ 
god's statue in the temple. They represent the god epidaurus). 
seated in much the same attitude as on the coins ; the 
serpent, dog, and staff, however, are all missing, but their absence may 
peHiaps be accounted for by the mutilated state of the slabs. The two 

VOL. Ill R 



reliefs agree so closely that it is quite plain they are copies of the same 
origioal. The better of the two, carved on a slab of Pentelic marble, 
is here figured (Fig. 39). The siatue would seem to have bome a 
considerable resemblance to Phidias's great statue of Zeus at Olympia, 
which may account for the statement of Athenagoras [Suppiic. pro Chris- 

tianis, 17. p. 80, ed. Otto) that the image of Aesculapius at Epidaunis 
was by Phidias. 

See 'Eipyiiupit dpx<"oXo7<K)}, 1885, p. 48 sqq. ; ul. 1894, pp. 11-14, with pi. i. ; 
npoKTiitd -nit 'ApxoioX. 'Enuplat, l^, p. 58 ; American Jcumal ef Archatchgy, 
3 (1887), pp. 32-37; Khtiniuhts AfuKum, N. F. 44 (1889), pp. 474-478 ; 
Cav\-adias, rXuirri toG 'E«»«oS HoixriiBV, I. Nos. 173, 174 : iJ., FettilUi d'Efi- 

27. 3. ThrasTmedes, a Parian. The base of a statue inscribed with 
the name of this sculptor was found at Epidaurus in 1 894 {Athenaeum, 
29 December, 1894, p. 902 ; Aintrican Joum. of Archaeology, 10 
(i8gs), p- 116). In the inscription which records the building of the 


temple of Aesculapius a certain Thrasymedes is mentioned as having 
undertaken to execute the doors and the roof (Cavvadias, Fouilles 
tTEpidaure^ i. p. 79, Inscr. No. 241, line 45 sq,) ; this maybe the same 
Thrasymedes who made the statue of Aesculapius. Compare Overbeck, 
Gesch, d, griech, Plasiik^^ 2. p. 125 j^. 

27. 2. On the throne are carved in relief Be^erophon 

IrilHng the Ohimaera etc. On two terra-cotta reliefs from Melos, now 
in the British Museum, are represented the scenes which Pausanias 
describes as curved on the throne of Aesculapius. On one of the reliefs 
Perseus is seated on horseback with the head of Medusa in one hand 
and his scimitar in the other ; the headless trunk of Medusa kneels with 
extended arms beside the horse. On the other relief Bellerophon, seated 
on horseback, lifts his sword to strike the Chimaera, which is under his 
horse. See M tiller- Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 1. pi. xiv. Nos. 51, 52. The 
late H. Brunn thought that these terra-cotta reliefs might be copies of 
the reliefs mentioned by Pausanias. Though their style is somewhat 
archaic or archaistic, he believed that they, or rather their originals, 
might have been executed by a contemporary of Phidias. See Brunn, 
*Der Thron des Asklepios zu Epidauros,' in Sitzungsberichte of the 
Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philosoph.-philolog. Class, 1872, 2. pp. 


From inscriptions found at Epidaurus and Halicamassus it appears 

that games were celebrated in honour of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, at 
which prizes were given for athletic and dramatic victories in the usual 
way. See 'Etf^fupls dpxaioXoyiKtjy 1883, pp. 30, 91 (Inscriptions 
ID and 32); Baunack, Studietiy i. pp. 85, 91 ; Cavvadias, Fouilles 
^ipidaure^ i. pp. 65, 77 sq.^ Inscr. Nos. 189, 191, 238, 239, 240; 
Revue ArcMologique^ 2nd series, 24 (1872), p. 109. 

27. 2. the place where the suppliants of the god sleep. The 

SQppliants of the god are the patients who expected the god to reveal to 

tiKm in a dream the manner of their cure, or actually to cure them 

iriiile they slept. Compare ii. 11. 6, and vol. 2. pp. 470, 476. See 

also the note on the next section of this chapter. Strabo says (viii. 

pL 374) that the Epidaurian sanctuary was always full of sick people. In 

the inscriptions (as to which see below p. 248 sqq,) the place where the 

patients slept is generally called the Abaton^ but in one inscription it is 

called the Dormitory (hKoifJLrjTrjpiov) (Cavvadias, Fouilles d^Epidaure^ 

I. p. 34, Inscr. No. 6; *E<f)r]fi€pU dpxaioXoyiKrj, 1883, p. 237, Inscr. 

No. 61 ; Baunack, Sludien, i. p. 118). One inscription mentions that 

once, after the patients had fallen asleep, a man climbed up a tree and 

peeped over into the Abaton (Cavvadias, Fouilles d^ipidaure^ i. p. 26, 

Inscr. No. i, line 90 sq, ; *E<^/uu a.p\\. 1883, p. 215, Inscr. No. 59, 

line 90 sq. ; Baunack, Studien^ i. p. 127). From this we infer that the 

place was either surrounded with a high wall or elevated above the 

ground, and that it was either open to the sky or had windows. Mr. 

Cavvadias identifies the Abalon or Dormitory with the great Ionic 

colonnade which extends along the north-western side of the sanctuary 

for a length of 75 metres (246 feet 5 inches). Its breadth is 9.7 5 metres 

(31 feet 10 inches). The colonnade is in fact composed of two 


colonnades, which, however, form a single straight line, and have a 
common roof at the same level. The western colonnade is double, that 
is, it consists of two stories, of which the upper is on the same level as 
the eastern colonnade and the rest of the sacred precinct A staircase 
of nineteen steps ^ (marked d on the plan) leads down to the lower story 
of the western colonnade. The existence of this lower story is rendered 
necessary by an abrupt fall in the level of the ground at this point ; this 
fall in the ground is compensated by the lower story, which supports the 
upper story or colonnade proper at the same level as the eastern 
colonnade. Of these two colonnades, the eastern and the western, 
there exists nothing but the foundations of the walls ; none of the 
columns is standing, but numerous scattered fragments allow of a partial 
restoration of the edifice. 

The western colonnade is 37 metres (121 feet 4 inches) long. " Its 
lower story was not, properly speaking, a colonnade ; it was in fact 
formed simply by four walls, of which the southern wall was pierced by 
a door in the middle, and flanked in its whole length by pilasters 
surmounted by a Doric architrave and a cornice." Down the middle of 
this lower story ran a row of six square, or rather octagonal, Doric 
columns, which served to support the upper story. Benches made of 
limestone extended betu'een these central columns, as well as along the 
side walls. One of these benches is still to be seen between two of the 
central columns. The upper story of the western colonnade was 
a colonnade proper. It was divided down the middle, throughout its 
entire length, by a row of round or square columns corresponding to the 
octagonal columns of the lower story. Its southern facade was formed 
of Ionic columns united by a barrier or railing of limestone, which 
reached up to a third of the whole height of the columns. 

The eastern one-storied colonnade was also divided down the middle 
by a row of columns, seven in number, which were united by a wall or 
barrier of some kind. Its southern fagade was formed by sixteen Ionic 
columns, like those of the western colonnade, and similarly united by a 
barrier or railing. Within the eastern colonnade tablets bearing inscrip- 
tions were placed against the east wall ; the stones in which these tablets 
were fastened can still be seen against the northern half of the east walL 
It was here that the two famous tablets inscribed with the cures effected 
by Aesculapius were discovered (see below p. 248 sqq,) Close to these 
stones, in the south-eastern comer of the colonnade, is an ancient well 
46 feet deep, in the bottom of which were found some black potsherds 
and iron handles, the remnants perhaps of vessels which had been used 
in drawing water from the well. 

Such is the great colonnade of the sanctuary. Mr. Cavvadias's 
reasons for identifying it with the dormitory of the patients are : — ( i ) 
It is over against the temple of Aesculapius, which agrees with Pau- 
sanias's description of the situation of the dormitory ; (2) the inscrip- 

^ So Mr. Cavvadias in IIpaxcTt/ca. 1884, p. 59, and Fouilles cP^pidaure, i. 
p. 17. In my own notes, made on the spot, I find the number of steps given as 


tions recording the cures were set up in it, which would be most natural 
if it was the place where the cures were supposed to have been 
effected ; (3) the well in the colonnade was probably a sacred one, 
and its water may have been used by the patients for the purifications 
prescribed by ritual. See IIpaKTiKa t^s *K()\a.i,o\, ^Eraiplas, 1884 
(pub. 1885), pp. 58-61 ; Cavvadias, Fouilles (V Elpidaure^ i. p. 17 sq, 
Aristophanes, in a well-known passage {Plutus, 653 sqq.\ has described 
sick people sleeping in a sanctuary of Aesculapius. 

27. 3. a round building called the Rotunda. The remains of 

this very beautiful and interesting structure were brought to light by the 
excavations of Mr. Cavvadias in 1882. They are situated some 70 
feet south-west of the temple of Aesculapius. Only the foundations 
are standing ; but architectural fragments exist in sufficient number to 
allow us to reconstruct the plan of the edifice. Its diameter is 32.65 
metres (107 feet). The existing foundations consist of six concentric walls 
built of common (* poros ') stone (Fig. 40). The first or outermost of these 
foundation-walls supported twenty-six Doric columns, which formed the 
peristyle or outer colonnade of the building ; the second foundation-wall 
supported the circular wall of the building ; the third foundation-wall 
supported fourteen Corinthian columns, which formed the inner colon- 
nade; and the three innermost foundation-walls supported the marble 
floor. The entrance was on the east ; it was approached, not by steps, 
but by a ramp or inclined plane, most of which is destroyed. The outer 
colonnade was built of common stone (not marble) of a fine grain ; the 
stone was coated with stucco, and the stucco was painted, for traces of r 
colour can be detected on it, especially of red between the guttae of the 
mutules. The metopes of this colonnade were decorated with rosettes 
finely carved in relief. The circular wall of the building, between the 
outer and the inner row of columns, was built of various materials. The 
outer base was of white marble ; the inner base was of black marble ; 
the frieze was of Pentelic marble. The rest of the wall was of common 
stone. Pausanias tells us that the wall was adorned with paintings by 
Pausias : we do not know whether it was the outer or the inner face of 
the wall which was so embellished. Inside of the building, as we have 
seen, there was a circular colonnade of fourteen Corinthian columns : 
this colonnade was entirely of marble. It is one of the earliest known 
examples of the use of the Corinthian order in Greek architecture 
(q). vol. 2. p. 208). In connexion with this colonnade Mr. Cavvadias Vl 
made a curious discovery. He found, at the depth of about 3 feet 
under the ancient level of the soil, a beautifully chiselled Corinthian 
capital, almost intact, which yet, being without any marks of attachment, 
had clearly never formed any part of the colonnade to which by its 
shape and dimensions it belonged. It had not been rejected by the 
architect for any flaw, for it was carefully covered with tiles to preserve 
it from injury. Nor can it, in Mr. Cavvadias's opinion, have been the 
model on which the rest were made, since such models were made, 
not in stone, but in wax or other plastic material. Perhaps it may 
have been buried with some superstitious notion that so long as it 
remained intact the colonnade itself would stand entire. 


The pavement in the interior of the building, within the circle of the 
Corinthian colonnade, was composed of diamond-shaped flags of black 
and white marble alternately. If this pavement extended from the 
circumference to the centre, the central flag must have been circular ; 
and as no such circular flag was found, Mr. Cawadias concludes that 
the centre was occupied by a circular aperture which gave access to the 
curious subterranean vault under the floor of the building. This vault 
was formed by the three innermost of the six concentric foundation- 
wails, the three, namely, which supported the pavement Thus the 
vault consists of three circular passages, one inside the other, with a 
small circular apartment in the middle. In each of the circular walls 
there is a door, so that the passages communicate with each other, and 
it is possible to pass from the outermost passage into the central com- 
partment or vice versd. But each passage is barred at a certain point 
by a cross wall so placed that a person on passing through the door of 
any one of the circular walls is obliged to go the whole round of the 
passage before he comes to the door leading into the next passage. 
The vault thus forms a kind of labyrinth such that any one starting 
from the circumference must traverse the whole of it before he reaches 
the centre. 

The rest of the pavement of the building was of limestone, except 
the part between the Doric columns, which was of tufa. 

The ceiling of the edifice was coffered and richly adorned with 
carving and painting. It was of white marble, except the central part 
as far as the Corinthian columns, which was of wood. At the outer 
edge of the roof a row of spouts, placed at regular intervals and exquisitely 
carved in the shape of lions* heads, served to convey the rain-water from 
the roof. From the centre of the roof there rose a floral decoration, of 
which some pieces have been found. 

The whole of the marble decorations of the building are carved with 
the utmost delicacy and precision, and in style recall those of the 
Erechtheum at Athens. 

A long inscription, found in the sanctuary, contains the accounts of 
the moneys received and expended for the construction of the Rotunda. 
In this inscription the building is called, not the Rotunda {Tholos\ but 
the ThumelOj i.e, * altar ' or * place of sacrifice,' but that the building 
thus designated was the circular edifice just described is clearly proved 
by the contents of the inscription. For we learn from the inscription 
that the building in question contained a shrine {sakos) with an 
exterior colonnade, and that it was built of tufa brought from Corinth, 
of Pentelic marble, and of black stone from Argos. The name Thumela 
applied to the building seems to indicate that sacrifices were offered in 
tile Rotunda, but what these sacrifices may have been, and by whom 
oflfered, we do not know. Mr. Cawadias conjectured that some mystic 
J^t€s, relating to the worship of Aesculapius, may have been performed 
Jri the curious vault under the floor of the edifice. From the inscrip- 
tion we infer that the work of building the Rotunda was spread over 
^t least twenty-one years ; for twenty-one priests are mentioned in it, 
a.nd each priest held office for a year. Further, we learn that the 

248 SANCTUARY OF AESCULAPIUS bk. ii. cownth 

work was done by contract, different parts of it being assigned to 
different contractors. Some of the contractors came from a distance, 
as from Athens, Paros, Troezen, and Tegea, and were allowed travelling 
expenses for their journey. The duty of giving out the work on 
contract was entrusted to one set of commissioners (the eySor^/xs), and 
the duty of superintending its execution was entrusted to another set of 
commissioners (the SvfieXoTroioi). The priests of Aesculapius acted 
as treasurers, disbursing money to the commissioners who superintended 
the execution of the work, and receiving it from contractors in the 
shape of fines inflicted for breaches of contract. From the shape oi 
the letters and other indications the inscription seems to date fron^ 
about the middle of the fourth century B.C. This therefore gives 
approximately the date of the construction of the Rotunda, and fror^ 
this it follows that the architect Polyclitus was the younger, not tl^^ 
elder sculptor of that name (see note on ii. 22. 7). This conclusion ^ • 
confirmed by the masons* marks on some of the stones of the building 
for these marks are letters of the alphabet of shapes which belong 
the fourth, but not to the fifth century B.C. 

See npaKTixii riji 'ApxatoX. ^Eratplas, 1 882, pp. 7 7-8 1 ; id,, 1883, p. 49 sg. 
Cavvadias, Fouilles cCEpidaure^ I. pp. 13-16; Baedeker,' p. 251. For th 
inscription relating to the construction of the Rotunda see *E(fnf/juepis apxo^oXaryuci^ 
1892, p. 69 S(^g. ; Cavvadias, op, cit, p. 93 sqq,, Inscr. No. 242. 

27. 3. Pausias. See note on ii. 7. 3. 

27. 3. it represents Dnmkeimess. On a silver plate, found i 
Syria, but of Greek workmanship, a naked girl is represented holdin 
the arm of a seated man. Mr. De Witte interprets the girl as Drunken- 
ness (Methe) and the man as Hercules drunk. See Gazette ArcJUologiqur 
6 (1880), p. 140 sq.^ with plate 23. 

27. 3. Tablets stood within the enclosure etc. Strabo says 
(viii. p. 374) that the sanctuary was "full of votive tablets, on which 
are recorded the cures, just as at Cos and Tricca." Mr. Cavvadias had 
the good fortune to discover two of these curious documents in the 
sanctuary. The stones on which the cures are inscribed were found in 
fragments built into the walls of a mediaeval house at the east end of 
the great Ionic colonnade (see note on ii. 27. 2). Being pieced together 
these fragments made up two of the' tablets described by Strabo and 
Pausanias. To judge from the orthography and shapes of the letters, 
the inscriptions cannot be older than the middle of the fourth century B.C. 
nor later than the third century B.C. But some of the cures at least 
would seem to have been much older than the inscriptions ; for one of 
the cases (the curing of a woman of Troezen who had a worm in her 
stomach, see below, case 8) was recorded by Hippys of Rhegium, a 
writer who flourished in the first half of the fifth century B.C. (see Aelian, 
Nat, An. ix. 33 ; Frag, Hist, Graec. ed. Miiller, 2. p. 15). Probably 
the records contained in these tablets were collected by the priests from 
the inscriptions engraved on the offerings of patients who had been 
healed and who had recorded in these inscriptions the manner of their 
cure. The following may serve as specimens of the cures recorded on 
the tablets : — 


( I ) A woman named Cleo was with child five years. She came 
and slept in the Dormitory (Abatori) of the sanctuary ; and in the 
morning, as soon as she had quitted the sanctuary, she was delivered of 
a son, who immediately washed in the cistern and walked about with 
his mother. 'Jf^^) A man, whose fingers were all paralysed but one, came 
as a suppliant to the god. But when he saw the tablets in the sanctuary 
with the miraculous cures recorded on them, he was incredulous and 
scoffed at the cures. However, he fell asleep in the Dormitory and 
dreamed a dream. He thought he was playing dice in the temple and 
that as he was about to make a throw the god seized his hand and straight- 
ened out his fingers. In the morning he went forth whole. Jj) Pan- 
dams, a Thessalian, had letters branded on his forehead. Sleeping in the 
sanctuary he dreamed a dream. He thought that the god bound a fillet 
over the brands and bade him, so soon as he should leave the Dormitory, 
take off the fillet and dedicate it in the temple. When morning came, 
lie arose and took off the fillet, and lo ! the marks had disappeared 
^rom his face. But the letters which had been branded on his brow 
-were now stamped on the fillet, which he dedicated in the temple, as 
the god had commanded him. Now it happened that Echedorus, whose 
face was also branded, came to the sanctuary with money which he had 
received from Pandarus to make a dedicatory offering to Aesculapius. 
Cut he did not make the offering, and as he slept in the sanctuary the 
^od asked him in a dream whether he had not received money from 
Pandarus for the purpose of making a dedicatory offering in the 
temple. The man denied he had received the money, but offered, 
if the god would heal the marks on his face, to have a picture 
of the god painted and hung in the temple. Then the god 
bound the fillet of Pandarus about the brands of Echedorus and 
bade him, on leaving the Dormitory, take off the fillet, wash his 
face in the cistern, and look at himself in the water. Morning being 
come, he went forth from the dormitory and took off the fillet, from 
vhich the letters had now vanished ; and on looking at his own reflec- 
tion in the water, he saw that his face was now branded with the marks 
of Pandarus in addition to his own. (4) A man who suffered much 
^m an ulcer on the toe was brought forth by the attendants and placed 
on a seat. While he slept, a serpent came forth from the dormitory 
and healed the ulcer with his tongue. It then glided back into the 
dormitory. When the man awoke he was cured, and declared that he 
^ seen a vision ; he thought a young man of goodly aspect had 
smeared a salve upon his toe. \i^ Alcetas of Hal ice, a blind man, had 
a dream. He thought that the gbd came and opened his eyes with his 
fingers, and so he saw the trees in the sanctuary for the first time ; in the 
morning he went forth whole. (^ Thyson, a blind boy of Hermion, 
had his eyes licked by one of the dogs about the temple and went away 

These cures are all taken from the first tablet. The following are 
from the second tablet : 

(7) Arata, a Lacedaemonian woman, came to Epidaurus on behalf 
of her daughter who was afflicted with dropsy and had been left behind 

250 SANCTUARY OF AESCULAPIUS bk. ii. corinth 

in Lacedaemon. She slept in the sanctuary and dreamed a dream. 
She thought that the god cut off her daughter's head and hung 
up the headless trunk, neck down. When all the moisture had 
run out, he took down the body, and put on the head again. After 
she had dreamed this dream, the mother returned to Lacedaemon, 
where she found that her daughter was cured, and had seen the very 
same dream. (8) Aristagora, a woman of Troezen, had a worm in her 
stomach. She slept in the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Troezen and 
dreamed a dream. She thought that, Aesculapius being away at 
Epidaurus, his sons cut off her head, but that being unable to put it on 
again they sent for Aesculapius to come and help them. Meanwhile 
day dawned, and the priest saw that the woman's head was of a truth 
severed from her body. The following night Aristagora had another 
dream. She thought that the god came from Epidaurus and put her 
head on her neck ; then he slit open her stomach, took out the worm, 
and sewed up the wound. After that she went away cured. (9) A 
boy, a native of Aegina, had a tumour on his neck. He came to the 
Epidaurian sanctuary, and one of the sacred dogs healed him with his 
tongue. ( i^ Gorgias of Heraclea had been wounded with an arrow 'n^ 
one of his lungs at a battle. Within eighteen months the wound gener- 
ated so much pus that sixty-seven cups were filled with it. He slept in \X^^ 
dormitory, and in a dream it seemed to him that the god removed tl*^ 
barb of the arrow from his lung. In the morning he went forth whol^ 
with the barb of the arrow in his hands. 

See *E0iuic/)2j a/)x«*o\o7iici^, 1883, pp. 197-228 ; iV/., 1885, pp. 1-30; Cawadi^^^ 
Fouilles (T Epidaure^ I. pp. 23-32; Baunack, Studien^ i. p. \20 5qq.\ S. Reina^^ 
in Revue archiologique^ 3rd series, 4 (1884), PP* 76-83 ; «V/., 5 (1885), PP- 265-27^^ 
A- C. Merriam, 'Marvellous cures at Epidaurus,* The American Antiquarian^ 
(1S84), pp. 300-307 (gives translation of first tablet); Collitz, Griech, Dialek^ 
Inschriften, 3. Nos. 3339-334I* 

From these inscriptions we see that sacred dogs were kept in th 
sanctuary of Aesculapius, and that they were supposed to heal the sic^ 
by licking them. Festus {s.v. In insula) says that " dogs are kept ir" 
the temple of Aesculapius because he was suckled by a bitch." Lac^ 
tantius {Divin, Inst. i. 10) also says that the youthful Aesculapius wa^ 
nourished on dog's milk. Hence the story told by Pausanias (ii. 26. 4)^ 
that the infant Aesculapius was suckled by a goat and guarded by a 
dog, appears to be an attempt to combine two separate legends, which 
explained the sacredness of the goat and dog in the worship of Aescu- 
lapius by saying that the god had been suckled by a goat or (according 
to the other version) by a dog. From an inscription it appears that in 
the sanctuary of Aesculapius at Piraeus there were dogs which were fed 
with sacrificial cakes ('E(f>rjfjL€pU dp\aiokoyiKrjy 1885, P* ^^ * C.LA. 
ii. No. 165 1 ; V. Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, /ry////j' z/t?« ^//V/ezwrwj, p. 100). 
j Sometimes the flesh of these sacred dogs seems to have been given to 
' patients to eat as a medicine. At least Sexlus Empiricus says (p. 174, 
ed. Bekker) : " We Greeks think it unholy to eat dog's flesh. But some 
of the Thracians are said to eat dog's flesh, and perhaps this was an 
old Greek custom. Wherefore Diodes, taking a leaf out of the book of 


the disciples of Aesculapius, recommends that the flesh of dogs should 
be given to some patients." Sacred dogs were also kept in the temple 
and grove of Hephaestus at Aetna in Sicily (Aelian, Nat, An. xi. 3), 
and in the temple of Adranus at the city of the same name in Sicily 
{id. xi. 20). In an inscription found at Citium in Cyprus, and containing 
a list of the persons connected with a sanctuary of Astarte (architects, 
masons, scribes, sacristans, etc.), there occurs the Hebrew word for dogs 
(Klbm = Kelabim\ the meaning of which, in this collocation, has given 
rise to some discussion. Mr. S. Reinach plausibly explains it as 
referring to sacred dogs attached to the temple. 

See S. Reinach, ' Les chiens dans le culte d'EscuIape/ Revue archiologique^ 
3rd series, 4 (1884), pp. 129-135 ; H. Gaidoz, * X propos des chiens d'^pidaure,* 
ib. pp. 217-222; Clermont Ganneau, *Esculape et le chien,* Revue critique ^ 15 
December, 1884, pi>. 502-504 ; A. C. Merriam, ' The dogs of Aesculapius,' The 
American Antiquarian, 7 (1885), pp. 285-289. 

Again it appears from one of the Epidaurian inscriptions (see case 4, 
above p. 249) that serpents were kept in the sanctuary, and were believed 
to heal the sick by licking them. See note on ii. 10. 3. 

Besides the inscriptions already mentioned, and a large number of 
minor ones, three other inscriptions found in the sanctuary at Epidaurus 
may be specially mentioned. One records the cure of M. Julius Apellas, 
who had suffered from indigestion and was cured by a course of diet 
and exercise. Another contains a hymn in honour of Aesculapius, com- 
posed by Isyllus of Epidaurus. A third inscription records the decision 
of some Megarian arbitrators in a dispute as to boundaries between the 
£pidaurians and Corinthians. See Cawadias, Fouilles d'Epidaure^ i. 
pp. 33 -y^-i 34 ^99'^ 74 s^* > 'E<fyrifi€pls dpxai'oXoyiKrjy 1883, p. 227 sqq. ; 
«Vi, 1885, PP- 65-84; id, 1886, pp. 141-144; id., 1887, pp. 9-24; 
Baunack, Studien, i. pp. no sqq., 147 sqq., 2. p. 221 sqq. The in- 
scription containing the hymn of Isyllus is the subject of a special 
Volume by Prof. v. Wilamowitz - M Ollendorff, Isyllus von Epidaurus 
(Berlin, 1886). 

27. 4- there he consecrated to Artemis a precinct. This 
precinct, situated on the northern bank of the beautiful little woodland 
lakeof Nemi (the Arician Lake), was excavated in 1885 at the expense 
of Sir John Savile Lumley (afterwards Lord Savile). Remains of the 
temple of Diana (Artemis) and a great many votive offerings were 
discovered. See Athenaeum, 10 October, 1885 ; Bulletino deW Inst, di 
Corrisp. Archeol. 1885, pp. 149 sqq., 225 sqq, ; G. H. Wallis, Catalogue 
of Classical Antiquities from the site of the temple of Diana, Nemi, 

27: 4. the priesthood is the prize of victory in a single 

combat. I have suggested an explanation of this custom in The Golden 

27. 5. a theatre. This, the best preserved and most beautiful 
Greek theatre which survives, lies at the foot of a mountain (supposed 
to be Mount Cynortium, see § 7), about a quarter of a mile to the 
south-cast of the sanctuary of Aesculapius. It was excavated by the 
Greek Archaeological Society in 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 2 . 



The auditorium or part reserved for the spectators is built on lie 
slope of the hill and looks to the north-west. It includes fifiy-6ve tien 
of seats made of while limestone. A broad horizontal passage {diaaoma) 
divides the auditorium into two sections, an upper and a lower ; there are 
twenty-one tiers of seats in the upper section and thirty-four tiers in the 
lower. The lower part is divided into twelve wedge-shaped sections 
{kerkida) by thirteen staircases, each 2 feet wide. In the upper part, 
above the diazoma, the number of staircases is doubled, so that eadi 
wedge-shaped section in the lower part corresponds to two such sections 
in the upper part. The seats consist, as usual, of mere benches without 
backs, except in three of the rows, where they are provided with hacks. 
One of these three rows is the lowest row of all, at the edge of the 

orchestra ; the other two are respectively above and below the diasoma. 
But even in these belter rows Ihe seals are not separated from each 
other by arms, like the chairs in the front row of the theatre at Athens ; 
nor do they bear inscriptions, since they were not, like the chairs at 
Athens, reserved for official personages. The highest row of seats is 
193 feet from the orchestra, and 74 feet above it. Behind it a passage, 
7 feel wide, ran along the outside wall of the building. Of this outside 
wall, about 1 feet thick, only the foundations remain. The two retaining 
walls which supported the auditorium at its two ends are built of 
common ('poros') stone; on the side of the orchestra each of them 
ended in a plinth which served as the pedestal of a statue. On the top 
of each of the retaining walls there ran a balustrade of limestone. The 


auditorium is separated from the orchestra by a passage or rather a 
paved channel, into which the water from the upper part of the theatre 
drained. At each end of this channel there are two holes, through 
ii^'hich the water passed into a subterranean aqueduct. 

The orchestra has the shape of a complete circle. It is surrounded 
by a ring flagged with stones, which does not, however, rise above the 
surface. Within this ring the orchestra proper, a circular space of 
24.32 metres (79 feet 9 inches) in diameter, was not paved but merely 
covered with beaten earth. Exactly in the middle of the orchestra a 
round stone, 2 feet 4 inches in diameter, is fixed into the earth. In its 
upper surface, which is flush with the floor of the orchestra, there is a 
deep round hole, in which the altar of Dionysus may have been fastened. 
The circular shape of the orchestra is particularly interesting, as this 
was perhaps the original form of all Greek orchestras, but in no other 
existing Greek theatre has it been preserved entire. There are, how- 
ever, traces of a circular orchestra in the Dionysiac theatre at Athens 
(vol. 2. p. 226). 

Of the stage enough remains to allow us to reconstruct its plan 
with tolerable certainty. Close to the circle of the orchestra extends a 
row of stones sunk in the ground, which served to support the hypo- 
skenion or front wall of the stage. This front wall of the stage was 
adorned with eighteen half columns of the Ionic order, each with a 
diameter of .33 metre. None of the columns is standing, but the places 
where they stood can still be seen, and fragments of them have been 
found. The height of the wall was 3.55 metres or 12 Greek feet 
exactly. It thus agrees with the statement of Vitruvius (viii. 8) that 
the height of the Greek stage was not less than i o feet and not more 
than 12 feet. The front wall of the stage was perhaps adorned with 
sculpture as well as with half columns ; for Mr. Cavvadias found two 
statues in the space between the orchestra and the base of the wall. 
One was a statue of Aesculapius, the other an archaistic statue of a 
woman, perhaps the goddess Health. Pollux tells us (iv. 124) that 
the hyposkenion or front wall of the stage was commonly decorated with 
columns and statuary. In the middle of the front wall of the stage 
there was a door, exactly opposite the centre of the orchestra. The 
depth of the stage-buildings from front to back is about 9 metres (30 
feet), but of this only perhaps the front portion (2.41 metres deep) was 
the actual stage. At each end of the stage there are two small pro- 
jecting wings, of quadrangular shape, in each of which there is a door. 
In Roman times these doors were apparently disused, and in their 
place statues were set up, the pedestals of which may still be seen. An 
inscription on the eastern of the two pedestals proves that it supported 
a statue of Livia. A ramp or inclined plane led up to the stage at 
either end. In the front wall of each of these ramps, close to the 
projecting wing of the stage, there is a door. On each side of the 
theatre, a broad passage called the parodos led into the orchestra, being 
bounded on the one side by the retaining wall of the auditorium, and on 
the other by the front wall of the ramp which gave access to the stage. 
At the outer end of each of these passages {parodot) there was a door. 

254 THEATRE OF EPIDAURUS bk. ii. corinth 

Spectators entered by these doors, passed on into the orchestra, and 
from it ascended by one or other of the staircases to their seats. 

All the stage-buildings are constructed of common (' poros ') stone. 
In the Roman period they were restored, but the original plan seems 
to have been retained unaltered. According to Mr. Cawadias, the 
foundations of the stage-buildings, including the front wall of the stage, 
are clearly of the Greek period, and are entirely in harmony with the 
general plan of the theatre. In the middle ages the stage-buildings 
were rebuilt, probably to serve as dwelling-houses. At present they 
rise but little above the ancient level of the soil. Down the length of 
the central and largest of these buildings there is a row of five 
square stones sunk at regular intervals in the ground ; they served 
as bases for unfluted columns which supported the roof. At eadi 
end of this central building there are the remains of two chambers 
of which the purpose is not known. 

In recent years Dr. Dorpfeld has propounded a theory that in 
Greek theatres the actors acted, not on a raised stage, but on the 
level of the orchestra, and that the stage-buildings in existing Greek 
theatres were not stages (Aoyctd) on which the actors acted, but merely 
backgrounds in front of which they appeared. But this theory con- 
tradicts (i) the express testimony of Vitruvius (v. 8), of Pollux (who 
says, iv. 127, that the actors ascended the stage from the orchestra by 
ladders or staircases), and of other ancient writers who speak of actors 
ascending and descending (Aristophanes, Knights^ 149, Wasps^ I342t 
1 5 14, Eccles, 1 1 52; Schol. on Aristophanes, Knights^ I49 ; P^^^ 
Symposium^ p. 194 b) ; (2) the evidence of Greek vases, on which the 
actors are plainly depicted acting on a raised stage adorned in front 
with columns like the stages at Epidaurus and Oropus (Baumeister's 
Denkmdlery p. 1751 5qq,)\ (3) the evidence of existing Greek theatres 
in which may be seen structures bearing all the outward appearance of 
having been stages and answering fairly to Vitruvius's description of 
the Greek stage ; (4) the evidence of a Delian inscription of the year 
282 B.C. in which the stage-building is definitely called the Aoyciov or 
place where the actors spoke {Bull, de Corresp, HelUn, 18 (1894), pp- 
162, 165 sqq. ; O. Navarre, LHonysos^ p. 307 sqq,) ; and (5) the rules 
of probability, since it is very unlikely {a) that substantial structures* 
deep as well as long, such as we find in existing Greek theatres, should 
have been built merely as a background, when a simple wall would 
have answered the purpose ; {b) that the actors should have been 
concealed from many of the spectators, especially from those who 
occupied the best seats in the front row, by the interposition of the 
chorus, as they must have been if the chorus intervened between them 
and the audience, as Dr. Dorpfeld supposes. On all these grounds 
Dr. Dorpfeld's theory may be rejected, at least until he supports it by 
much stronger arguments than he has hitherto adduced. 

We learn from Pausanias that the architect of the theatre was 
Polyclitus. This was no doubt the same Polyclitus who built the 
Rotunda ; and as the Polyclitus who built the Rotunda was the younger 
artist of that name (see above p. 248), it follows that the theatre was 
built about the middle of the fourth century B.C. 


As to the Epidauiian theatre see Ilpa/rrcird rrfl *Apx<'^o\, 'EroupLas, 1 88 1, p. 
; s^., and Appendix, pp. 1-40; id., 1882, pp. 75-77; id., 1883, pp. 46-48; 
ivvadias, FauilUs cTEpidaurty I. pp. 10-13; Kawerau, in Baumeister*s 
enkmdUr, p. 1738 sqq, ; K. Dumon, Lc thidtre de Polyclite, Reconstruction 
apris un module (Paris 1889) ; v. Christ, ' Das Theater des Polyklet in 
pidauros,' Sitzungsberichte d. philosoph, philolog, u, histor. Classe d, k, b. Akcui. 

IVissen, tu Afiinchen, 1894, pp. I -52 ; Baedeker,' p. 252 ; Guide-Joantie, 2. p. 
(I sq. Dr. Dorpfeld's theory of the al^nce of a stage in Greek theatres, though 
omulgated about ten years ago, has not ^et been fully explained and defended by 
m, but he has incidentally expounded it on several occasions. See A. MUller, 
^ie griechische BUhnencUterthUnur, p. 109 note ; Bull, de Corr, Ilellht, 18 (1894), 
. 167 sq. ; O. Navarre, Dionysos, p. 310 x^. ; Berliner philologische IVocAen- 
hrift^ 22 December, 1894, p. 1645 saq. ; id,, 12 January 1895, P* ^5 ^99' J 
f.y 26 January 1895, p. 144 sqq. His theorv has been combated b)r Mr. A. £. 
laigh {TAe Att^ Theatre, p. 141) ; Prof. v. Christ (in the dissertation cited above) ; 
I. Dumon {Etudes d*art Grec (Paris, 1894), p. 15 sqq.); and O. Navarre 
Dumysos (Paris, 1895), PP* ^7 -^^^m 3^6 sqq,) On the other hand the existence 
fa stage in Greek theatres of the Bfth century B.C. has been denied by Mr. J. 
^ickard (* The relative position of actors and chorus in the Greek theatre of the 
ifth century B.C.,' American JoumcU of Philology, 14 (1893), pp. 68-89, 198-215. 
73-304); E. Bodensteiner (*Skenische Fragen,' JahrbUcner fUr classische 
^hilologie, Supplementband 19 (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 639-808) ; and fc. Weissmann 
Die scenische Auffiihrung der griech, Dramen des 5. Jahrhunderts, MUnchen, 


The excavations of 1893 ^^i^ \y^xt. a large square building opposite 
he theatre. It includes colonnades and chambers, and resembles both 
n size and internal arrangement the great gymnasium beside the 
itadium. See II^KTtKa t^s *Apx<**o^» 'Eratptas, 1893, p. 10. 

27. 5. a temple of ArtenUB. The remains of this small temple are 
situated about 30 yards south-east of the temple of Aesculapius. Only 
the foundations, with some pieces of the pavement, are standing. It was 
a Doric temple of the sort called prostyle hexastyle, which means that 
it had six columns on the front (the east), but none at the sides or back. 
Its length was 13.50 metres and its breadth 9.60 metres. In the 
interior there was a row of columns on each of three sides. Like the 
temple of Aesculapius it was built of common (* poros ') stone, except 
the cornice (o-T€<^ai^), and the roof-tiles, which were of marble, and the 
pavement, which was composed of flags of hard limestone. The temple 
rested on three steps, but access to it was by a ramp or inclined plane 
on the east side. To the east of this ramp a pavement of common 
(' poros ') stone is preserved, on which an altar may have stood. The 
exact date of the temple cannot be inferred from its architectural frag- 
ments, but probably it was not much later than that of the temple of 
Aesculapius. The reasons for identifying this little temple with the 
temple of Artemis are as follows : ( i ) The external cornice was 
ornamented with dogs' heads instead of the usual lions' heads, and the 
dog, as is well known, was sacred to Artemis in her character of Hecate : 
[2) near the eastern fagade of the temple there stands, in its original 
wsition, a large pedestal bearing a dedication * to Artemis ' ('Afyrdfiiri) 
nscribed on it in large archaic letters ; (3) about half-way between this 
emple and the temple of Aesculapius there was found a statue of the 
riple Hecate, on the base of which is inscribed a dedication by a certain 
"abuUus * to Artemis Hecate, hearer (of prayers) ' (Cavvadias, Fouilles 

256 SANCTUARY OF AESCULAPIUS bk. ii. corinth 

d^ipidaure^ i. p. 58, No. 141). Other inscriptions containing 
dedications to Artemis have been ifound in the sanctuary (Cawadias, 
op. cit.^ Inscriptions iii, 126, 127, 128, 147, 148, 162; *E<l>7jfUfHi 
dpxaioKoyiKrjf 1 894, p. 80, Inscr. No. 12). Near the temple of 
Artemis were found three winged figures of Victory, which may have 
stood upon the roof. 

See Ilpaimicd rip *ApxcLio\, ^Ercuplas, 1884, pp. 61-63; Cawadias, Fouilks 
cTApidaure, i. p. i% sq, 

27. 5. Epione. She was the wife of Aesculapius (ii. 29. i). In an 
inscription, found in the sanctuary of Aesculapius, it is recorded that 
a certain M. Julius Apellas was commanded by the god to sacrifice to 
Aesculapius, Epione, and the Eleusinian goddesses (Cawadias, Fouilks 
dEpidaure^ i. p. 33). Another inscription, found in the sanctuary, 
mentions a certain Stephanus who had been a * Fire-bearer' of 
Aesculapius and Epione ; the inscription dates from 133 a.d. (Cawadias, 
Fouilles dkpidaure^ i. p. 43, No. 35). Cp. S. Wide, De sacris 
Troezeniorum^ Hermionensium^ Epidauriorumy p. 57. 

27. 5. a sanctuary of Aphrodite. In 1892 the foundation or 
platform {crepidomd) of a small temple was found at a considerable 
distance to the north-east of the temple of Aesculapius. As an inscrip- 
tion found on the spot mentions a sum of money paid to a certain 
Heraclidas for stones brought to the sanctuary of Aphrodite, the founda- 
tion or platform may be that of the sanctuary of Aphrodite here mentioned 
by Pausanias. See AcXTtov o-p^iokoyiKov^ 1892, p. 39 ; II/aaKTiKa 
Ti}? 'Apxato^' 'Eratptas, 1892, p. 55. A statue of Aphrodite, life-siie, 
was found in 1886 in the Roman baths to the north-east of the temple 
of Aesculapius. It is of Parian marble. The feet, nose, and most of 
the right arm are wanting. The statue reproduces, with some variations, 
the type known as the Venus Genetrix of which the most famous 
example is in the Louvre (M tiller- Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. pi. xxiv. No. 
263 ; see above, vol. 2. p. 192). The goddess is represented standing 
erect, her weight resting on her right foot ; her head is inclined a little 
forward and to the right. She wears a light tunic which, though it 
reaches to her feet, is too thin to veil the beautiful form beneath. 
Moreover it has slipped down from her right shoulder, leaving the right 
breast bare. A mantle is fastened over her left shoulder, and falls in 
graceful folds so as to swathe the body from the hips. At her left side 
she wore a sword ; the sword-belt is slung over the right shoulder and 
passes obliquely across the breast. In her left hand, which is raised, the 
goddess may have held a spear. The statue is certainly a copy of a 
work of the best Greek period. Mr. Cawadias considers it the finest of 
all the existing examples of this type of statue ; in his opinion the copy 
itself must have been executed at a time when Greek art was still at a 
high level, perhaps in the Alexandrine age. See B. Staes, in 'F,<f)r)fA€pis 
dpxaioXoyiKrj, 1 886, pp. 256-258 ; Cawadias, FAvTrra tov 'EiOvikov 
Movcrciou, No. 262. A plinth inscribed with the name of Aphrodite was 
found in the sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cawadias, Fouilles d^ Epidaurc, 
I. p. 57, No. 125). 


27. 5. a stadium. Even before the recent excavations the lines of 
le stadium might be traced to the south and south-west of the Rotunda, 
n 1 894 the stadium was excavated, at least in part. The first trench- 
igs brought to light several rows of marble seats in perfect preservation, 
^embling those of the theatre {Athenaeum^ 19 May, 1894, p. 654). 
'he starting-point and goal have both been found (American Journal 
(Archaeology^ 10 (1895), p. 116 ; Classical Review^ 9 (1895), ?• 335)' 
27. 6. The buildings erected in our time by the Roman senator 
Lntoninns. If the reference is to Antoninus Pius, the passage must 
ave been written before 138 A.D., when Antoninus became emperor. 
f the reference is to Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the passage must have 
►een written before 161 A.D., when Aurelius succeeded Pius on the 
brone. But as we know from Pausanias (viii. 43. 4) that Antoninus 
^ius adorned Greece with many buildings, it seems more probable that 
he reference is to him. Thus Pausanias would seem to have written 
he second book, or at least this part of it, in the reign of Hadrian. Cp. 
-eake, Topography of Athens^ i. p. 28 ; Siebelis, vol. i. p. vii. of his 
:dition of Pausanias. Mr. W. Gurlitt, however, has shown some grounds 
or supposing that the second book was not written till after 165 A.D. 
Ueber Pausanias^ p. i ; see above, note on 26. 9). On the other 
land, Schubart thought that there is no ground for identifying "the 
Roman senator Antoninus " with either of the emperors (Zeitschrift fur 
Alterthumswissenschafty 1851, p. 298). 

27. 6. a bath of Aesculapius. This may be the large building to 
the north of the temple of Aesculapius. See above p. 238 ; and IIpaKTiKa 
ri\%*kp\, 'Eratpias, 1 886, p. 79 J^. ; /V/., 1887, p. 67. A roof- tile, 
discovered in the building, is inscribed with the name of Antoninus, 
which confirms the identification (Cawadias, Fouilles (P Epidaure^ i. p. 
107, x\o. 247). 

27. 6. the Oolonnade of Gotys. In 1892 the foundations of a 
^drangular building were excavated to the east of the stadium. It 
sctms to have been a colonnade, and as a roof-tile of clay, inscribed with 
the name of Antoninus, was found in it, we may conjecture that it was 
^ colonnade of Cotys which, as Pausanias tells us, Antoninus restored. 
See AcXtiov apx<^ioAoy4KOv, 1892, p. 49 sq, ; II/xzKrtKa Tr^%* Kp\a.i,o\, 
WpMis, 1892, p. 54 sq, 

27. 6. built of unbumt brick. Dr. Dorpfeld has shown that this 

material was extensively employed in building by the ancient Greeks, 

and he has traced some of the characteristics of Greek architecture, 

especially of the Doric style, to the very general use in early times of 

unbumt brick. All the upper portions of the walls in the Heraeum at 

Olympia (see v. 16) were of this material. See W. Dorpfeld 'Der 

antike Ziegelbau und sein Einfluss auf den dorischen Stil,' Histor, und 

pkilolog. Aufsdtze Ernst Curtius gewidmet^ pp. 139-150. On the 

Greek mode of making these bricks, see Bliimner, Technologic^ 2. p. i^sq. 

Structures built of unbumt brick are often mentioned by Pausanias. See 

V. 5. 6 ; vi. 20. 1 1 ; viii. 8. 8 ; x. 4. 4 ; x. 35. 10. 

.27. 7. Osmortium — Maleatian Apollo. Mt. Cynortium is supposed 
be the hill at the south-east comer of the valley, above the theatre, on 

VOL. Ill S 

258 MALE ATI AN APOLLO bk. ii. corinth 

the way to Troezen. The ruins and inscriptions which have been found 
on this hill may have belonged to the sanctuary of Maleatian Apollo 
mentioned by Pausanias (Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 419). They are situated 
on a plateau on the side of the hill, above some ruins called Kamari, 
Here, along with various remains of Greek antiquity, there is a rect- 
angular base inscribed with the name of Latona (Cawadias, FouiUes 
d^ Epidaure^ i. p. 56, No. 124). From an inscription which records a 
decree to set up a bronze equestrian statue of a certain Aristobulus 'in 
the sanctuary of Maleatian Apollo and Aesculapius ' (Cawadias, FmdUa 
d^Epidaure^ i. p. 75 J^., No. 235), it appears that the great Epidaurian 
sanctuary was sacred to Maleatian Apollo jointly with Aesculapius. The 
Maleatian Apollo is mentioned, sometimes alone, sometimes jointly with 
Aesculapius in a number of Epidaurian inscriptions, mostly found in the 
sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cawadias,^. r//.. Inscriptions 6, 51, 70,93, 
130, 131; *E<fyr)fi€pls apxaiokoyiKri, 1 883, pp. 149, 237; Baunack, 
Studien, i. pp. 94, 118; Collitz, G, A /. 3. No. 3337). In the hymn of 
Isyllus of Epidaurus (see above, p. 234) the epithet Maleatian appears to 
be derived from the legendary Malus, who, according to Isyllus, " was the 
first who made an altar of Maleatian Apollo and glorified his precinct 
with sacrifices." The precinct here referred to is probably the great 
sanctuary of Aesculapius rather than the sanctuary of Maleatian Apollo 
on Mount Cynortium ; since Isyllus goes on to relate that Aesculapius, 
the great-grandson of Malus, was bom in the precinct. Thus it would 
seem that in the opinion of Isyllus the great Epidaurian sanctuary bad 
been sacred to Maleatian Apollo before Aesculapius was bom. From 
the same poem of Isyllus we learn that at Tricca in Thessaly, the scat of 
a very ancient and famous sanctuary of Aesculapius (Strabo, ix. p. 437)> 
there was an altar of Maleatian Apollo upon which the worshipper 
had to offer sacrifice before he might descend into the shrine {adytutn) 
of Aesculapius. Maleatian Apollo was worshipped also at Sparta (Paus. 
iii. 12. 8). A small bronze figure of a warrior, found at Selinus in 
Cynuria, is inscribed with a dedication to Maleatian Apollo {MtttkdL d. 
arch. Inst, in Aihen^ 3 (1878), pp. 16-18, with pL i. 2 ; Roehl, /. G.A- 
No. 57 ; Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ i. No. 250). A small bronze rami 
also found in Cynuria, bears the inscription MaAcaTo, i.e. * (the property) 
of Maleatian (Apollo) ' (Roehl, /. G. A. No. 89 ; Roberts, op. cit. No- 
289). Cp. Preller, Griech. Mythologie^^ i. p. 252. 

28. I. The serpents axe considered sacred to Aesculapiiis- 

** The yellow snakes which were sacred to Aesculapius, and which ar« 
perfectly harmless, are yet found in the country. They were seldom 
seen even when they were held in reverence ; but an English traveller* 
who will probably give to the public an account of his tour in Epidauria^ 
was so fortunate as to see one, and to examine its peculiarities " (Gell, 
Itinerary of Greece^ p. 109). 

28. I. land-crocodiles not less than two ells long. Herodotus 
says (iv. 192) that in the part of North Africa which is now called 
Tripoli there were " land crocodiles, about three cubits long, very like 
lizards." Upon this Sir Gardner Wilkinson remarks (in Rawlinspn's 
translation) : " This immense lizard, or monitor, is very common in Egypt 


id other parts of Africa. It is called in Arabic W6ran, or Wurran e' 
^bel, * of the mountains/ or W. el ard, * of the earth,* to distinguish it 
om Wurran el bahr * of the river.' The former is the Lacerta scincus ; 
le latter Z. NiloHca, It is generally about 3 feet long ; and I have 
•und one very large, which measured about 4 feet. The latter is rather 
nailer." The land crocodile is also mentioned by Aristotle (quoted by 
pollonius, Histor. Mirab, 39) and Aelian {Nat An, i. 58, xvi. 6). 
p. J. B. Meyer, Aristoteles Thierkunde^ p. 307. 

28. I. From India alone are broni^t parrots. Parrots are first 

lentioned by Ctesias (Jndica^ 3, ed. Baehr ; Photius, Bibliotheca^ 72, p. 

5 a, ed. Bekker). He calls the bird Bittakos, and says '* it has a human 

)ngue and voice. It is about the size of a hawk, it has a purple face, a 

lack beard, and a dark blue neck. It talks like a human being in the 

ndian language, but can be taught to speak Greek also." The parrot is 

icxt mentioned by Aristotle {Histor. Anim, viii. 12, p. 597 b, ed. Bekker). 

3p. Pliny, Nat Hist x. 117; Solinus, lii. 43 sqq,^ p. 2 1 1 j^., ed. Mommsen 

^with Mommsen's preface, p. xxii.) ; Apuleius, Florida^ ii. 12 ; Persius, 

Prologue^ 8 ; Martial, x. 3. 7, xiv. 73 ; Statius, Sylv, ii. 4. Although 

parrots seem to have been imported by the classical nations from India 

alone, yet they were known to exist in Africa also ; for an exploring 

expedition sent by Nero into Ethiopia discovered parrots in that country 

(Pliny, N.H. vi. 184). At the present day the ring-necked parrot 

extends across Africa from the mouth of the Gambia to the Red Sea. 

In Asia parrots are not found west of the valley of the Indus. See 

Encyclopaedia Britannica^ 9th ed. vol. 18, s,v, 'Parrot.' In Greek and 

Roman graves discovered in the south of Russia, parrots have been 

found represented on objects of art ; e,g, there are some vases fashioned 

and painted like parrots. See Compte Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1870-71, 

PL 6; /V/., 1873, P- 56; id,y 1878 -1879, p. 161, cp. p. 166; /V., 

188 1, p. no. On a silver bowl found at Lampsacus a black woman, 

^earing a turban and a spangled robe, is represented seated on a 

iond of sofa. Grouped about her are what seem to be long-tailed 

monkeys, a parrot, a turkey, and two lions, each of the latter with a rope 

nxind its neck which is held by a small black woman. The seated black 

Ionian is perhaps India (or Asia) surrounded by its characteristic 

aninoals. See Gazette archMogique^ 3 (1877), pl* I9« (The writer who 

comments on this bowl, pp. 1 19-122, thinks that the seated woman is the 

Asiatic Artemis, and he calls the monkeys dogs. He takes no notice of 

the woman's colour nor of the remarkable birds on each side of her.) 

28. 2. Mount Ooryphum. This according to Leake is probably 
the mountain to the south-east of the Epidaurian sanctuary {Morea, 2. 
?■ 425). Others think it is the hill which shuts the valley on the 
south-west (Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 419 ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 76). 

28. 8. Melissa. See Herodotus, iii. 50, v. 92 ; Athenaeus, xiii. p. 
589 f ; Diogenes Laertius, i. 7. 94. 

29. I. the city of Epidaums. The city of Epidaurus was five 
Roman miles distant from the sanctuary of Aesculapius (Livy, xlv. 28). 
But it takes about two hours and a half to ride the distance, for the 
oad is very rough. The scenery on the way is extremely beautiful — a 


great contrast to the dull road from Nauplia to the sanctuary. The 
path leaves the open valley by a narrow glen at its northern end, and 
leads down deeper and deeper through luxuriantly wooded dells into the 
bottom of a wild romantic ravine. Here we follow the rocky bed of the 
stream for some distance between lofty precipitous banks. Farther on 
the path ascends the right bank of the stream, and we ride along it, with 
the deep ravine below us on the left and a high wall of rock on the right 
The whole glen, as far as the eye can reach, is densely wooded. Wild 
olives, pines, plane-trees, Agnus castus, laurel, and ivy mantle its steep 
sides with a robe of green. In half an hour from the sanctuary another 
valley opens on the left, down which comes the road from Ligourio, 
After joining it we continue to follow the glen along a path darkened by 
trees and the luxuriant foliage of the arbutus, while beside us the stream 
flows through thickets of myrtle and oleander. In about half an hoar 
more the valley opens out, and we see the sea, with the bold rodcy 
headland of Methana stretching out into it on the right, the islands of 
Salami s and Aegina rising from it, and the Attic coast lying blue and 
distant on the northern horizon. Emerging at last from the valley we 
cross a little maritime plain, covered with lemon groves, and reach the 
site of the ancient Epidaurus. Its position is very lovely. From the 
little maritime plain, backed by high mountains, the sides of which are 
wooded with wild olives, a rocky peninsula juts out into the sea, united 
to the mainland only by a narrow neck of low marshy ground. It 
divides two bays from each other : the northern bay is well sheltered 
and probably formed the ancient harbour ; the southern bay is an open 
roadstead. The ancient city seems to have lain chiefly on the peninsula, 
but to have extended also to the shores of the two bays. The rodcy 
sides of the peninsula fall steeply into the sea, and it rises in two peaks 
to a height of about 250 feet; both peaks are thickly wooded; the 
eastern is the higher. The circuit of the peninsula was reckoned at 
15 furlongs (Strabo, viii. p. 374). On the edge of its sea-cliffs maybe 
seen in many places, especially on its southern side, remains of the 
strong walls which enclosed the city. They are built chiefly in the 
polygonal style, of large blocks well cut and jointed. On both the 
summits may also be traced, in spite of many gaps, fortifications built io 
the same style. The sanctuary of Cissaean Athena, mentioned by 
Pausanias, may have occupied the western of the two summits. ^ 
retaining wall, which may have served to support the sanctuary, may 
still be seen here ; and in a hollow to the west there is a marble seat- 
Everywhere we come across longer or shorter pieces of walls, an^ 
ruins of buildings, many of which, however, are mediaeval. On tb^ 
northern edge of the eastern summit are some graves, which have beei^ 
opened. Among the shrubbery which has overgrown the site Dodwel^ 
found the ruins of a small Doric temple ; and among the bushes on th^ 
marshy isthmus Vischer saw three female draped figures carved on 
sarcophaguses, and the torso of a man in armour. A small rocky spit 
juts into the northern bay, thus forming, along with the larger peninsula 
on the south, the harbour proper of the ancient city. On this rocky 
spit, to judge from Pausanias' s description, must have stood the 


nctuary of Hera. Its site is supposed to be marked by a chapel of 
:. Nicholas. The view from the summit of the higher peninsula (the 
te of the ancient city) is very fine, especially when the island-studded 
a and the high bold promontory of Methana on the south are lit up by 
e rays of the setting sun. 

The modem village, called Old Epidaurus {Palaea Epidavro5\ 
ands on the northern bay, near the shore. On the slope of the 
ountain not far from the village, to the left of the road as you 
)me from the sanctuary of Aesculapius, seven prehistoric tombs were 
scovered and excavated by Mr. Staes in 1888. They are hewn in the 
)ck, and resemble the rock-cut tombs of Mycenae and Nauplia. They 
re of circular shape ; the entrances were blocked with large stones, 
keletons and vases of the Mycenaean type were found in them, also a 
ronze spear-head of fine workmanship, and a bronze buckle. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. pp. 261-264; Gell, Itimrary of Greece, pp. 1 10- 114; 
-eake, Morea, 2, pp. 429-431 ; Boblaye, Recherchts, p. 55 ; Wclcker, Tagebuchy 
• PP" 33^*334 » Curtius, Pehp, 2. p. 424 sqqr, Vischer, Erinmrungen^ p. 508 sq,% 
krsian, Geogr, 2. p. 74 ; MahafTy, Rambles and Studies y p. 371 ; Baedeker,' p. 249 
q.\ Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 209 sq,\ Philippson, PeloponneSy p. 39; Staes, in tatKriov 
IpXcuoXoytK^r, 1888, pp. 155-158. 

29. I. The image of Athena is of wood they surname 

it Oissaean. This surname may perhaps be derived from kissos * ivy.' 
If this derivation is right, the image was probably made of ivy-wood. 
Dionysus was worshipped under the title of Ivy at Achamae in Attica 
(Paus. i. 31. 6). At Phlius there was a festival called Ivy-cutters 
(Paus. ii. 13. 4). Compare S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Her- 
fnimensium, Epidauriorum^ p. 18 j^. It seems probable, as Prof. 
Wide suggests, that Cissaean Athena, worshipped on the acropolis of 
Epidaurus, is identical with the Athena Polias who is mentioned in an 
inscription found in the Epidaurian sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cawadias, 
Smiles iPApidaurey i. p. 50, No. 76). 

29. 2. The Aeginetans inhabit the island etc. The island of 
^egina has an area of 33 square miles, and its circimiference is about 22 
tniies, reckoning from cape to cape (Dodwell, Tour^ i. p. 561 ; 
Bacdeker,2 p. 136 Engl. tr. ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 64). Strabo 
fives the circumference as 180 furlongs (viii. p. 375). The western 
half of the island is a stony plain, well cultivated with com. The rest is 
mountainous, and may be divided into two parts ; a remarkable conical 
Wl, now called the Oros^ which occupies all the southern extremity, and 
the ridge on which the famous ruined temple stands, at the north-eastern 
side of the island (Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 433). 

29. 2. Zens caused the people to spring np from the ground. 

Fiedler {Reise^ i. p. 275) was disposed to connect this legend with the 
5ne potter's clay which is found in Aegina ; he thought that the skill 
»hich we may presume the islanders to have attained in working the 
lay into human figures may have originated the story. Another 
egend was that Zeus turned all the ants in Aegina into men, who hence 
eceived the name of Myrmedons ( = * ants,' cp. Hesychius, s,v, fivpfirf- 
oV€s). See Schol. on Pindar, A^em, iii. 3 1 ; Tzetzes, ScAoL on Lycophr, 


176; ApoUodonis, iii. 12. 6; EtymoL Magn, p. 597. 4 sqq,\ Ovid, 
Met. vii. 623 sqq, ; Strabo, viii. p. 375. Another story was that Zeus, 
transforming himself into an ant, became the father of the Myrmedons 
by Eurymedusa, daughter of Cletor. For this reason the people of 
Thessaly (where the Myrmedons had their chief seat) were said to 
worship ants. See Clement of Alex., Proirept, ii. 39. Ants are said to 
have been sacrificed to Poseidon on the Isthmus (Hermann, GotUs- 
dienstliche Alterthumer^ § 26. 9). 

29. 3. The region had already received its name etc Cp. 

X. I. I. 

29. 4. AJax remained in a private station. This is inconsistent 1 
with i. 42. 4, as Schubart pointed out (Zeitschrift /. Alterthumswissen- 
schafty 185 1, p. 294). 

29. 4* Epens who made the wooden horse. See Homer, ; 

Od, viii. 492 sqq, 

29. 5. the people were expelled by the Athenians. This ; 

happened in 431 B.C. See Thucydides, ii. 27; cp. Paus. ii. 38. 5. 
The restoration of the Aeginetans took place in 405 B.C. (Xenopboiii 
Hellenica^ ii. 2. 9). 

29. 6. sunken rocks and reefs rise all round it. Chandler, who 
coasted along Aegina, says : " Our crew was for some time engaged in 
looking out for one of the lurking shoals, with which it is environed 
These, and the single rocks extant above the surface, are so many in 
number, and their position so dangerous, that the navigation to Aegina 
was antiently reckoned more difficult than to any other of the islands" 
( Travels in Greece ^ p. 13). 

29. 6. the harbour in which vessels mostly anchor. The 
modern town of Aegina, on the western shore of the island, occupies 
almost exactly the site of the ancient city, except that the latter was . 
much more extensive, as is proved by the traces of the city-walls. The 
ancient town had two artificial harbours, the moles of which are still in 
fairly good preservation. The northerly of the two harbours is the 
smaller ; it is oval in form and is sheltered by two ancient moles which 
leave only a narrow passage in the middle, between the ruins of two 
towers which stood on either side of the entrance. To the southward 
is the second and larger harbour ; it is twice as large as the former* 
Its entrance is similarly protected by ancient walls or moles, 15 or 20 
feet thick. Between the two harbours there seems to have been 3 
succession of small basins or docks, separated from the sea by a wall, 
and communicating with the two harbours. Both ports were doubtless 
closed by chains in time of danger, and so were what the ancients 
called * closed harbours ' (kAcmttoi At/xevcs). A little to the north of the 
two harbours there was an open roadstead, sheltered on the north by a 
breakwater, on which there seems to have stood a wall forming a 
prolongation of the landward wall of the city. "There is no more 
remarkable example in Greece of the labour and expense bestowed 
by the ancients in forming and protecting their artificial harbours" 

On the landward side the city-walls could, at the beginning of this 


:ntury, still be traced through their whole extent. They were from 
3 10 1 2 feet thick, and were strengthened by towers at intervals 
trying from too to 150 feet. The wall was further protected by a 
loat cut in the solid rock about 100 feet wide and from 10 to 15 feet 
L depth. There appear to have been three chief entrances, of which 
le one near the middle of the land front, leading to the temple of 
.tbena, "was constructed apparently like the chief gate of the city of 
lataea, with a retired wall between two round towers." To the south- 
ard the town-walis abutted upon the mole of the larger harbour, 
hich formed a continuation of the city-wall. At present only a few 
'aces of the city-wall are visible above ground on the landward 

See Leake, Merea, z. p. 436 iq. ; Annali dell' InslUule, 1 (1829), p. 204: 
ockerell, TAt Umptes o/Jufiler PanhiHmius al Aegina, and of Apollo Efiinirius 
'. Basiat, p. 9 sq, ; Wefcker, TagibtKh, i. p. 334 sq. ; Bursian, Gtogr. 1. p. Si 
'. ; Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 324 sq. ; Baedeker,' p. 1 39 sqq. 

On one of the coins (Fig. 43) of Aegina a semi-circular port is 
ipresented, with a ship in it ; above the port is a 
exastyle temple or colonnade, in the midst of 
'hich is a door with steps leading up to it. The 
olonnade may perhaps be that of the temple 
iphrodite (see next note) ; but it looks more like 
theatre, market, or wharf. See Imhoof-Blumer 
nd Gardner, Num. Comm. on Parts, p. 4;, with 

29. 6. a temple of Aphrodite. On a mound nc 43-— the fort of 
lear the sea, a little to the north of the present ahjik* (com of 
oorn of Aegina, stands a Doric column which is 
>lKn supposed to have formed part of the temple of Aphrodite mentioned 
^ Pausanias. But since it stands near the smaller harbour (which was 
pnibably the Secret Harbour, see § 10), this is very doubtful. When 
Chandler visited Aegina in 1765, there were still two columns 
standing, supporting the architrave (Chandler, TravtU in Greece, 
i- [4). Dodwell and Leake at the beginning of this century found 
tile tiro columns still standing, but one of them had lost its capital 
lod the upper part of the shaft. The entire column, including the capital, 
Ws 25 ft high, and 3 ft. 9 in. in diameter at the base. Both 
columns were of the most elegant form. The intercolumniation was 
't 4 in. 6 lines. The entire column was blown down a few years 
ifter Dodweil's visit ; only the imperfect one now stands. From the 
^e dimensions of the columns Leake inferred that the temple must 
Uve been that of Hecate, the chief deity of the Aeginetans (Paus. ii. 
Id 2). See Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 560 ; Leake, Morca, 1. pp. 435 sq., 
j8 ; Vischcr, Erinncrungen, p. 511; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 82; 
laedeker,* p. 140; Wordsworth, Athens and Attica* p. 225 sq.; 
'ntiguifies 0/ Ionia, Pub. by the Society of Dilettanti, Part the Second 
^odon, 1797) p- 15, with pi. I. In 1829 some of the foundation- 
ones of the temple were removed to be used in repairing the harbour. 
was then discovered that the foundations consisted of eleven courses 


of squared blocks, most of which measured 4 ft. long by 3 ft. wide 
The material both of the foundations and of the column is a calcareous 
stone of a yellowish colour, which is quarried in the island. See Annali 
delV Instituto^ i (1829), p. 205 sqq. 

29. 6. the Aeaceum. Le, the sanctuary of Aeacus. Leake suggested 
that it "may have been situated upon the elevated level towards the 
plain" {Morea^ 2. p. 438). 

29. 7. A drought had for some time afflicted Greece etc. Cp. 
i. 44. 9 ; Apollodorus, iii. 12. 6 ; Isocrates, Evagoras, 14 sq. 

29. 8. it is told as a secret that this altar is the tomb of 
Aeacns. As to secret graves see vol. 2. p. 366 sq. 

29. 9. the grave of Phocus. This has sometimes been identified 
with a large barrow about 40 ft. high, situated about a mile to the 
north of the town of Aegina ; it attracts the eye of the voyager approadi- 
ing from Piraeus. At the foot of the barrow a large space, approximately 
square, has been levelled in the rock ; one side of it is about 100 yards 
long. This excavation can hardly be the Aeaceum, since that structure 
was (according to Pausanias) in the most conspicuous part of the city. 
See Dodwell, Tour^ i. p. 559 ; Annali deW Instituto^ i (1829), pp- 
207-209 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 82 sq, ; Baedeker,^ p. 141 ; Wordsworth, 
Athens and Attica^^ p. 226. 

29. 9. the murder of Neoptolemus. Cp. x. 24. 4 note. 

29. 10. plead his defence from the deck of a ship etc Cp- >• 
28. II note. Plato in the Laws (ix. p. 866 d) enacted that if ^ 
banished homicide should be driven ashore in the country where ^^ 
had committed the offence, he was not to land, but to dip his feet ^^ 
the sea, and hold on his voyage. (The passage is rather obscure, b^^ 
this seems to be the sense of it.) 

29. II. the Secret Harbour. This was perhaps the smaller (tl^^ 
northerly) of the two ports of Aegina. See note on § 6. 

30. I. The image of Apollo is naked etc. On a coin of Aegii^^ 
an archaic nude Apollo is represented, holding a bow and a branch. *^ 
may be a copy of the wooden image mentioned by Pausanias. 5^ 
Imhoof - Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comnt. on Pans, p. 45, pi. L *** 
In the church of St. Michael at a place called Marathona on xX^^ 
western coast of Aegina there is a marble slab inscribed with the wor^^ 
" Boundary of the precinct of Apollo and Poseidon " (WordswortJ^^ 
Athens and Attica^ p. 231). 

30. 2. mysteries of Hecate. This festival of Hecate is referr^^ 
to by Lucian {Navig, 15), and perhaps by Aristophanes {Wasps, 122 > 
Cp. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 242. 

30. 2. Myron Alcamenes Hecate etc. Alcamenes was -^ 

contemporary of Phidias. See Paus. v. 10. 8 note. Myron flourished 
about 01. 80 (460 B.C.) (Pliny, Nat. hist, xxxiv. 49), but the limits o 
his artistic career are somewhat difficult to determine. See Brunn, ii^ 
Sitsungsberichte of the Bavarian Academy (Munich), Philosoph. 
philolog. Class, 1880, p. 474 sqq. On the triple-formed Hecate in art, 
see the elaborate dissertation of E. Petersen, * Die dreigestaltige 
Hekate,* Archaeolog.-efiigraph. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreick, 4 (1880), 


pp. 140-174; id,y 5 (1881), pp. 1-84; cp. Murray, HisL of Greek 
Sculpture^ 2. p. 1 40 sq. The triple Hecate appears on coins of Aegina 
(Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm, on Pans, p. 45, pi. L iii.) 
The Hecate on the Tower at Athens (cp. i. 22. 4 note), who is here 
mentioned by Pausanias, may be identical with the Artemis on the 
Tower (Artemis Epipyrgidia) whose fire-bearing priest had a seat in 
the Dionysiac theatre (C. /. A, iii. No. 268). 

30. 3. a sanctnary of Aphaea. On the northern slope of Mt. 
Oros (see note on 29. 2), in a wild and lonely valley, there is a terrace 
supported upon walls of great blocks of trachyte. On this terrace there 
is a ruined chapel of the Hagios Asomatos (the Archangel Michael), 
which is entirely built of fine pieces of ancient architecture. About the 
middle of the terrace there are a number of large fiat stones laid at equal 
intervals, as if they had been the bases of columns. This was probably 
the sanctuary of Aphaea. See Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 84 sq, ; Words- 
worth, Athens and Attica^^ p. 230 x^. ; Leake, Peloponnesiaca^ p. 277 ; 
Welcker, Tagebuch, 1, pp. 337-339. A mutilated Greek inscription, 
dating from about the first half of the fifth century B.C., has been found 
here. See Hirschfeld in Hermes^ 5 (1871), pp. 469-474; Loewy, 
Inschrt/ten grtech. Bildhauer^ No. 448; Roehl, /. G, A, No. 352; 
Roberts, Greek Epigraphy^ i. No. 120. 

30. 3. Gaxmaiior, who purified Apollo etc. See ii. 7. 7 with the 

30. 3. Dictynna. This name (derived from dictuon *a net'), 
together with the story told by Pausanias about her, suggests that the 
goddess in question may have been a personification of the nets used 
by fishermen and hunters. For the primitive fisher or hunter often 
regards his net as animate and propitiates it accordingly. Cp. The 
Golden Bought 2. p. 117 note i. In Laos the hunter invokes the 
spirits of his weapons and other instruments of the chase, in order 
that they may favour him in the hunt ; and when he is setting a trap 
he makes an offering to the spirit of the cord by which the trap is to 
be suspended. The trap is then run up with enthusiasm. Elephant 
hunters before setting out for the chase make an offering of rice, brandy, 
fowls, and ducks to the spirit of the rope by which the captive elephant 
is to be bound. See Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos, pp. 23, 25, 114. 
In Tahiti the makers of fishing-nets had a god of their own, named 
Matatini (Ellis, Polynesian Researches, i. p. 329). The prophet 
Habakkuk speaks of those who "sacrifice unto their net and bum 
incense unto their drag ; because by them their portion is fat, and their 
meat plenteous " (Habakkuk, i. 1 6). 

30. 4. Mount Panhellenius. This is now identified with Mount 
Oros, the highest mountain in Aegina (1742 ft.) Formerly it was 
supposed to be the height upon which the famous ruined temple still 
stands (see below, p. 268 sqq.) But a statement of Theophrastus seems 
quite decisive in favour of Mt. Oros. Theophrastus observes {De signis 
iifnpest, i. 24) that when clouds settle upon Zeus Hellanius at Aegina 
(that is upon Mount Panhellenius) it is a sign of rain. This could 
only apply to Mt. Oros, which is a very conspicuous landmark viewed 

266 AUXESIA AND DAMIA bk. ii. corinth 

from Athens and from every part of the Gulf ; whereas the height upon 
which the temple stands is quite inconspicuous, and indeed cannot be 
distinguished very easily even when you are sailing near the island. A 
chapel of St Elias now occupies the sunmiit of Mt. Oros, Remains of 
the old wall, which followed the edge of the summit in a bent line, may 
still be traced ; and some ancient blocks have been built into the walls 
of the chapel. See Baedeker,^ p. 143 ; cp. Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 84 sq. ; 
Wordsworth, Athens and Attica^^ p. 228 sqq, \ Leake, Peloponnesiacoy 
p. 277 ; Welcker, Tagebuch^ i. p. 339 sg, 

30. 4. Auxesia and Damia. See ii. 32. 2 and Herodotus, v. 82-87. 
They were also worshipped at Epidaurus, as we learn from an Epidaurian 
inscription, which mentions a priest of Maleatian Apollo and of the Az^ 
sian goddesses Damia and Auxesia (Cawadias, Fotdlles cPEpidaure^ i. p- I 
46, No. 51 ; Collitz, G. D. L 3. No. 3337). And from inscriptions it 
appears that in the later times of antiquity they were worshipped also 
in Laconia (S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Hermionensium^ Epi' 
dauriorum^ p. 62). Herodotus says (/.r.) that once upon a time tli^ 
land of Epidaurus yielded none of the fruits of the earth. So t^^ 
Delphic oracle bade the people set up images of Damia and Auxes^^ 
which were to be made of olive wood. Accordingly the Epidauri3-^ 
begged the Athenians to give them wood from the olives of Ath^^^' 
deeming these the most sacred of all olives. The Athenians compli ^ 
with the request on condition that the Epidaurians should send sacnfi^^^^ 
every year to Athena Polias and Erechtheus. The Epidaurians agr^^ 
to this, received the olive wood, carved the images out of them, a^ "^ 
set them up. Then the land bore fruit once more. However, 
being declared between the Epidaurians and Aeginetans, an Aeginet 
cruiser swooped down on the coast of Epidaurus and carried off t 
images of Damia and Auxesia to Aegina, where the images were set 
at an inland place called Oea, 30 furlongs distant from the town 
Aegina. Herodotus then relates the disastrous attempt made by t 
Athenians to rescue the images from the Aeginetans. He gives som^ 
curious details as to the way in which these images were worshippe 
first by the Epidaurians and afterwards by the Aeginetans. He say^ 
that the images received sacrifices and were propitiated by chorused 
of women who railed at each other ; ten men were appointed for each 
of the two divinities to furnish the chorus. The railing and abuse of 
the women who composed these choruses were levelled exclusively at 
the women of the district, never at the men. There are points of 
similarity between the worship of Damia and Auxesia on the one side, 
and of Demeter and Proserpine on the other. 

(i) The raillery practised by the Epidaurian women is like the 
raillery practised by the Athenian women on their way to the great 
mysteries of Demeter at Eleusis. See Schol. on Aristophanes, Plutus^ 
1014 ; Suidas, s,v, to. ctti rrjs afjid^rjs : and above, vol. 2. p. 492. 

(2) At Troezen a festival called 'the throwing of stones' was 
celebrated in honour of Damia and Auxesia (Pausan. ii. 32. 2). 
Similarly at the Eleusinian festival of Demeter people appear to have 
thrown stones at each other as a religious rite. See Athenaeus, ix. p. 


>6 d, compared with Homer, Hymn to Demeter^ 265 sqq. (where 
lumeister wrongly changes kv aAA^Aotcrt into 'A^vatbicrt). From 
tic inscriptions it seems that there was a priest of Demeter who was 
lied the Stone-bearer (At^o<^/>o$). See K. Keil in Philologus^ 23 
866), p. 242 sq.\ cp. O. Crusius, Beitrdge zur griech. Mythologie^ p. 
) sq. 

(3) Pausanias expressly says in the present passage that the manner 
sacrificing to Damia and Auxesia was the same as that of sacrificing 
the Eleusinian deities. 

(4) Zenobius {(Oent iv. 20) says that at Troezen Demeter was called 
maea, and Proserpine was called Azesia. (Cp. Suidas and Hesychius, 
'J. 'A^rfo-ia : Bekker's Anecdota Graeca^ p. 348 line 26.) Now since 
i.usanias tells us (ii. 32. 2) that Damia and Auxesia were worshipped 

Troezen it might seem as if Amaea and Azesia were merely different 
rms of the same names. However, this identification of the names is 
rongly discountenanced, if not disproved, by the Epidaurian inscription 

which Damia and Auxesia are called the Azesian goddesses (see 
KDve p. 266). 

(5) The virtue attributed to the images of Damia and Auxesia — 
unely, that of making the fruits of the earth to grow (Herodotus, v. 
2 sq,) — is exactly the function of Demeter. 

We may perhaps go further and trace some resemblances between 
ese beliefs and practices and those of other parts of the world. The 
rtilising influence ascribed to Damia and Auxesia seems to have 
upended on the fact that their images were made of a sacred wood, 
ow I have shown elsewhere {The Golden Bought i. p. 67 sqq,) that 
ses are commonly supposed to be endowed with the power of making 
e crops to grow, and that this belief is at the root of many of the 
»ring and midsummer customs (May poles. May queens, etc.) of our 
uropean peasantry. Further, raillery directed at women forms a special 
ature of some of these spring customs {The Golden Bought i. pp. 91, 
2, 93) ; and so does stone-throwing {ib. i. p. 264). Moreover battles, 
lore or less serious, between peasants have been a recognised mode of 
Tomoting the growth of the com in modem Europe and apparently 
Asewhere. For European examples, see Mannhardt, Baumkultus^ pp. 
548-552. In Acobamba (Peru) the traveller Tschudi saw two parties 
3f the villagers fighting with each other in order that the women might 
^atch the flowing blood and sprinkle it on the fields (Bastian, Der 
^fensch in der Geschichte^ 3* P* 73)' In Tonga, when the yams were 
ipening, various ceremonies were performed to ensure good weather 
uid a fine crop ; an essential part of these ceremonies was a battle 
•etween the islanders, one half of the island against the other half. 
Tie fight was obstinately maintained and lasted for hours. See Mariner, 
"^onga Islands^ 2. p. 207. At the harvest festival of some of the Indian 
ibes in the south-east of the United States the warriors used to paint 
id adom themselves in their most terrific array and fight a mock battle 
very exact order (J. Adair, History of the American Indians^ p. 1 10). 
mongst the Madi tribe of Central Africa the harvest festival is regularly 
[lowed by a fight conducted according to certain fixed rules (R. W. 

268 AUXESIA AND DAMIA bk. ii. corinth 

Felkin, * Notes on the Madi or Mora tribe of Central Africa,' Proceedings 
of the Royal Society of Edinburgh^ 12 (1882- 1884), p. 339). Amongst 
the Khonds of Orissa, who sacrificed human beings and buried their 
flesh in the fields to fertilise them, a wild battle was fought with stones 
and mud just before the flesh was buried in the ground (S. C. Mac- 
pherson, Memorials of Service in India^ p. 129). A sham-fight, enacted 
before the chiefs house, is part of the ceremonies performed in connexion 
with the rice-culture in Minahassa, Northern Celebes (N. Graafland, 
De Minahassa, i. p. 56). In Gilgit an elaborate sham-fight marked 
the time for pmning the vines and the first budding of the apricot trees. 
The Rajah was besieged in his castle, and the Vizier led the storming 
party. If the castle was captured, the Rajah had to pay a ransom ; 
but if the Vizier's party were defeated, every man had to make a present 
to the Rajah. See Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, p. 102. In 
the southern provinces of China, in the first month of each year, " the 
peasants of neighbouring villages meet in the open plains, form sides, 
and attack each other with stones. These encounters are sometimes 
very serious affairs. . . . Like most Chinese customs, these conflicts 
have their origin in a superstitious belief" (Gray, China, i. p. 256 j^.) 
The writer does not define the superstition, but probably it related to the 
fertilisation of the fields. 

How the raillery and abuse (not to say the sticks and stones) dis- 
charged upon such occasions were supposed to promote the fertility of 
the ground, it is not easy to see. But at least it can be shown that such 
a cause has in fact been believed to produce such an effect. See abo/e, 
vol. 2. p. 492. 

To return to Damia and Auxesia, the place Oea at which their 
images were to be seen has been identified by Leake and Bursian w^ith 
the ruined town of Paiaea-Chora, situated among the mountains about 
an hour from the coast. It was to this place that the people of Aegina 
withdrew, for fear of pirates, during the Turkish dominion. There are 
no ancient remains here, but the distance from the town of Aegina 
agrees exactly (according to Bursian) with the distance given by Hero- 
dotus, namely 20 Greek furlongs. Leake, however, gives the distance as 
30 furlongs. See Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 83 sq. \ Leake, Morea, 2. p. 
439 ^^' J ^^'j Peloponnesiaca, p. 275 sqq, Cp. Fiedler, Reise, i. p. 273 ; 
Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 513. 

The resemblance of Damia and Auxesia to the corn-spirit of Germany, 
etc., did not escape W. Mannhardt, though he did not draw out the 
parallel {Die Komddmonen, p. 35). Cp. S. Wide, De sacris Troeseni- 
orum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum, p. 6 1 sqq, ; Welcker, Griechische 
Gotterlehre, 3. p. 130 sqq. 

By far the most remarkable monument of antiquity in Aegina is one 
which Pausanias has omitted to mention. This is the temple of Athena, 
called till lately the temple of Panhellenian Zeus. It was probably in 
this temple that the Aeginetans dedicated the prows of the Samian ships 
which they had captured in a sea-fight fought about 520 B.C. (Hero- 
dotus, iii. 59). The reasons for assigning the temple to Athena are: 
(i) Athena was the central figure of the sculptures in both the eastern 


and western ^bles ; (2) at Bilikada, in the church of St. Athanasius, 
situated about a quaiter of an hour to the west of the temple, there is a 
large marble slab bearing the inscription : 




that is 'The limit of the precinct of Athena.' See Wordsworth, Athens 
arid Attica,^ p. 23? sq. This stone no doubt once marked the sacred 
enclosure of the neighbouring temple. In 1SS8 another stone bearing 
exactly the same inscription was found in digging up a field in the 
district called Asomaton, beside the road leading to the temple of 
Athena (^(Atmv d/>x<>'0'^or "<!>'> 188S, p. 36; C. I. A. iv. No. 538 a, 
P' "57)- 
■„. The temple stands on the top of a hill towards the north-east comer 


^i^-T :^at 

Seals or Feci 

of the island, commanding superb views over the sea and the coasts 
of Attica and Peloponnese. tt is distant about two and a half hours 
from the town of Aegina. Travellers from Athens who wish to visit the 
temple commonly land in the fine rocky bay of Hagia Matiita on the 
eastern aide of the island. A steep declivity, sparsely wooded with pine- 
trees, leads up from the shore of the bay to the temple. 1 shall always 
remember how on a lovely day in spring we landed here and lay under 
the pine-trees, looking down on the intensely blue but crystalline waters 
of the bay. The air was full of the fragrance of the pines, the yellow 
broom was in flower at our feet, and visible across the sea was the coast 
of Attica. It was a scene such as Theocritus might have immortalised. 
The platform upon which the temple stands is partly formed of the 
solid rock, partly built up of large polygonal stones. It is about 230 
feet long by 1 30 feet wide, and was paved with lat^e square slabs in two 
courses. The length of the temple itself, upon the stylobate or upper 

270 TEMPLE AT AEGINA bk. il corinth 

step, is 94 feet, the breadth 45 feet. The temple was a Doric peripteral, 
with six columns at the ends and twelve at the sides, or thirty-two 
columns in all. Of these only twenty are now standing, mainly those 
of the east fa9ade and the adjacent parts of the sides. They all retain 
their entablature. The height of the columns is 17 ft. 2 in. Their 
diameter at the base is 3 ft. 3 in. ; at the top it is 2 ft. 3 in. Some of 
the columns are monoliths, but most of them consist of several drums. 
The temple has a pronaos (fore-temple) and an opisthodomos or posticum 
(back-chamber), as well as a cella or central chamber. The pronaos 
and opisthodomos were both distyle in antis^ i.e, have each two columns 
in front between aniaej the diameter of these columns is 3 ft. 2 in. 
Two columns of the fore-temple are still standing with their entablature. 
The cella had a door at either end opening into the fore-temple and 
back-chamber. Inside the cella there was a row of five columns on 
each side. These columns were 2 ft. 4 in. in diameter. The temple 
is built of yellowish limestone coated with stucco. The roof and 
sculptures are of Parian marble. The pavement of the fore-temple and 
cella was covered with a very hard and polished stucco, of a deep 
crimson colour ; portions of it are still preserved. 

There are some foundations of an ancient building, perliaps a portal 
(propylaeum), as you approach the temple fh)m the south-east At the 
north-east angle there is a cave, partly artificial. 

Leake was of opinion that the temple is the oldest Doric temple i^ 
Greece, except the one at Corinth. Cockerell, the chief authority on 
the subject, agreed with Leake in thinking that it cannot have bee" 
built much later than 600 B.c. He says (p. 24) : " The marks of a veO' 
ancient order are observable throughout in the lai^ge proportion of the 
entablature, the short column of twenty flutings, much diminished 
[toward the top], the salient cap[ital] and the three sinkings of the 
hypotrachelium, and the large size and prominence of the upper mould- 
ing of the cornice and the cymatium. The KpTjTris is composed of three 
lofty steps, of which the middle one is the least, as is the case in most 
of the examples." 

See Antiquities of Ionian published by the Society of Dilettanti, Part the Second 
(London, 1797), pp. 16-19, with plates ii.-vii. ; C. R. Cockerell, The Temples of 
Jupiter Panhellenius at Aegina and of Apollo Epicurius at Bassae near Phigaleia 
(London, i860) ; Ch. Gamier, * lie d'^gine, Temple de Jupiter Panhell^nien,' 
Revue archiologique^ 11 (1854), pp. 193-204, 343-361,423-440; Chandler, Travels 
in Greece^ p. 12; Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 564 sqq, ; Annali delV Instiiuto^ i 
(1829), pp. 209-211 ; Leake, Morea, 2. p. 441 sq., 3. p. 271 sqq.\ id., Pelopon- 
nesiaca, p. lyo sqq. ; Fiedler, Keise, I. p. 277; Wordsworth, Athens and Attica * 
p. 226 sqq. ; Vischer, Erinnerungen, p. 51 1 sqq, ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 84; 
Welcker, Tagebuch, i. p. 341 sqq, ; Baedeker,' p. 141 sq. 

Most of the sculptures which formerly adorned the gables were 
discovered among the ruins of the temple in 1 8 1 1 by a party of English 
and German scholars and architects. In 181 2 the sculptures were 
bought by the Crown Prince of Bavaria (afterwards Ludwig L) and are 
now in the Sculpture Gallery at Munich. Some partial restorations 
were skilfully made by Thorwaldsen. Ten figures from the west gable 
are preserved, and five from the east. There are also two much smaller 


figures which stood on the roof above the gable {acroieria\ and a number 
of fragments of the missing figures. The groups in the two gables cor- 
responded very closely to each other. Each represented a combat of spear- 
men and archers about a fallen warrior. This fallen man lay in the centre 
of the gable, while above him stood Athena, armed with hehnet, shield, 
and spear. In the east gable a kneeling archer wears a head-dress in 
the form of a lion's skin. From this it has been inferred that the archer 
is Hercules, and that the scene in this gable represents the war waged 
on Laomedon King of Troy by Hercules assisted by Telamon,the father 
of Ajax. The fallen man is supposed to be Hercules's companion 
Oicles, who was slain by Laomedon in the war (ApoUodorus, ii. 6. 4 ; 
Diodorus, iv. 32). The sculptures in the western gable probably repre- 
sent the combat of the Greeks and Trojans over the body of Achilles ; 
the archer on the spectator's right with the high Asiatic helmet and the 
effeminate features is Paris, who shot the fatal arrow ; the Greek who 
with uplifted spear protects the fallen Achilles is Ajax, who rescued his 
body (see Quintus Smymaeus, iii. 217 sqq,) Another, but less probable, 
explanation is that the fight represented is the one over the body of 
Patroclus in which Ajax distinguished himself (Homer, Iliady xvii.) 
Thus the sculptures were intended to glorify Aegina's famous heroes, 
Telamon and Ajax. An appropriate time for the erection of these 
sculptures would be immediately after the great Persian war. For 
before the battle of Salamis the Greeks specially invoked the help of 
Telamon and Ajax, and sent a ship to Aegina to fetch the hero Aeacus 
and his descendants (Herodotus, viii. 64) ; and in the battle the 
Aeginetans were thought to have distinguished themselves above all 
the rest of the Greeks (Herodotus, viii. 93). After much discussion 
archaeologists seem to be now pretty well agreed that on technical 
grounds of style the sculptures may most fitly be referred to this period. 
They were therefore probably executed soon after 480 B.C., and not 
later than 456 B.C., when Aegina was conquered by Athens. Their 
style is on the whole hard, stiff, and wanting in idealism. But the 
sculptures of the eastern gable are much superior to those of the western 
gable. It is supposed that they were executed by a younger and more 
skilful sculptor who may have worked either simultaneously with, or at 
any rate very shortly after, the sculptor who wrought the figures in the 
western gable. The arrangement of the figures in the gables and the 
restoration of the missing figures have been much discussed, but cannot 
^ treated of here. 

See, in addition to Cockereirs work cited above, Miiller-Wieseler, DenkmaUr^ 
\' plates vi. vii. viii. viii. b ; Welcker, Alte Denkmdler^ i. pp. 30-66 ; Brunn, 
* Ueber das Alter der aeginetischen Bildwerke,* in Sitzungsberichte of the Bavarian 
Academy (Munich), Philosoph. philolog. Class, 1867, 1. op. 405-428 ; «i/., * Ueber 
*lie Composition der aeginetischen GieMgrujppen,' ib, 1808, 2. pp. 448-464; id,^ 
^^^chrethung der Glyptothek^^ pp. 66-95 J ^' Prachov, * La composition des groupes 
du temple d*Egine,' Anncdi delV Inst, di Corrtsp, ArcheoL 45 (1873), PP« MO- 
^^2 ; w. Klein, *Zur Composition der aeginetischen Giebelgruppen,* Archae- 
^^^gische Ztitung^ 1876, p. 200 sq, ; K. Lange, * Die Composition der Aegineten,' 
in Berichte iiUr die Verhandlungen of the Saxon Academy (Leipzig), Philolog. 
histor. Class, 31 (1878), pp. 1-94; Fleckeisen's JahrbUcker f, class, FkiloL 25 

272 TROEZEN bk, ii. corinth 

(1879), PP* 616-620 (review of Lange's work by L. Schwabe); Li Julius, 'Die 
Composition der Aegineten,* ib, 26 (1880), pp. 1-22 ; Overbeck, Gtsch, d. gruck, 
Flastikf^ I. pp. 164-176; iV/., in Berichte iibtr die VerhantU, of the Saxon 
Academy (Leipzig), Phil, hist CL 44 (1892), pp. 38-41 ; Lucy M. Mitchell, 
History of Ancient Sculpture, pp. 237-248 ; Murray, Hist, of Greek Sculpture,^ 1. 
pp. 205-223 ; Friederichs-Wolters, Gipsa6^sse,pp. 32-49 ; O. Bie, Kampfgruppt 
und Kdmpfertypen in der Antike, pp. 76-81 ; Cfollignon, Histoire dc la sculpture 
Grecque, I. pp. 286-302 ; A. H. Smith, Catalogue of Sculpture in the British 
Museum^ p. 73 sqq, ; A. Schildt, Die Giehelgruppen von Aegina ( Leipzig, 1895). 
On the history of Aeginetan sculpture, see K. O. MUller, * De arte Aeginetica,' 
Kunstarchaeologische IVerke, 1. pp. I -19; Brunn, Gesch, d, griech, Kiinstler, I. 
pp. 82-96. 

30. 6. Athena and Poseidon had a dispute for the possession of 
the land etc. This legend, coupled with the &ct that Athena was 
worshipped on the acropolis of Troezen under the title of Polias (Paus. 
ii. 32. 5 compared with the present passage), proves a close similarity 
between the religion and mythology of Troezen and Athens. Sec 
S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Hermionensium^ Epidauriorum^ p. 16. 
30. 6. their ancient coins have for device a trident and a 

face of Athena. Some of these coins 
are in existence ; the head of Athena 
is on the obverse, the trident on the 
reverse (Fig. 45). The identification 
of the head as that of Athena has, 
however, been doubted, as the type is 
unusual. The face is bold and strons 

FIG. 45.— COIM OF TROBZSK. m»*mj««»*. * **v. »«*.%. xi» urvrxu cwavx ^uvu5 

and wears no helmet. See Imhoof- 
Blumer and Gardner, Num, Cofnm, on Paus. p. 47, pi. M i. 
The trident on the coins of Troezen is mentioned also by Plutarch 
{Theseus, 6). 

30. 7- the Phoebaean lagoon. Leake {Morea, 2. p. 449) identifies 
this with the lagoon at the head of the bay of Methana. See note on 
ii. 31. 10. 

30. 8. Troezen and Pitthens. They were the sons of Pelops and 
came to Troezen from Pisa in the land of Elis (Strabo, viii. p. 374). 

30. 9> Anaphlystus and Sphettus. The site of the Attic township 
of Anaphlystus (Herodotus, iv. 99 ; Xenophon, De vectig, iv. 43 ; Strabo, 
ix. p. 398) is occupied by the modem jinavyso, a village situated on the 
spacious and sheltered bay of St, Nicholas, about six miles north-west 
of Cape Sunium. There are some ancient remains at the place, including 
some pieces of ancient walls and of moles running out into the bay. 
See Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 546 sq, ; Leake, Athens, 2. p. 59 sg. ; Milch- 
hofer, Karten von AtHka, Erlduternder Text, Heft iii.-vi. p. 21. The 
township of Sphettus lay to the east of Mt. Hymettus, but its exact site 
is disputed. Prof. A. Milchhofer would place it west of the modem 
village of Koropi, See Leake, Athens, 2. p. 24 sqq, ; L. Ross, Die 
Demen von Attika, p. 96; Bursian, Geogr, i. p. 346 sq,\ P. Kastro- 
menos. Die Demen von Attika, p. 99 sq. ; A. Milchhofer, in Berliner 
philolog, Wochenschrift, 12 (1892), pp. 2 sqq,, 2g sq,, 34 sqq,; id., 
* Untersuchungen iiber die Demenordnung des Kleisthenes,* Abhand- 
lungen of the Prussian Academy, Berlin, for 1892, p. 21 sq. 


30. 10. Bihenelna. See ii. 18. 5. 

31. I. Troesen. The plain of Troezen lies between the sea and a 
range of rough and rocky hills, wooded with dark evergreens and 
stunted trees, which shut it in on the west and south. The northern 
part of the plain is marshy in places, and the marshes breed fever among 
the sallow inhabitants of Damaloy the wretched hamlet which nestles 
among trees at the foot of the hills in the inmost comer of the plain, 
close to the ruins of Troezen. Stretches of pasture-land, however, and 
of vineyards alternate with the swamps ; and eastward, toward the island 
of Calauria (Poros), the plain is well watered, cultivated like a garden, 
and verdant with vines, olives, lemon-groves, and fig-trees. Seen from 
the water of the beautiful almost landlocked bay the green of this rich 
vegetation, with the tall dark cypresses towering conspicuously over all, 
is refreshing to eyes accustomed to the arid plains and hills of Greece. 
At Dantala groves of oranges and lemons yield the villagers a consider- 
able return. On higher ground, to the north-west of the village, are the 
ruins of Troezen. The glorious prospect over plain and mountain and 
sea is unchanged ; but of the city itself, which, if we may trust Pausanias, 
its people regarded with such fond patriotic pride, nothing is left but 
some insignificant ruins overgrown with weeds and dispersed amid a 
wilderness of bushes. An isolated craggy mountain, rising steeply on 
the farther side of a deep ravine, was the ancient acropolis. The 
ascent is toilsome, especially if it be made at noon on an airless summer 
day with the sun blazing pitilessly from a cloudless sky, the rocks so 
hot that you cannot touch them without pain, the loose stones slipping 
at every step, the dry withered shrubs and herbage crackling under 
foot and blinding you with clouds of dust and down. The wonderful 
view from the summit, however, makes amends for the labour of the 
ascent, ranging as it does across the green fertile plain at our feet and 
away beyond a bewildering maze of islands, capes and bays to Sunium 
OQ the north-east and the snowy peak of Parnassus on the north- 

Another picturesque bit of scenery, of a different kind, may be seen 

^y following up the ravine to the point where, at a prodigious height 

Overhead, it is spanned by an arch of grey stone, festooned with creepers 

3j^d fringed with stalactites, which the peasants call the DeviPs Bridge. 

^t carries a mediaeval aqueduct across the narrow but profound abyss. 

Tiirough this romantic ravine the old path used to lead over the 

"fountains to Hermion. 

We now retrace our steps to the ruins of Troezen in order to look at 

^^^cm in more detail. Dispersed amongst them are many dilapidated 

^l^urches, some of which probably occupy the sites of ancient temples. 

^^ide the bank of the stream there is a tableland of some extent on 

^^Wch stand the ruins of the deserted Bishop's Palace {Palaeo-Episkopiy 

a^ it is called). It is a great rambling building with countless doors and 

^l^yrinthine arches, and the villagers have many stories to tell of it. 

^Vithin it are several churches built entirely of ancient materials, among 

^'wliich may be seen pieces of fluted Doric columns and other fragments of 

white marble adorned with sculptured foliage in the style of the Erech- 


274 TROEZEN bk. ii. co&inth 

theum. A few yards to the south of the deserted palace former travellers 
saw the lower walls of a temple finely built of ashlar masonry. A 
hollow to the east of the palace has been generally taken to be the 
semi-circular end of the stadium in which Hippolytus is said to have 
exercised himself in his manly sports, while the love-sick Phaedra 
watched him stealthily from her bower hard by (Paus. iL 32. 3). 
Others think that this hollow marks the site of the theatre, not of the 
stadium. To the south-east of the palace some excavations, made io 
1890 by Mr. Legrand for the French School of Archaeology, laid bare 
the foundations of a small edifice built of tufa, and measuring 1 3 metres 
(42 feet 8 inches) in length by 6 metres (19 feet 8 inches) in breadth. 
Beside this building the rock is artificially levelled. A few paces from 
it Mr. Legrand excavated a rectangular structure built of rough stones, 
perhaps an altar. 

To the south-east of this structure, on a platform supported by 
horizontal courses of masonry, Mr. Legrand excavated a large building of 
horse-shoe shape, measuring about 100 feet long by 35 feet wide. It 
opens to the north and encloses a court, in which there seems to have 
been a colonnade. The main part of the building comprises a laige 
central hall and two side halls in the wings, with a pavement of coarse 
mosaic, marble benches, and, flush with the ground, certain marble 
borders of which the object is uncertain. The walls, built of well cat 
blocks of stone, are standing to an average height of about 3 feet 
From inscriptions found on the spot it would seem that the edifice is a 
gymnasium or a bathing establishment. To the south of this building, 
but on the same platform, and at the foot of the mountain, Mr. L^rand 
discovered the foundations of a temple 67 feet long by 33 feet broad, 
built of common stone. 

Between the deserted palace and the village of Damala, at about 
four minutes distance from the former, Gell saw on the left "thrc^ 
columns, bearing a strong resemblance both in form and colour XP 
columns of black basalt Many of these are found among the ruins of 
Troezen. They have been well cut, into eight flat faces, diminishing^ 
upwards, so that being 7 feet i inch in circumference they measure only 
6 feet 9 at 3 feet from the base. The faces were at the base 
about 1 1 inches, and at the top of the stone only 9^ inches. The holes 
into which brazen or wooden cubes were inserted for the purpose of 
uniting the different blocks are 7 J inches square." Gell conjectured 
that these remarkable columns, so different from the ordinary types of 
Greek columns, may have belonged to the sanctuary of Thearian Apollo, 
which Pausanias (ii. 31. 6) declared to be the oldest sanctuary that he 

About three-quarters of a mile to the east of the Bishop's Palace is 
a square tower which is standing to a considerable height ; a part of the 
south-east wall of the city abuts upon this tower. 

In the ruined church of Hagia Sotira or Hagia Metamorphosis, near 
the village, Mr. Legrand found a statue of Hermes with a ram ; it is of 
late date but very fair style {Bulletin de Corr, Hellhiique^ 16 (1892), 
pp. 165-174). And in the church of Hagia Sotira a stone, serving as 


an altar, bears an inscription which shows that it belonged to the base 
of a statue of Aratus erected by the people of Troezen (BulL de Corr, 
HellM. 1889, p. 193). 

In 1889 some excavations were made at Troezen for the Greek 
government by Mr. Staes. He found a prehistoric pit-grave containing 
a body (its head turned to the east), two large vases of the Mycenaean 
style, and a golden fillet adorned with what may be alphabetic characters 
or hieroglyphics. Sixteen Roman tombs were discovered in the course 
of the same excavations. See ^tXriov apxaioXoyiKov^ 1889, P* 1^3 ^99- 

Lastly, on the acropolis (see above, p. 273) there are remains of a 
circuit-wall flanked with towers, in which Roman or Byzantine bricks are 
mixed with old Greek masonry. 

As to Troezen see Chandler, Travels in Greece, p. 213 sqar, Dodwelli Tour, 
2. p. 267 sqq. ; Cell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 1 18 sqq. ; Leake, Aforea, 2. p. 442 sqq. ; 
Boolaye, Kecherckes, p. 56; Fiedler, Reiser I. p. 284 sqqr, L. Ross, Wanderun- 
gen, 2. p. 4 sq,\ Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 431 sqq,; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 87 5qq,\ 
Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 204 sq, ; Philippson, Peloponnes, pp. 46-49. For tne inscnp- 
tions of Troezen see E. Legrand, * Inscriptions de Tr^z^ne,' Bulletin de Corr* 
HelUnique, 17(1893), pp. 84-121. 

Troezen was distant 1 3 Greek furlongs from the sea (Strabo, viii. 
P- 373)' The name of its harbour was Pogon (* the Beard ') ; the 
Greek fleet assembled in it before the battle of Salamis (Herodotus, viii. 
42 ; Strabo, /.r.) The port is distant about a mile and a half from the 
present village of DamcUa; it is now shallow, obstructed with sand, and 
accessible only to small boats (Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 268). 

3L I. the market-place. Bursian (Geogr, 2. p. 88 sq!) thought 
that this may have lain at the place called Episkopiy or in a depression to 
the east of it (his language is not quite clear). There are some ancient 
remains there. See above, p. 273 sq, Mr. £. Legrand thinks that 
the market-place was near the chapel of Hagia Sotira ; in this chapel he 
found the inscribed base of a statue of a clerk of the market {agoranomos), 
^BulL de Corr. Hdldn, 17 (1893), P- 97 ^^• 

3L I. Savionr Artemis. Two inscriptions containing dedications 
to Artemis have been found at Troezen, one in the ruined chapel of St. 
George, the other in a ruined chapel to the west of Episkopi^ above the 
chapel (also ruined) of the Apostles (Bull, de Corr, Hdlin, 17 (1893), 

P- 93). 

3L 2. the hound of helL Cerberus. In Hindoo mythology 
" Yama, the regent of hell, has two dogs according to the Purdnas^ one 
of them named Cerbura and Sabala, or varied; the other, SyAma, or 
black ; the first of whom is also called TriHras^ or with three heads^ and 
has the additional epithets of Calmdsha^ Chitra^ and Cirmira^ all signify- 
ing stained or spotted. In Pliny (vi. 6. § 18) the words Cimmerium and 
Ccrberion seem used as synonymous ; but, however that may be, the 
Cerbura of the Hindus is indubitably the Cerberus of the Greeks " 
[Yi. Wilford * On Egypt,' etc. in Asiatick Researches^ 3. p. 408 sq,) 
This identification of Cerberus with the Sanscrit Cerbura or sarvara is 
approved by Prof. Max Miiller (Essays^ i. p. 493) and by Mr. Zimmer 
{Altindisches Leben^ pp. 419, 421). On Cerberus cp. Paus. ii. 35. 10, 

376 TROEZEN Bk. li. coUHta 

iii. 25, 6. The subject of Hercules dragging up Cerbenis ftwn the 
under world is depicted on about forty extant Greek vases. See Fuit' 
wangler, in Roscher's Lexicon, i. p. 3205 ; P. Hartwig, ' Die Heraufho- 
iung des Kerberos auf rotfigurigen S<AtaXea,' JaJirbuck d. arck. ImliluU, 
8(1893), PP- >S7-i73- 

31. 3. Semele. See ii. 37. 5. Mr. Kretschmer proposes todeiitt 
the name Semele from a Phrygian root temel, which occurs on Phrrei*" 
tombstones in curses directed against any who should violate the tomb;. 
This word Mr. Kretschmer interprets as meaning 'earth.' So Semde 
would be the earth-goddess. Dionysus in Greek mythology is closely 
associated with Thrace, and the result of recent philological enquiries is 
to show a close connexion between the Thracian and Phrygian tongues, 
which are found to be both Aryan. Again Mr. Kretschmer agrees sitli 
the ancients in deriving the first part of the name Dionysus from the 
same root as Zeus (Z<vf, Aids, etc); and the second part (-nriv) 
he thinks equivalent to -nympAus (connected with nymph, etc) ; so 
that the whole name Dionysus would mean 'the son of Zeus' = 
Dioscurus (AnxTKovpos). See his essay ' Semele und Dionysos,' i° 
Aus der Anomia (Berlin, 1890), pp. 17-29. 

31. 3. Ardalufl Ardalldes. Cp. Plutarch, Sepum saf. 

conviv. 4 ; Stcphanus Bj-z. s.v. 'ApSaXiSfs, 

31. 4- the atone on wbicb nine men of Iiiwzen once pnrilM 
Orestes etc. See below, g 8 note. 

31. 6. The Banctnsrr of Theaiian Apollo. See above, p. 37^ 
In the foundations of the church of St. George at Troeien there vai 
found an inscription in honour of a certain Echilaus of Plataea, who h^ 
come to Troezen and contributed to " the salvation of the country ; 
the inscription contains a provision that the decree in his honour 
shall be engraved on a slab of stone and set up in the sanctuary 0' 
Thearian Apollo (Bu/I. de Corr. HelUn. 17 (1893), p. 102 sg. j cp. the 
fragmentary inscription ib., p. no). In Aegina the Pythian Apollo 
had a Theariuin (Pindar, Nem. iii. 122), which would seem to have 
been a hall or dwelling-house in which the envoys {ikedroi) sent by 
foreign states to attend the festival were lodged and entertained (see 
the Scholia on the passage of Pindar). 

31. 6. Tlia temple of Athena at Phocaea. See vii. ;. 4. On 

the occupation of Phocaea by the Persians, see Herodotus, i. 1 64, 

31. 6. The wooden imageB of the DlOBCtui are also by Hennon. 

a coin of Troeien, of the reign of Commodus, 

archaic figures of the Dioscuri are represented, 

facing the spectator, with an altar between them 

(Fig. 46). They stand naked, with long hair, both 

arms extended before them. The type is most 

probably copied from the wooden statues described by 

Pausanias. It is valuable as furnishing evidence of 

the style and date of the artist Hermon of Troezen. 

E DIOSCURI See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num. Comm. on 

moEiEN). />„^j._ p_ ^g^ yj.i[|) pi_ p^_ ^,ii_ 

. the booth of Orestes. On the purification of Orestes at 


Troezen, see also § 4 of this chapter. According to others, Orestes was 
purified at the Three Rivers in Thrace (Lampridius, HeliogabaluSy 7), or 
at Mt. Amanum or Melantium in Cilicia (Stephanus Byz. s,v. "Afiavov : 
Tzetzes, SchoL on Lycophr, 1374), or at Coniana in Cappadocia 
(Strabo, xii. p. 535). There must have been another legend that he 
was purified by Apollo at Delphi, for on vases Orestes is not unfrequently 
represented sitting, sword in hand, at the omphalos^ with the avenging 
Furies gathered round him (see Stephani in Compte-Rendu (St. Peters- 
burg) 1863, p. 258 sqq.) ; and on at least three vases the actual process 
of purification is depicted. These representations are valuable as 
throwing light on the rites observed on such occasions. 

(i) On an Apulian vase Orestes is depicted sitting in a pensive 

attitude, with his back to the omphalos \ in his right hand he 

holds the fatal sword unsheathed ; his cloak is wound about his 

left arm. Apollo stands behind him, holding in his right hand 

a little pig just above Orestes's head, and grasping in his left 

hand a long bough of laurel. See Monumenti Ineditiy 1847, 

pi. 48 ; Archaeologische Zeiiung^ i860, pi. cxxxviii. ; Baumeister's 

Denkmdler^ p. 11 17. Similarly on an ancient Greek cameo Melampus 

is represented purifying the daughters of Proetus (see Paus. viii. 

18. 7 etc.) ; he stands holding a little pig over the head of one of them, 

while in his left hand he grasps a branch (of laurel ?) See Gazette 

arcUologique^ 1879, pi. 19, with the remarks of De Witte, p. 127 sqq, ; 

Baumeister's Denkmdler^ fig. 988. It would seem that in these scenes 

Apollo and Melampus are in the act of sprinkling the pig's blood upon 

the persons who need purification. For we know that one mode of 

purification was to wash the hands of the guilty person in the blood of a 

sucking pig (ApoUonius Rhodius, iv. 704-707, with the Scholiast's note 

on z/. 704 ; Aeschylus, EumenideSy 283, 449 sq, ; Eustathius, on 

Homer, lUadt xix. 251). At Athens there were certain women called 

fnchytristriae whose business it was to purify polluted persons by 

pouring over them the blood of a sacrificial victim (Suidas, 5,v. cyx^ 

Tplarptai), There is a vase-painting in which these women are perhaps 

represented at their work. A man, naked except for a fillet round his 

head, is crouching with his right foot (unshod) planted upon something 

which is stretched on the ground. His left foot is in advance and rests 

on the ground, being shod in what seems to be a very rough boot. 

Behind him are three young women, two of them with torches ; the third 

holds a vessel of a curious shape over the man's head. To the right a 

woman faces the man, holding up her hands ; still farther to the right 

another woman holds a bowl or saucer towards him. Between these 

two women is a round-bellied pot on a stand. To the extreme right of 

the picture is a tall jar (hydrid) resting upon a stand shaped like a 

sand-glass. See Gazette archdologique^ 1884, plates 44, 45, 46. The 

scene has been recognised by De Witte and Fr. Lenonhant (/A p. 352 

sq.) as one of purification ; and Lenormant has identified the object on 

which the man's left foot rests as the Atos Ki^vov (' fleece of Zeus '). 

This was the skin of the victim sacrified to Zeus ; it was stretched on the 

ground, and persons who were being purified stood with their left foot 

278 PURIFICA TION OF ORESTES bk. ii. oownth 

on it. See Hesychius and Suidas, s,v. Ai^s K(^tov: Polemo, ed. 
Preller, pp. 140-142; Lobeck, Aglaophamus^ p. 183 sqq,; W. 
Robertson Smith, Religion of ike Semites,^ p. 474. It is to be noticed, 
however, that the man in the scene referred to has his right foot on the 
object (whatever it is) ; whereas Hesychius states that it was the left 
foot which was kept on the skin. May not the rough boot which the 
man wears on his left foot be made out of the sacred skin ? Shoes 
made out of the skin of sacrificial victims were sometimes ahnost the 
only ones which the worshippers were allowed to wear. See the 
inscription about the Andanian mysteries in Dittenberger's Sylhge 
Inscript. Graec, No. 388 line 23 sq,; Servius on Virgil, Aen, iv. 518; 
Festus, ed. Miiller, p. 161 A ; Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites^ 
p. 438. The custom of blood-sprinkling as a mode of purification is 
common. See Leviticus^ xiv. Among the hill tribes of India near Raja- 
mahall, if two men quarrel and blood be shed, the one who cut the other 
is fined a hog or a fowl, the blood of which is sprinkled over the wounded 
man " to purify him, and to prevent his being possessed by a devil." 
Among the same tribes, if a woman in her courses touches a man, even 
with her garment, he is defiled. The woman " is fined a fowl, which 
is sacrificed, and the blood is sprinkled on the man to purify him." 
See Asiatick Researches^ 4. pp. 78, 79 (8vo ed.) On the use of the 
pig in antiquity for purposes of purification, see the note on v. 
16. 8. 

(2) In another vase-painting, the subject of which is the purification 
of Orestes, the matricide is leaning against the omphalos in much the 
same attitude as on the Apulian vase. Apollo stands behind hini) 
holding a saucer or bowl in his left hand, while his right hand grasps^ 
pair of shears with which he is about to cut off a lock of Orestes's bait- 
On his left arm the god supports a long branch of laurel. See Artf^^}, 
delV Instiiuto^ 1847, pi. x.; Archaeologische Zeitung^ i860, pL cxx?^^' 
(Boetticher, in Archaeol, Zeit, i860, p. 62 interprets the object wl^^^ 
Apollo holds in his right hand as a bunch of laurel leaves ; °^ 
Stephani, in Compte-Rendu {Si, Petersburg) for 1863, p. 271 sq,^ ^ . 
no doubt that the object is a pair of shears ; he says ancient scissor'-^ 
the same shape are to be seen in almost all archaeological museur^^^' 
This scene represents the cropping of Orestes's hair as a mod^^^ 
purification. See viii. 34. 3 note. 

(3) On another vase Orestes is depicted in much the same attit 
as before, except that the ofnphalos does not appear. Beside L 
stands Apollo with a bowl in his left hand, while in his right he ho^' 

a branch of laurel over Orestes's head, sprinkling him with the liq^^^ 
contained in the bowl. See Compte-Rendu (St. Petersburg), 1863, ^ 
213, with Stephani's remarks, p. 271. 

Thus in all three representations of the purification a laurel bran^^ 
figures as a necessary adjunct. It must have been one of the objec^^ 
traditionally said to have been used in the purification of Orestes at 
Troezen, for when these objects were buried in the ground a laurel 
sprang from them, as Pausanias here informs us. The laurel was 
regularly used by the Greeks for sprinkling holy water at lustrations. 


5 Boetticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen^ pp. 369-372 (on p. 370, 
read of Clemens Alex. Strom, 8, § 49, read Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 
§ 49); id., Tektonik der Hellenen^ 2. p. 481 sgg. After the 
emony of purification was over, the things which had been used to 
inse away the impurity were commonly thrown into the sea or 
►osited where three roads met. See Hermann, Gottesdienstliche 
'erihiimer^ 23. 15 ; and on purification in general see the whole of 
rmann's 23 rd section, with the notes ; Lomeier, De veterum gentilium 
'rattonibus ; P. Stengel, Griech. Kultusalterttimer, S 83 sqq. 

31. 9. Hippocrene (the Horse's Fonnt). See above, p. 32 sq. 

31. 9. Bellerophon Aethra. Prof. S. Wide has conjectured 

t the Troezenian story of Bellerophon and Aethra was merely a 
uplication, under other names, of the story of Hippolytus and 
ledra, which again he considers to have been in origin substantially 
ntical with the myth of Venus and Adonis. See S. Wide, De sacris 
oezeniorum, Her-mionensium, Epidauriorum, pp. 86-89. 

31. 10. the Gk)lden Stream. '*0n the western side of the rock, 
ich seems to have been a citadel, a brook runs in a deep ravine. It 
in all probability the brook Chrysoroas [the Golden Stream], It now 
•ns two mills" (Cell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 121). Fiedler {Reise, i. 

285 j^.) says : "In the ravine flows, the whole year through, a 
earn which may very well have been the occasion of founding Troezen. 
ost of its water is diverted from the gully to some mills. . . . They 
^ that but little water flows in it from the end of July till the first 
n-falls at the end of September." Cp. Chandler, Travels in Greece, 

217 ; Dodwell, Tour, 2. p. 267. The stream described by Fiedler 
pears to be the Potami or Kremastos, the chief stream of the 
oezenian plain. It issues from a deep romantic glen in the mountains 
ir the village of Damala (see above, p. 273), and flows northward, 
t its waters, being prevented from reaching the bay of Methana by 
! projecting spurs of the hills, form a lagoon near the Albanian 
age of Valaria. This lagoon is salt, for the waves of the sea wash 
\x into it. Prof. Curtius identifies the Potami, not with the Golden 
earn but with the Hyllicus (see ii. 32. 7) ; he thinks that the Golden 
earn was merely the chief of the brooks which feed the Potami. This 
ms the more probable view, as Pausanias speaks of the Golden Stream 
rely as a water, while he distinctly calls the Hyllicus a river and 
ntions its source. See Curtius, Pelop. 2. pp. 431, 435. 

32. I. Every maiden before marriage shears a lock of her hair 
Hippolytus. This custom of the Troezenian maidens is mentioned 
Euripides (^Hippolytus, 1424 j^^.)and by Lucian {De dea Syria, 60). 
cian, speaking of Hierapolis in Syria, says : " They observe another 
item in which the people of Troezen, alone of all the Greeks, agree 
th them. The Troezenians made a law for the maidens and youths 
u they should not marry before they had shorn their hair in honour of 
ippolytus ; and they observe the law. This custom is practised also 

Hierapolis. The youths offer their first beards, and the maidens 
ve sacred tresses, which are suffered to grow without being shorn 
m their birth. When they come to the temple, they (the youths and 

28o OFFERINGS OF HAIR bk. ii. cokinth 

maidens) cut their hair, and deposit it in vessels of silver or gold. 
Then they hang up the vessels on nails in the temple, write their names 
on them, and depart. This I did in my youth, and the lock of my hair 
and my name are still in the temple." Here it will be noticed that 
according to Lucian the young men of Troezen, as well as the young 
women, cut off their hair before marriage in honour of Hippolytus. 
The statement is not borne out by the words of Euripides and 
Pausanias, though it is hardly inconsistent with them. Plutarch, in 
relating the life of Theseus (who was a native of Troezen), remarfe 
that it was formerly the custom for lads to go to Delphi and ofier 
the first clippings of their hair to Apollo (dirdpx&rdai t^ $€<} rrji 
KOfxrfs) and that Theseus complied with the custom. See Plutardi, 
Theseus^ 5. Lucian is wrong in saying that none but the Troezenians 
observed the custom in question. For a similar custom was practised 
by girls at Megara in honour of Iphinoe, and by both girls and 
lads at Delos in honour of the Hyperborean maidens who were buried 
there. See Pausanias, i. 43. 4 note. Again, Statins says {Theb. ii. 
253-256) that it was the custom at Argos for women to cut their hair at 
their first marriage as a sort of expiation. Indeed Pollux (iii. 38) 
states generally that before marriage girls made an offering of their 
hair to Hera, Artemis, and the Fates. Cp. Hesychius, s.v, ydfjuav 
€$7], Like customs have been observed by other peoples than the 
Greeks. In some of the Fiji islands a woman was shorn of all her hai*" 
at marriage ; in others she lost only a long bunch of hair which, as ^ 
spinster, she had worn over her temples (Williams, Fiji and the FijianSv 
I. p. 171). In Cambodia girls wear their hair long, but cut it short a^ 
marriage (Wilken, Das Haaropfer^ p. 116). The hair of a Zulu girl i^ 
completely shaved at marriage, except a small tuft (Wood, Natural 
History of Man, i . pp. 44, 81). Among the Karague, another African 
tribe, girls allow their hair to grow till they marry, when they shave it 
off either entirely or partially (ib. p. 447). In the kingdom of 
Miztecapan (Central America) a lock of hair was cut both from the 
bridegroom's and the bride's head at marriage. In Ixcatlan when a 
man wished to marry he went to the priests, who took him to the temple 
and there, in presence of the idols, cut off some of his hair. They 
then showed the shorn locks to the people and cried, "This man 
wishes to wed." He had then to descend and take the first unmarried 
woman he met, in the belief that she was destined for him by the gods. 
See Bancroft, Native races of the Pacific States, 2. p. 261. On the 
other hand, among the Nagamis of Assam, young girls shave their 
heads completely till they marry {Journal of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal, 1875, P^- i* P- 327). Inscriptions discovered in recent years at 
the sanctuary of Zeus Panamarus in Caria show that it was the custom 
for men (and women ?) to dedicate their hair in that sanctuary. A 
stone slab in the form of a small box was set up in the temple or 
its precinct. In the front or back of the slab was a cavity, which was 
sometimes closed with a small plate of marble fitting in a groove. In 
this cavity the hair was deposited, and on a rectangular sinking was 
carved the name of the person who dedicated his hair and the name of 


the priest (or occasionally of the priestess) in charge. Sometimes one 
slab contained the hair of several persons. A considerable number of 
these slabs have been found. See G. Deschamps and G. Cousin, 
* Inscriptions du temple de Zeus Panamaros,* Bulletin de Corresp, 
/fell At. II (1887), p. 390. It may be conjectured that the persons 
who thus dedicated their hair were boys (and girls ?) at puberty. 
Messrs. Deschamps and Cousin do not say whether the names in the 
inscriptions are masculine or feminine ; but they publish one inscription, 
in which are the names of five dedicators of hair, all masculine. 

32. I. though they know his grave they do not show it. 
Perhaps the grave of Hippolytus was one of those graves on which the 
existence of the state was supposed to depend, and which were 
accordingly kept secret. See vol. 2, p. 366 sq, 

32. 2. a temple of Seafaring Apollo. The epithet translated * sea- 
faring ' is embaterios. More literally it means * embarking on shipboard.' 
The Argonauts are said to have set up an altar to Apollo under a similar 
title (embcLsios) at Pagasae in Thessaly (ApoUonius Rhodius, i. 402 sqq.) 
Cp. Preller, Griech, Mythologies^ i. p. 258, note 3 ; S. Wide, De sacris 
Traezeniorum^ Herfnionensiunty Epidauriorum^ P» 23. 
32. 2. Damia and Auxesia. See note on ii. 30. 4. 
32. 3. a stadium. As to the vestiges of the stadium, see above, 
p. 274. Not far from the supposed site of the stadium Mr. Legrand 
found an inscription containing part of a decree in honour of a certain 
Cbannus, master of the gymnasium. Close to the spot where the 
inscription was found the French archaeologists excavated some remains 
which they believe to have been those of the wrestling-school. In a 
wall of PcUaeo-Episkopi they found a large pedestal inscribed with a 
dedication by the persons who used the gymnasium (01 aAei</>o/ievot). 
See Bulletin de Corr, HellMque^ 17 (1893), pp. 95-97. These 
discoveries confirm the view that the hollow to the east of Palaeih 
Episkofii marks the site of the stadium. For the gymnasium and 
vrestling-school would naturally be near the stadium. Another inscrip- 
tion, found at Damala^ records a dedication by the persons who used the 
gymnasium (C /. G. No. 1183). 

32. 3. tiie myrtle with the pierced leaves. See i. 22. 2. The 

tree was probably a lusus naturae^ and its perforated leaves gave rise to 

the legend. We may compare the thomless rose-tree which is still 

shown at Assisi, and is said to have sprung from the thorns with which 

St. Francis castigated himself. It has been suggested by Prof. S. Wide 

that the original story of the love of Phaedra for Hippolytus may have 

been one of those myths of the love of a goddess for a mortal, of which 

the myth of Venus and Adonis is the best known example. He 

compares the association of Phaedra and the myrtle with the association 

of Smyrna or Myrrha (the mother of Adonis) and the myrrh-tree. See 

S. Wide, De sacris Troesemorum^ Hermionensium^ Epidauriorum^ 

p. 86 sq. 

32. 4. The image of Aesculapius. From one of the Epidaurian 
inscriptions we learn that there was a precinct of Aesculapius at Troezen 
in which sick people slept in order to receive revelations in dreams 

282 TROEZEN bk. ii. coxintb 

{*Edyqfi€pU dpxawXoyiKrj, 1 88 5, p. 1 5 sg,; P. Cawadias, Fomlles 
iPEpidaurey i. p. 28; see above, p. 250). At Palaeo - Episkopi vbl 
Troezen the French archaeologists have found two inscriptions containiog 
dedications to Aesculapius {BulL de Corr. HelUn, 17 (1893), P- 90)« 

32. 5. the acropolis. This is the steep mountain to the west of 
the village of Damala, The summit is occupied by the shattered 
remains of a mediaeval castle, under which are some pieces of andent 
Greek fortification. There is also a cistern and some fragments of Ionic 
architecture. The view from the summit is magnificent, indeed one of 
the finest panoramas in Greece (see above, p. 273). Towards the base 
a spring issues from the rock which Dodwell identified with the fountain 
of Hercules mentioned by Pausanias (§ 4). See Chandler, Travels m 
Greece^ p. 216 5q.\ Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 271 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. ppi 
431 sq,y 437; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 89. The citadel, surmounted by a 
tetrastyle temple, is represented on Troezenian coins of the imperial 
age. See Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Pa$is. p. 47i 
pi. M iii. iv. 

32. 5. The wooden image of the goddess. On a Troezenian coin 
of the time of Commodus there is represented an archaic image of 
Athena. It " may be described in the very words already used in 
describing that at Cleonae [see ii. 15. i note], which we supposed to be 
copied from the work of Dipoenus and Scyllis. This is evidence, so fer 
as it goes, that Gallon adhered to the same general scheme as the 
Cretan artists ; although, of course, we must not press the argument, as 
the die-sinkers may have intended merely to portray the general type of 
an archaic Athene " (Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm. on Poms. 
p. 47, with pi. M V.) Gallon's name (spelt Galon) occurs in an inscrip- 
tion which is believed to have been found on the Acropolis at Athens, to 
the east of the Parthenon. The inscription runs : — 

KaA(i>v €7roo/o"6V At[ytv^T7y9]. 

From the form of the letters the inscription would seem to belong 
to the very beginning of the fifth century B.C. This inscription proves, 
what was not known before, that the sculptor Gallon was employed 
in Attica. See Loewy, Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer^ No. 27. 
On Gallon see also Paus. iii. 18. 8, vii. 18. 10. On Tectaeus and 
Angelion, see ix. 35. 3 note. On Dipoenus and Scyllis, see note on ii. 
15. I. 

32. 6. Aphrodite of the Height. Compare i. i. 3 note. 

32. 7* the road that leads through the monntains to Hermionis. 
This road, as we have seen (p. 273), goes up the wild ravine to the west 
of the village of Damala, It is still passable, though the track is a very 
rough one (Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 437). The Devil's Bridge, which 
spans the ravine at its narrowest point, is figured in Wordsworth's 
Greece^ p. 439. 

32. 7. the river originally called the Taurius. Athenaeus 

(iii. p. 122 f) mentions this river as the Taurus (*bull'). See ii. 31. 10 


32. 7. the rock of Theseus etc. See i. 27. 8 note. On Troe- 
zenian coins of imperial date Theseus is represented lifting the rock 
(Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm, on Pans, p. 49, with pi. 
M xi.) 

32. 8. Poseidon the Nurtnrer. Among the ruins of the chapel of 
Hagia Sotira at Troezen there is an inscribed pedestal which supported 
a statue of a priest of Poseidon the Nurturer (phutalmios). The pedes- 
tal, which is of white marble, was converted into the capital of a column 
in Byzantine times. See Bull, de Corr, Hellin, 17 (1893), p. 98. 
From inscriptions we leam that Poseidon was worshipped under the same 
title of Nurturer at Athens (C /. A, iii. No. 269), Erythrae (Moihtciov 
Kol PipXtoOrjKrj rrjs EvayycAt/ciJs 2^0 A^s, Smyrna, i (1875), P* 106; 
Dittenberger, Sylloge Ins. Graec, No. 370, line 81), and at Rhodes 
{Bull, de Corr. HelUn. 2 (1878), p. 615 ; Inscr. Graec. Insul.^ ed. H. 
de Gaertringen (Berlin, 1895), No. 905 ; Cauer, Delectus Inscr. Graec. ^ 
No. 188 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Ins. Graec. No. 375). 

32. 9. The harbour is at Oelenderis etc. After having 

pursued for a short distance the mountain-path that leads to Hermion, 

Pausanias retraces his steps and goes down to the sea. Later on 

(34. 6) he returns to the mountain-path and follows it in the direction of 

Hermion. * The harbour at Celenderis * would seem to be the arm of 

the sea nearest to Troezen on the east. At the western comer of this 

bay there are some ancient foundations, which may be the ruins of 

Celenderis, the port of Troezen (Curtius, Pelop. 2. pp. 444). Chandler 

says: "On this spot a small fortress had been erected. We could 

trace the two side-walls running up from the sea, with two round towers 

at the angles, inland. These remains are thick, and of the masonry 

styled Incertum" (Travels in Greece^ p. 213). The harbour was named 

Pogon. See above, p. 275. 

32. 9. a plaee which they name Genethlium. Prof. S. Wide con- 
jectures that this place may have been associated with the worship of 
Poseidon Genethlius, who had a sanctuary at Sparta (Paus. iii. 15. 10). 
See S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Hemtionensium^ Epidauriorum^ 
p. 12 sq. 

32. 10. the Psiphaean Sea. If Pausanias is continuing to follow 

the coast eastward, the Psiphaean Sea would seem to be the strait which 

separates the island of Calauria (the modem Poros) from the main- 

^d. This is the view of Curtius {Pelop. 2. p. 443 sq.), Bursian {Geogr. 

2. p. 90), and Kiepert. On the other hand, Boblaye {Recherches^ 

P- 57) and Leake {Morea, 2. p. 448 sq.) suppose that the Psiphaean 

Sea is the head of the bay of Methana, with the salt-water lagoon at 

Valaria. (See note on 31. 10.) It is generally assumed that the 

Psiphaean Sea is identical with the Phoebaean lagoon mentioned by 

Pausanias in ii. 30. 7. Hence it has been proposed to alter Psiphaea 

in the text into Phoebaea (so Leake and Siebelis), or Phoebaea into 

Psiphaea (so Bursian). If an alteration is necessary, the latter is 

preferable ; for an inscription found at Troezen makes mention of a place 

Psipha. The inscription gives a list of the sums paid by the Troezenians 

for various public works, amongst others a certain number of drachms 

284 THE SACRED ISLE BK. 11. cownth 

< to Thessalion for making the road from Psipha.' See Bursian in 
Rheinisches Museunty N.F. 11 (1857), pp. 322, 329. 

32. 10. a wild oliye etc. On the culture of the olive in ancient 
and modern Greece, see Fiedler, Reise^ 2. pp. 592-604 ; Neumann and 
Partsch, Physikalische Geographic von Griechenland^ pp. 412-423; 
Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthierey^ pp. 82-97 ; Philippson, Pelopon- 
nesy p. 544 J^. TYitphulia is mentioned by Homer {Odyss. v. 476^.) 
as one of the two bushes under which the shipwrecked Ulysses laid 
him down to sleep ; the other bush was an olive {elaia), 

32. 10. the sanctuary of Saronian Artemis. Artemis is men- 
tioned under this title in two inscriptions found in the great Epidaurian 
sanctuary of Aesculapius (Cawadias, Fouilles d^ipidaure^ i. pp. 51, 57i 
Inscriptions 85 and 128). 

33. I . Sphaeiia the Sacred {Hiera) Isle. At the eastern mouth 

of the strait which separates Calauria {Poros) from the mainland are two 
small islets. The eastern of the two has a fort, the western a lazarette. 
The latter, a small round island very near the shore and surrounded 
by sandbanks, is covered with the remains of a temple. The island is 
probably Sphaeria or the Sacred Isle, and the ruins are the remains of 
the temple of Apaturian Athena. It is no longer possible to wade out 
to the island from the shore. See Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 59 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, 2. p. 446 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 93. Leake thought that Sphaeria 
must have been that part of Calauria upon which the town of Poros now 
stands. It is a small peninsula separated from the rest of the island by 
a narrow sand-bank, which Leake supposes to be of recent formation 
{Moreoy 2. p. 450 j^.) But it seems improbable that it could ever have 
been possible, in historical times, to wade out to Calauria. The channel 
is now navigated by the small coasting steamers plying between Piraeus 
and Nauplia (the larger coasting steamers keep outside). 

33. I. Apaturian Athena. Pausanias clearly takes Apaturian in 
the sense of * deceitful,* deriving it from apatan, * to deceive.' Ati 
Apaturian Aphrodite was worshipped at the Cimmerian Bosphonis. 
See Strabo, xi. p. 495 ; Hermann, Gottesdienstliche Alterthumer^ 66. 32; 
cp. Stephani, in Compte-Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1859, pp. 126-130. 
The epithet can hardly be separated from the Athenian and Ionian 
festival of the Apaturia, as to which see Herodotus, i. 147 ; Schol. on 
Aristophanes, Acham. 146 ; Suidas, Harpocration, and Hesychius, s.v. 
'AirarovpLa : Miiller's Dorians^ i. pp. xi. 95 (Eng. trans.) ; Daremberg 
et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquith^ i. p. 300 sq. In the Etymolog. 
Magnum, p. 118, 53 sqq, one explanation given of the word is that it 
means * fatherless ' ; it is said that the boys were regarded as fatherless 
{apatores) till after they had gone through the Apaturia. This sense 
would be very applicable in the circumstances of the legendary beget- 
ting of Theseus ; for till he was grown up he did not know who his 
father was. Cp. i. 17. 3 ; i. 27. 8 ; ii. 32. 7. 

33. 2. Oalauria. This is the island now called Poros, separated 
from the coast of Troezen by a narrow strait about 400 yards wide at 
the narrowest. The island is about 16 miles in circumference, though 
Strabo (viii. p. 373) says it is only 30 Greek furlongs. It is composed 


f round rocky hills mostly wooded with firs ; gardens are to be seen 
nly in the small plains beside the sea. The town of Poros stands 
licturesquely on a rocky pyramidal-shaped peninsula jutting out towards 
he mainland and joined to the island only by a low strip of sand, over 
v'hich, when the wind is high from north or south, the waves wash, 
rhe bay of PoroSy to the west of the town, is deep, roomy, and perfectly 
mug ; it is indeed one of the finest harbours not only in Greece but in 
the world. Seen from the deck of a steamer the view of the ahnost 
landlocked bay is very picturesque. The white houses rising above 
each other against a back-ground of dark volcanic rock, the deep blue 
surface of the bay, the luxuriant vegetation on the southern shore, where 
tall cypresses tower above lemon groves, with the graceful line of 
mountains rising beyond, — ^all this makes up one of the most charming 
and brightly coloured scenes in Greece. 

See Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 274 sqq. ; Boblaye, Recherches^ p. 59 ; Curtius, 
Ptlop, 2. p. 447 saq, ; Baedeker,' p. 253 sq, ; Guide-Joannet 2. p. 204 ; Philippson, 
PtloponruSy p. 40 sqq. 

33. 2. the two gods exchanged the places. Strabo says (viii. 
P- 373 sq,) that Poseidon gave Delos to Latona in exchange for 
Calauria, and Pytho (Delphi) to Apollo in exchange for Taenanim. 
Strabo quotes from Ephorus the same oracle that is cited by Pausanias. 
Panofka has discussed a scene on an Etruscan mirror which he thinks 
represents Apollo at Delphi proposing to Poseidon to give him Calauria 
for Delphi {Annali deW InsHtuio^ 17 (1845), PP- 63-67). 

33. 2. there is here a holy sanctuary of Poseidon. The ruins 
of this sanctuary are situated in the interior of the island of Calauria, 
about two and a half miles from the town of Poros, They occupy a 
high plateau (about 500 feet above the level of the sea) near the middle 
of the island. The site was excavated in 1894 by two Swedish archaeo- 
logists, Messrs. Wide and Kjellberg. On the eastern part of the 
plateau, looking towards Sunium and the open sea, they found the 
remains of a sacred enclosure about ?oo feet long by 100 feet wide. 
The enclosure had two gates, one on the east and one on the south. 
In the middle of the enclosure are some remains of the walls and pave- 
ment of the temple, which seems to have been of the Doric order and 
of the kind called distyle in antis. An altar has also been discovered 
^thin the sacred enclosure. Dodwell found some large blocks which 
had formed the exterior part of a circular building : he thought they 
might be the remains of the tomb or monument of Demosthenes (see 
the next section). A semicircular seat of stone, near the N.W. end 
of the temple, may possibly be the very seat on which Demosthenes 
was found sitting by the emissary of Antipater (Plutarch, Demosthenes^ 
29). Coins and the head of an owl of good workmanship have been 
brought to light by the Swedish excavators. On leaving the sanctuary 
by the south gate you pass out upon a spacious terrace. Here the 
imposing foundations of two colonnades of good Greek style have been 
Jaid bare. To the west are the remains of some smaller buildings. It 
may be conjectured that these colonnades and buildings served for the 

286 CALAURIA bk. ii. co&ikth 

meetings of the council of the league which had its federal capital in 
Calauria (see below). The materials of which the buildings are con- 
structed are tufa, blue limestone, and trachyte, all stones native to die 
island. The tiles of the temple are of marble. Of the small vodve 
offerings found in the sanctuary most seem to belong to the sixth 
century B.C. ; some of them relate to the worship of Poseidon. The 
temple itself appears to date from the sixth century B.C One of the 
so-called Island or Mycenaean gems and a fragment of Mycenaean pottery 
have also been found here. See Chandler, Travels in Greece^ p. 2 1 1 Jf. ; 
Dodwell, Tour^ 2. p. 276 sqq, ; Boblaye, Recherckes^ p. 59 ; Curtius, 
Peiop, 2. p. 448 j^. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 93 ; Baedeker,^ p. 254; Le 
Bas, Voyage ArcMologique^ Itin^raire, pi. 15; Athenaeum^ 28 July, 
1894, p. 136; id,^ 8 September, 1894, p. 328 ; id,^ 19 January, 1895, 
p. 91 ; Bulletin de Corr. HelUnique^ 18 (1894), p. 196 sq, ; Americm 
Joum, of Archaeology^ 10 (1895), p. 128 j^. ; Strabo tells us (viii. p. 374) 
that the sanctuary of Poseidon in Calauria was the religious centre of a 
league {amphictyonid) of seven cities, namely Hermion, Epidauns, 
Aegina, Athens, Prasiae, Nauplia, and Orchomenus in Boeotia; at a 
later time Argos took the place of Nauplia, and Lacedaemon of Prasiae. 
Prof. E. Curtius has tried to prove that not the Boeotian but the Arcadian 
Orchomenus was one of the members of the league, which he supposes 
to have been instituted by Phidon of Argos in the time of the second 
Messenian war as a counterpoise to the growing power of Spaita 
{HermeSy 10 (1876), pp. 385-392 ; Gesammelte Adhandlungen^ i. pp. 211* 
218). His views are not accepted by Busolt {Griech, Gesch, i.^ p. 186) 
nor Holm {Griech, Gesch. i. p. 292). An inscription has been found 
in Calauria {Poros) which contains provisions for offering sacrifices to 
Poseidon and Saviour Zeus : a woman named Agasicratis dedicates 300 
drachms of silver to Poseidon, out of which sacrifices were to be offered 
every three years, on the seventh day of the month Artemisius (CoUit^ 
G, D, I, 3. No. 3380). 

33. 2. a girl till she is old enough to wed. As to priesthood^ 
held by boys or girls under puberty see note on vii. 24. 4. For anothc^ 
example of a god served by a virgin priestess see ix. 27. 6. 

33. 3. he never fingered a penny of the gold that Harpaln^ 
brought. The question whether Demosthenes took a bribe froin^ 
Harpalus or not, has been much discussed both in ancient and modem 
times. See F. v. Duhn, *Zur Geschichte des harpalischen Processes,' 
Fleckeiser^ s Jahrbiicher^ 21 (1875), pp. 33-59; J. Rohrmoser, *Ueber 
den Gang des harpalischen Processes und das Verhalten des Demo- 
sthenes zu demselben,* Zeitschrift f. oesterreich. Gymnasien^ 27 (1876), 
pp. 481-496; H. Haupt, *Die Vorgeschichte des harpzdischen Pro- 
cesses,' Rheinisches Museum^ N. F. 34 (1879), pp. 377-387 ; A. Holm, 
Griech, Geschichte^ 3. p. 420 sqq, 

34. I. Methana. This is still the name of the mountainous 
peninsula which runs far out into the sea from the coast of Troezen, 
forming a very conspicuous landmark in the Saronic Gulf. The isthmus 
which joins it to the mainland is about 1000 feet across. This isthmus 
was fortified in the Peloponnesian war (425 B.C.) by the Athenians, who 


established a fortified post on the peninsula, from which they ravaged 

the coasts of Troezen and Epidaurus (Thucyd. iv. 45 ; Diodorus, xii. 

65). Remains of the wall across the isthmus may still be seen with 

the two castles on the opposite shores. The castle on the western 

shore is named Fort Diamanti ; it is of a regular elliptical form. These 

fortifications were renewed in the middle ages ; and the Greeks attempted 

to make use of them in the War of Independence. The peninsula itself 

is a mountainous mass of grand and picturesque outline. The chief 

peak, Mt. Chelona^ in the heart of the peninsula, is a cone 2281 feet 

high. Most of the peninsula is of volcanic origin, the prevailing rock 

being a dark red or brown trachyte. The general character of the 

scenery is one of barren desolation, the whole peninsula, with the 

exception of a few narrow strips on the coast, being occupied by the 

sharp mountain-ridges which radiate from Mt. Chelona, Narrow gullies 

divide these ridges from each other. Water is scarce, and the air dry 

and hot. The inhabitants, however, contrive to cultivate patches of 

ground, supported by terraces, high up on the mountain sides. The 

contrast is great between this desolate and arid mountain-mass, and 

the rich and well-watered plain of Troezen which adjoins it on the 



The town of Methana was situated on the western side of the 
peninsula, about half an hour to the south-west of the present village 
of Megalochorio, The acropolis stood on a low but abrupt rocky 
eminence near the sea. The walls are regularly built and well pre- 
served, extending round the edge of the rock. Twenty-one courses of 
stones were counted by Dodwell in one place. The material is the 
same red trachyte as the rock. A chapel of the Panagia within the 
walls contains some ancient blocks, including an inscription referring to 
Isis. This chapel may therefore have occupied the site of the sanctuary 
of Isis mentioned by Pausanias. Near the sea Dodwell found the 
temains of two small buildings of white marble, one of the Doric, the 
other of the Ionic order. 

See Giandler, Travels in Greece^ p. 2\% sq. ; Dodwell, Toury 2. p. 280 sqq, ; 
Boblaye, RechercheSf p. 57 sq, ; Leake, Morea, 2. p. 453 sqq, ; Fiedler, Reise, i. 
p- 257 sqq, ; Curtius, Peiop, 2. p. 438 sqq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 91 ; Baedeker,* 
P- 253 ; Guide-Joanne, 2. p. 205. 

All the MSS. of Thucydides (iv. 45) spell the name of the place 
Methone. This appears to be a corruption arising from a confusion 
between Methana in Argolis and Methone in Macedonia and Messenia 
(see note on iv. 35. i). But it is a very old corruption; for Strabo, 
who spells the name Methana, notes (viii. p. 374) that it is spelt 
Methone in some of the MSS. of Thucydides. 

34. I. Hercules. At the village of Megcdochorio^ near Methana, 
Mr. Paul Jamot found an inscription commemorating the building of a 
temple to Hercules by one Aurelius Trophimus. The characters of the 
inscription appear to be later than the time of Pausanias, who does not 
mention a temple, but only an image, of Hercules at Methana. See 
Bulletin de Corresp, HeiUnique^ 13 (1889), p. 189 sq. 

288 METHANA bk. ii. covnth 

34. I. warm baths. On account of its volcanic character the 
peninsula of Methana possesses hot sulphur springs. Of these there 
are two, one at Vromolimni ('stinking lake') on the east coast, the 
other on the middle of the north coast at a place called Vroma (< stink ')^ 
below the small village of Kato-Mouska, The latter is supposed to be 
the hot baths mentioned by Pausanias, as the distance from Methana 
recorded by him (30 furlongs) agrees better with the position of 
Vroma than of Vromolimni, The water flows from under some fi^len 
blocks of trach3rte ; it is very salt, very sulphureous, and has a 
temperature of 28^ Reaumur. On the slope a little above the spring is 
the back wall of a building, probably erected for the use of bathers. 
It has three divisions and is built of reddish-brown trachyte, with 
good brick and mortar work interposed. See especially Fiedler, Rdsty 
I. pp. 257-259; also Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 58 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 
442 ; Leake, Peloponnesiaca^ p. 278. 

34. I. sharks. The Greek word is icvvcs, *dogs.' Cp. iv. 34.3. 
Sharks are conunon in the Saronic Gulf. My dragoman told me that 
they used to frequent the bay of Methana, but that, disturbed by the 
steamers, they have left these waters and gone to the quiet bay oi 
Epidaurus. Another danger to bathers and to the sponge-divers who 
ply their trade in these seas is the octopus, which is apt to fasten on 
a man with its powerful tentacles (Fiedler, Reise^ i. pp. 260, 267 ifi 

34. 2. two men take a cock etc. The object of carrying the 
pieces of the victim round the vineyard was to place the vines, as it 
were, within a charmed circle, into which the baneful influence of the 
wind could not penetrate. This may be illustrated by parallel practices. 
Meles, King of Sardes, was told that the acropolis of Sardes would be 
impregnable if a lion were carried round the walls. So he caused a 
lion to be carried round the whole circuit of the walls except one place, 
which was so precipitous that he considered it quite safe. But the 
soldiers of Cyrus made their way into the acropolis at this very point 
(Herodotus, i. 84). In Elmina, on the Gold Coast of Africa, it was 
formerly the custom to sacrifice a human victim, cut the body up, and 
distribute the pieces round the town. A sheep is now substituted for 
the human victim, and its flesh distributed in the same way. This is 
believed to render it impossible for a hostile force to make its way into 
the town. See A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast ^ 
p. 53. Some of the Nagas, a hill tribe of north-eastern India, killed a 
puppy, cut it up, and buried the pieces at various points outside their 
gates on the road along which they expected an English force to attack 
their village : this was supposed to secure the village and render the 
bullets harmless (Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ 11 (1882), 
p. 70). In the Nijegorod Government (Russia) " the Siberian Plague 
is supposed to be kept at a distance by ashen stakes being driven into 
the ground at crossways, and the remains of a dog, calcined for the 
purpose, being scattered about the village " (Ralston, Songs of the Russian 
People^ P- 395)- In the Roman sacrifice of the suovetaurilia the victims 
were carried round the land, which was thus supposed to be protected 

:h. XXXIV MET HAN A 289 

from fog, disease, etc. (Marquardt, Das Sacralwesen^ p. 201). Roman 

and Greek writers record the belief that if you carry the skin of a hyaena, 

a crocodile, or a seal round your land, and then hang up the skin over 

the door of the house, no hail will fall on your land (Palladius, De re 

rustica^ i> 35 > Geopanica^ i. 14). It is said to be an Austrian custom, 

on the approach of a hail-storm, to bury an t%% at each of the four 

comers of the field (Ulrich Jahn, Die deutsche Opfergebrducke^ p. 62). 

When the people of Car Nicobar (the most northerly of the Nicobar 

Islands) see signs of an approaching storm, "the people of every 

village march round their own boundaries, and fix up at different 

distances small sticks split at the top, into which split they put a piece 

of cocoa-nut, a wisp of tobacco, and the leaf of a certain plant " {Asiatick 

Researches^ 2. p. 342). Among the Esthonians it used to be customary 

for a farmer to go to his fields on the day of the Annunciation and let 

fall three drops of blood from the ring finger of his left hand at each of 

the four comers of all his fields ; this was to make the crops thrive 

(Kreutzwald und Neus, Mythische und magische Lieder der Ehsten, 

p. 16). 

llie reason why the people of Methana selected a white cock speci- 
ally to keep off the South Wester is perhaps explained by the following 
custom. When the sky is overcast the skipper of a Malay prao takes 
the white or yellow feathers of a cock, fastens them to a leaf of a special 
sort, and sets them in the forecastle, praying that the spirits will cause 
the black clouds to pass by. Then the cock is killed. The skipper 
whitens his hand with chalk, points thrice with his whitened finger at 
the black clouds, and throws the bird into the sea. See Riedel, De 
slutk- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 4 1 2 sg. The 
idea of both the Malay and the Greek custom seems to be that the white 
biid will chase away Uie black clouds. 

34. 3. the Isles of Peloids. "As Pausanias remarks that the 
islands of Pelops, which were near the coast of Methana, were nine in 
Qomber, those which lie between Epidaurus and Aegina must have been 
indnded under this denomination. The principal are Mdni, Metdpi, 
Angkistriy and Kyrd; of which Anghistri is much the largest, and, 
being chiefly covered with wild pines, answers in this respect, as well as 
in its distance from the continent, to the Pityonnesus, which Pliny 
[Nat, Hist iv. 57] places in face of Epidaurus. Kyrd, being nearer to 
Spidaurus, corresponds equally well with Cecryphalos " (Leake, Marea, 
^'P'455)* Pliny {ix.) says that the islands are 6 miles firom the 
niaiiiland. The Cecryphalus of Pliny, as Leake says, is probably the 
Ceciyphalia of Thucydides (iv. 105), where the Athenians won a naval 
victory over the Aeginetans. Cp. Diodorus, xi. 78. 

34. 3. to keep off hail by sacrifices and spells. Pausanias perhaps 
refers to the ceremonies which were practised for this purpose at Cleonae, 
and which he himself may have witnessed. See note on ii. 15. i. 
Another Greek way of keeping hail from the vines was to tie a strap 
round one of the vines ; it was supposed that this would save all the 
rest (Philostratus, Heroica, iii. 25). Many other equally absurd modes 
of averting a hail-storm (by brandishing bloody axes in a threatening 

VOL. Ill U 

290 TROEZEN TO HERMION BK. ii. oobimth 

manner at the sky, holding up a mirror to the clouds, rubbing the 
pruning-knives with bear's grease, etc.) are gravely recorded by andott 
writers (Palladius, De re rusticoy i. 35 ; Geopomcoy i. 14 ; cp. Pliny, 
Nat. Hist, xxviii. yy), 

34. 6. a road from Troezen to Hermion etc. Pansanias nov 
returns to the road which he quitted in 32. 9. The path ascends the 
romantic glen of the Kremastos (the ancient Hyllicus), passing the Devil's 
Bridge (see notes on ii. 31. 10; ii. 32. 7). The ascent is exceedingly 
steep and winding, almost dangerously so. From the top of the pass, 
which is reached in about an hour and a quarter, a view of the sea to 
the south with islands {Hydra^ etc.) is obtained. The path then 
descends gradually over bushy terraces, between which the broad, often 
waterless, bed of the Tkermisi river winds towards the sea. There is a 
wayside spring where myrtles and plane-trees gn>^w in profusion. Here 
perhaps stood the temple of Apollo of the Plane-tree Grove, mentioned 
by Pausanias. Lower down is a table-land, hemmed in by heights. It 
is called //rVz, and is perhaps the Ilei of Pausanias. The dale then 
opens out into a level stretch of marshy land, where the river reaches 
the sea. To the west of its estuary is a large salt-water lagoon, where 
the Venetians had a salt-work. On the south this lagoon is bounded 
by a rocky coast which ends in Cape Thermisi, The application of the 
name Tkermisi to the lagoon, the salt-work, and the bay, as weU as to 
the cape, seems to show that the sanctuary of Demeter Warmth (JA^r* 
masia)y mentioned by Pausanias, was in this neighbourhood. Abofe 
the salt-work is a chapel with some ruins ; perhaps it occupies the site 
of the sanctuary. The double-peaked hill which rises steeply to the 
north is crowned with the remains of an old fortification. 

See Gell, Ititurary of Greece^ p. 123 sqq. ; Boblaye, Reckerches^ p. 61; 
Curtius, Pelop» 2. p. 451 sq. ; Leake, Peloponnesiacay p. 28 1 sq. ; Bursian, doff* 
2. pp. 87, 95 ; Philippson, PelopontuSy p. 49 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 206. 

34. 7* Jtist eighty ftirlongs off is Gape Scyllaemn. Cape ScyUaeom 
is the modem Cape Skyli^ the sharp promontory forming the southern 
extremity of the Saronic gfulf, between Troezen and Hennion. In 
favour of identifying Scyllaeum with Skyli there is, besides the similarity 
of the names, the testimony of Scylax, who sailing along the coast from 
Nauplia to Corinth, mentions Hermion, then Cape Scyllaeum, and after- 
wards Troezen. He says that Scyllaeum is the boundary of the Saronic 
gulf (tov koXvov tou 7r/3^s icOfMy), and that it is opposite Sunium in 
Attica ; both these descriptions point to Cape Skyii, See Scylax, 
Periplusy 51. Pausanias says that Scyllaeum was 80 furlongs from 
the sanctuary of Demeter Warmth {Thermasia). But Cape Tkermisi 
is 10 geographical miles (a good deal more than 80 fiirlongs) from 
Skyli, Therefore if by Scyllaeum Pausanias meant Skyliy and if he 
has given the distance rightly, the sanctuary cannot have stood exactly 
at Cape Tkermisi^ but must have been farther to the east, nearer Cape 
Skyli, On the derivation of the name Scyllaeum from Scylla, daughter of 
Nisus, cp. Strabo, viii. p. 373. As to Scyllaeum, see also below, p. 292. 

34. 8. Sailing from Scyllaeum towards the capital etc From 


tlus point till he reaches Hermion, Pausanias's description of the coast 
can with difficulty be reconciled with the actual coast-line. Two ways 
of interpreting his description have been proposed. Both assume that 
he has been guilty of some error or confusion. As to the position of 
Hermion itself there is, however, no question. It was on the site of 
the modem village of Kastrt. 

(i) It has been supposed that Scyllaeum was not Skyli^ but the 

bold round promontory about a mile to the north of it. Sfyli 

would then be Bucephala; and the islands of Haliussa, Pityussa, 

and Aristerae would be the three islets off Skyli, From Skyli and 

its islands Pausanias then, compelled by contrary winds or for other 

reasons, sailed outside the large island of Hydra^ the eastern 

extremity of which he called Colyergia and mistook for a piece of 

the mainland. Tricrana is the modem island of Trikera, Buporth- 

mus is Cape Musakt, Aperopia is the island of Doko, Hydrea is 

Hydra, The * crescent-shaped beach ' is the bay of Kappari, The *spit 

of land ' is the promontory called BisH, Hermion occupied the site 

of the modem village of Kastri, This is the explanation adopted by 

Boblaye {Reckerches^ p. 60) and Leake {Pelop. p. 279 sqq,) The 

(Bfficulties in the way of it are : (i) It shifts Scyllaeum from Skyli to a 

point a mile off. (2) In one of the islands off Scyllaeum Pausanias 

says there was a good harbour. But there seems to be no harbour in 

the islets off Skyli. (3) It assmnes that Pausanias mistook the eastem 

end of Hydra for the mainland ; and (4) that he entirely omitted to 

mention die large island of Spetzia, 

(ii) The other explanation is that Pausanias, owing to some 
; confusion in his notes or from borrowing his description of the coast 
I from a book without having himself sailed round the whole distance, 
starts in his description, not from Skyli^ but from a point on the coast 
in the opposite direction, namely from a point to the west of Hermion 
(Kastri)y say from the harbour of Kiladia. Bucephala (< ox-head') 
v'oiild then be the westem extremity of the Kratddi peninsula, between 
Cape Palaeo-TTuni on the north and Cape Korakas on the south. The 
island of Haliussa would be the peninsula at the east end of which is 
Port Chelij for this peninsula is nearly separated from the mainland by 
2 sah-water lagoon and may have been an island in Pausanias's time. 
The harbour of which Pausanias speaks would be Port Cheli ; Pityussa 
VQold be Spetsia ; and Aristerae would be Spetzia-poulo, Colyergia 
voold be the cape on which a chapel of St. Aemilianus stands and 
which in some maps is marked Cape Mylonas, The rest of the islands 
^ capes (Tricrana, etc.) are the same as in the previous explanation. 
This was the view of Lolling {Mittheil. d, arch, Inst, in Athen^ 4 
('^79)» P- 107 ^9Q'\ ^^^ ^o some extent of Bursian, though he 
identified Haliussa with Spetzia^ Pityussa with Spetziorpoulo^ and 
Aristerae with three small islets east of Spetziorpoulo {Geogr, von 
Grieckeniandy 2. pp. 86 sq, note, 100 sq,) 

The advantages of this view over the preceding are : (i) It supplies 
a harbour answering to the one described by Pausanias as existing in 
Haliussa. (2) It does not involve the oversight of the large island of 

292 TROEZEN TO HERMION bk. ii. cokutth 

SpeiziOy and it perhaps shows the origin of the modem name in tbe 
ancient one {Spetzia from Pityussa). (3) The island oi Spetzia-fouUxk 
more usually known at the present day as Arasteri^ in which we easily 
recognise the ancient Aristerae. On the other hand the difficulties 
about this view are these: (i) It shifts Scyllaeum from its true place 
to one at the very opposite end of Hermionis. (2) It supposes that what 
is now mainland was an island in Pausanias's time. (3) It seems veiy 
unnatural that Pausanias, approaching Hermion from the east, shodd , 
take a g^eat leap past the town to the west, and then begin sailing 
back eastwards to the town. For on this supposition, if he saw 
the coast as he describes it, he must actually have passed the towa, 
continued his journey for some miles, and then sailed back to 6e 
place which he had previously passed on foot. Still on the wbole 
the objections to this view, grave as they are, seem to me less grave 
than those which tell against the former view. Even the most serious 
of the mistakes which it seems to impute to Pausanias, namely the 
transference of Scyllaeum from the eastern to the western extremity of 
Hermionis, may perhaps be defended or at least explained. For two 
passages of ancient writers seem necessarily to imply that Scyllaeum 
was at the western end of Hermionis. Thus Strabo (viii. p. 368), 
making the circuit of Peloponnese in the reverse direction from 
Pausanias (Elis, Messenia, Laconia, Argolis), says that after cape 
Malea you come to the Gulf of Aigos and next to the Gulf of Hermionis* 
The Gulf of Aigos, he says, extends as £ar as Scyllaeum ; then comes 
the Gulf of Hermionis fiuther to the east, reaching as far as to A^[ina 
and Epidaurus. If the Gulf of Hermionis included, as it surely did, 
the coast of Hermionis, then Scyllaeum, the termination of the Gulf of 
Argolis, must have been at the western end of Hermionis ; otherwise 
Hermionis would have been, not on the Gulf of Hermionis, but on that 
of Argos. The same thing is still more clearly expressed by Pliny 
{Nat, Hist, iv. 17). He says that the Gulf of Argos extends asfer 
as Scyllaeum ; then after Scyllaeum comes the Gulf of Hermionis, with 
the towns of Hermion, Troezen, etc. These two writers, therefore, 
certainly placed Scyllaeum to the west of Hermionis, and Pausanias 
would seem to have done so too. Whether they were right in doing 
so, is another question. That the present Skyli^ to the east of 
Hermionis, was called Scyllaeum in antiquity seems certain. That 
there was another Scyllaeum to the west of Hermionis is possible, bui 
unlikely. It seems more likely that all three writers, Strabo, Pliny, 
and Pausanias, were misinformed. 

Prof. £. Curtius attempted a different solution of the difficulties is 
the present passage of Pausanias {Pelop, 2. p. 452 sqq,) ; but the 
objections to his view are so numerous that I have not thought it 
necessary to discuss it. 

34. 8. a harbour where there is good anchorage. This is 
perhaps the modem Port Cheli. See preceding note. The bay is small 
and landlocked, and the scenery, without being grand, is peaceful and 
homelike, reminding a Scotchman of some quiet inlet in the Western 
Highlands of his native land. There is no wharf, and hardly a sign of 

CH. xxxiv HERMION 293 

habitation within sight. A ferry-boat puts off to the steamer. The 
people are Albanians. 

34. 8. PityuBSa. This is probably the modem Spetzia^ with its 
thriving town of the same name. No ancient remains are known to 
exist on the island (Bm^ian, Geogr, 2. p. loi). 

34. 8. Tricrana. This is probably the modem Trikem, an unin- 
habited island consisting of two mountains joined by an isthmus (Bursian, 
Geogr. 2. p. loi). 

34. 8. Buporthmns. Pausanias's description of this place applies 
well to Cape Mouzakiy which is a plateau-shaped mountain with steep 
sides thrust out into the sea and joined to the land by a low and narrow, 
but rocky isthmus. See Lolling, in MittheiL d, arch, Inst. in.Atken^ 4 

(1879), p. 109. 

34. 9. Hydrea. This island preserves its name in the slightly 
changed form of Hydra. The town is built on the steep slopes which 
enclose a small inlet ; the white houses rising above each other like a 
theatre present a picturesque aspect to the sea. Three insignificant 
fragments of antiquity have been found here, all of them, apparently, 
imported (Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 100). Worked flints and polished 
stone axes of the neolithic age have been discovered in the island 
(Gutde-Joanney 2. p. 207). Hydra is the most southerly land seen from 
Athens ; on a clear day (that is, nearly every day) it is visible in the 
blue distance, where sea and sky meet. 

34. 9. a spit of land nms eastward into the sea. This is the 
long neck of land, now called BisHy which runs out into the sea from the 
village of Kastri. Its dimensions agree with those given by Pausanias. 
<« The sea is very deep, so that large vessels might have lain close to the 
walls, and the ports or bays both on the north and south of the peninsula, 
seem perfectly secure and land-locked. The anchorage is excellent" 
(Gell, Itin. of Greece^ p. 1 30). On the north side of the peninsula some 
squared blocks may be seen lying, partly in the water ; they are probably 
the remains of an ancient mole. At the extremity of the cape, which 
was fortified in Venetian times and in the War of Independence, are the 
ruins of a tower built of large irregular blocks. On the stunmit of the 
promontory is the pavement of a temple, 100 feet long by 38 feet broad, 
constructed of greyish-blue limestone, the blocks of unequal sizes. It 
may have formed part of the temple of Poseidon mentioned by Pausanias. 
Immediately behind it is another ancient pavement, 80 feet long. There 
are numerous other ancient remains farther to the west, including the 
ruins of a theatre on the southern side of the peninsula. This theatre 
is built of bricks and mortar ; ten rows of seats are still to be seen. 
See Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 457 sq, ; Bursian, Geogr. 2. p. 96 ; Philippson, 
PeloponneSy p. 49 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 206. 

34. II. The present city is just four ftirlongs from the cape etc. 
The spit of land now called Bisti on which, according to Pausanias, 
the older city of Hermion lay, runs eastward into the sea, dividing the 
northern from the southern harbour. Of these two harbours the 
northern is the smaller but safer. At it may be seen the remains of 
an ancient mole (see the preceding note). A few hundred yards 



inland from the promontory rises a hill, the Mount Pron of the andents, 
separated by a saddle from the range of Mount Thomax (Cuckoo 
Mountain) on the west. This hill was the ancient acropolis. The 
modem village of Kasiri lies on its slope. Vestiges of the ancient vaD 
exist on the north side of the hill. The schoolhouse is built on ao 
ancient wall, 50 feet long, which may have been part of the wall of tbe 
acropolis. The chief church of Kastri^ dedicated to the Taxiarch (St 
Michael), seems to occupy the site of an ancient temple. It stands in tbe 
upper part of the village, and contains a couple of ancient colunms, some 
fragments of sculpture, and many ancient blocks, including two stones 
inscribed with dedications to Demeter, Clymenus, and Proserpine. We 
may conjectiu^ that the church has succeeded to the site of the sanctuary 
of Demeter, which was, as we learn from Pausanias, the chief shrine of 
Hermion. Smaller antiquities, such as terra-cottas, bronzes, coins and 
inscriptions are to be found in numbers on the site of the ancient dtjr. 

Possessing no fertile territory, and being accessible on the land side 
only by a difficult mountain track, Hermion was essentially a maridme 
city. It owed its importance to its two excellent harbours, which are 
sheltered by capes and islands from every wind that blows. 

See Gell, Itinerary of Greece, p. 128 sqq. ; Boblave, Recherckes, p. 60 ; CortinSj 
Petop, 2. p. 454 sqq, ; AnnalidelP Imtituto, 33 (1861), p. 10 ; Bursian, Geogr^ 2. 
p. 95 sq, ; PhilippsoD, Pehponius^ p. 49 ; Guide-Joanne^ 2. p. 206. 

35. I. Dionysus of the Black Qoatskin. This title is said to have 
originated in the appearance of Dionysus, on a certain momentous 
occasion, clad in a black goatskin. See Schol. on Aristophanes, Achafft- 
146; Suidas, s.v, *Airarovpia\ Etymolog. Magn, p. 119. 10. Ob 
Dionysus in goat form, cp. The Golden Bough, i. p. 326 sq,^ 2. p. 34 sq<l' 
The boat-races and swimming - races held at Hermion in honour ^ 
Dionysus may perhaps have been associated with the story of the god*^ 
adventure with pirates which is told in the Homeric hymn to Dionys*^^ 
and illustrated by the sculptures on the monument of Lysicrates at Athc^^^ 
(vol. 2. p. 207). Cp. S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensiuf^^ 
Epidauriorunty p. 43 sq. 

35. I. prizes for swimming-races and boat-races. The shelter^^ 
bay of Hermion was well adapted for these contests. Boat-races see^ 
to have been not uncommon in antiquity. They were held at Suniu^ 
(Lysias, Or, xxi. 5) ; and Attic inscriptions show that boat-races former^ 
part of the regular training of the Athenian lads (epheboi) ; they racc^ 
in sacred vessels round the peninsula of Piraeus to the harbour <^ 
Munychia. See Aug. Mommsen, Heortologie, pp. 1 97, 411; Prof^ 
Percy Gardner, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 2 (1881), pp. 90-97^ 
315-317 ; i^'i 6 (1885), p. 26 ; C I. A. ii. No. 470, line 16 ; C /. A. 
ii. No. 471, line 29 sq,\ Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec. No. 347, 
line 21 sq.'f id., No. 395, line 78; Plutarch, Themistocles, 32. 

35. I. Artemis snmamed Iphigenia. At Aegirae in Achaia 
there was a temple of Artemis which contained a very ancient image of 
Iphigenia ; from which Pausanias concluded that the temple had 
originally belonged to Iphigenia (vii. 26. 5). Cp. S. Wide, De sacris 
TroezenioruMy Hermionensium, Epidauriorum, p. 29. 


35. I. a bronze Poseidon with one foot on a dolphin. On coins 
of Hermion there is a representation of Poseidon which is probably 
copied from the statue here described by Pausanias : the god appears 
standing with a trident in his hand and one foot resting on a dolphin 
(Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Num, Comm. on Paus, p. 50). An 
inscription found at Hermion mentions a priest of Poseidon (C. /. G, 
No. 1223). At Anticyra the god was similarly represented standing 
with one foot on a dolphin (Paus. x. 36. 8) ; and Hyginus says {Asiron, 
iL 17): "We see that those who make images of Neptune (Poseidon) 
place a dolphin either in his hand or under his foot." As to the worship 
of Poseidon at Hermion see S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Her- 
mumensium^ Epidauriorum^ P* 13 sq, 

35. I. the shxine of Hestia. The altar in this shrine may have 
been ' the conmion hearth ' mentioned in a Hermionian inscription as 
the place where foreign ambassadors were entertained by the magistrates 
(C. /. G, No. 1193 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr. Graec. No. 389). 

35. 3. a plaice called Limon ('meadow'). Prof. Curtius thinks 
that this may be a place a good hour's distance on the way to Kranidi, 
There are some springs at this spot See Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 459. 

35. 4* a sanctuary of Demeter on Mount Pron. This sanctuary 
perhaps occupied the site of the present chief church of Kastri^ the 
church of the Taxiarch. See above, p. 294. The sanctuary is 
mentioned in an inscription of Hermion (C /. G, No. 1193 ; Ditten- 
berger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 389). 

35. 5. the goddess herself is certainly called Ohthonia and 

they celebrate a festival called Ohthonia. Inscriptions containing 

dedications to Chthonian Demeter have been found at Hermion 

(C. /. G. Nos. 1 193, 1 194, 1 195, 1 198; Roehl, /. G, A. No. 47; 

Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec. No. 389 ; CoUitz, G. D. /. 3. Nos. 

33^2, 3383, 3396). Demeter was worshipped under this title also at 

Sparta (Paus. iii. 14. 5). The festival called Chthonia is thus referred 

to by Aelian {Nat, Anim, xL 4) : " The Hermionians worship Demeter 

and sacrifice to her magnificently and grandly; and they call the 

festival Chthonia. I hear that the largest cows are brought from the 

herd to the altar by the priestess, and that they allow themselves to be 

sacrificed." Then he quotes some verses of Aristocles, in which it is 

said that a bull such as ten men could not master is led to the altar of 

Demeter at Hermion by the priestess alone, the bull following her as 

quietly as a child follows its mother. From an inscription found at 

Hennion (C /. G, No. 1 193 ; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscr, Graec, No. 389) 

^ learn that a victim was sometimes sent by a friendly state to be offered 

^t the festival of the Chthonia, that ambassadors and others assembled 

to wimess the sacrifice, and that a special official (called d€apo86' 

m) was appointed to receive them. These officials are mentioned in 

other Hermionian inscriptions (Collitz, G, D, I, 3. Nos. 3387, 3388). 

Two other inscriptions of Hermion contain lists of men and women, 

with the names added, sometimes of their fathers, sometimes of their 

mothers. Boeckh thought that these are lists of the persons who had 

been initiated into the mysteries of Demeter (see Paus. ii. 34. 10), with 


the names of their fathers or mothers who had initiated them. See 
C /. G, Nos. 1207, 121 1 ; Bulletin de Carresp. HelUmque^ 1879, 
p. 75 sqq, ; Collitz, G» D, I, 3. Nos. 3398, 3401, 3402. The sacn6ce 
at the festival of the Chthonia has been examined by W. Mannliardt, 
who thought that the cow in this sacrifice represented the spirit of 
vegetation. See his Mythologische Forschungen^ P* 5^ sqq. ; cp. also 
his Komddmonen^ p. 36. Cp. S. Wide, De sacris Troezemonm^ 
Hermionensium^ Epidauriorum^ p. 48 sqq, 

35. 5. it seems to me a hyacinth. Hyacinths were among the 
flowers which Proserpine and her playmates were gathering when she 
was carried off by Pluto. See Homer, Hymn to Demeter^ 6 sqq,y 425 
sqq, ; Ovid, Fastt^ iv. 437 sqq, ; id,^ Met, v. 392 ; Sophocles, Oed, Cd 
682 sqq, ; Hesychius, s,v, SafMTptov, All these passages are refened 
to by Stephani, in Campte-Rendu (St. Petersburg) for 1865, p. 15 sq, 

35. 5. inscribed with the same monrnftil letters. So Ludan 
{De saltatiane^ 45) speaks of "the flower sprung from the blood (of 
Hyacinth) and the woeful inscription on it." Milton's phrase in Lyddfis 
(" that sanguine flower inscribed with woe ") will recur to the reader. 

35. 7. Four old women. Old women are sometimes specially 
selected to offer sacrifices. Cp. Pigafetta, in Pinkerton's Voyages ^ 
Travels^ 10. p. 342 sq. ; Crawford, History of the Indian ArckipeU^'i 
2. p. 234 sq, 

35. 8. the thing they reverence above everything else. ^^^ 
Charles Newton {Hist, of Discoveries at Cnidus^ etc, 2. p. 414) thou^l^ 
that the worshipful object was probably contained in the sacred b^ 
{cista), comparing Clement of Alexandria, Protrept, 21, p. 18 ^ 
Potter; Pausan. viii. 37. 4. Gerhard {Griech, Mythol, § 420. 1 
thought that the cista of Demeter contained a serpent (As to iX 
cista see note on viii. 25. 7.) The women called 'drawers' at \f 
Thesmophoria (a festival in honour of Demeter and Proserpine) seem ^ 
have carried cakes made in the shape of serpents and of phalli, S^ 
the scholium on Lucian, published in Rheinisches Museum^ N.F. 7 
(1870), p. 548 sqq, 

35. 9. Olymenns. This was no doubt, as Pausanias perceived 
only a euphuistic name for Pluto. A Hermionian poet, Lasus by name 
called Proserpine "the wife of Clymenus" (Athenaeus, xiv. p. 624 e) 
Cp. S. Wide, De sacris Troezeniorum^ Hermionensium^ Epidauriorum 
p. 49 sq, 

35. 9. the god who is said to reign nndergronnd. Pausania 
seems to have been very sceptical about the existence of hell. See i: 
24. 4, ii. 31. 2, ii. 36. 7, iii. 25. 5, v. 20, 3 ; G. Kriiger, Theologumen 
Pausaniae^ p. 16 sq. 

35. 10. the Oolonnade of Echo. There was a colonnade so name 
at Olympia (v. 21. 17). A mythical account of the origin of the ech 
is given by Ovid {Metam, iii. 356 sqq.) Some North American Indiar 
think that echoes are the voices of witches who live in snake skins, an 
love to repeat mockingly the voices of passers by {First annual repot 
of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington), pp. 45-47 ; cp. Gill, Mytl 
and Songs of the South Pacific^ P- 1 1 5 ^99 ») 


35. 10. a chasm in the earth. This was supposed to be a short cut 

to helL The souls of the dead, descending by this chasm, had not to go 

round by Charon's ferry. So the thrifty people of Hermion put no money 

in the mouths of corpses to pay the ferry across the Styx, as the rest of 

the Greeks used to do (Strabo, viii. p. 373). On this custom of giving 

money to the dead to meet their expenses in the other world, see 

Joum, of the Anthrop, Inst, 15 (1885), p. 78. Caves and fissures of 

the earth were naturally fixed upon as the places at which to worship 

the infernal deities. If noxious mephitic vapours issued from the cavern, 

so much the better ; the place was then indeed the mouth of hell. Such 

caves existed at Hierapolis and Acharaka in Asia Minor; they were 

sacred to Pluto and bulls were sacrificed to him by being driven into 

the caves, where they were stifled by the fumes. When Strabo visited 

the cave at Hierapolis he let some sparrows fly into it ; they at once 

dropped dead. Sick people resorted to Acharaka, where they were 

treated by the priests, the mode of treatment being revealed to the 

priest in a dream while he slept in the holy ground. See Strabo, xiii. 

p. 629 sq,y xiv. p. 649 sq. The cave at Hierapolis has disappeared 

(W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia^ i. p. 86). In the 

sacred enclosure of the infernal deities at Cnidus Sir Charles Newton 

discovered a curious natural formation of the rock, which he considers 

may have reconunended the spot as a fit place for the worship of these 

subterranean powers {Hist, of Discoveries at HalicamassuSy etc 2. p. 

414; id,y Travels and Discoveries^ 2. p. 195 sq,) Pluto seems to have 

been worshipped at Aeane in Macedonia. See Revue ArchdologiqtUy N.S. 

18(1868), pp. 18-28. Hades (Pluto) was worshipped at Elis, where 

he had a temple (Paus. vi. 25. 2). There were other places in Greece 

besides Hermion where Hercules was said to have dragged up the 

hoand of hell, as Taenarum (Paus. iii. 25. 5), near Coronea in Boeotia 

(Paus. ix. 34. 5), and at the fotmtain or conduit known as the Water 

of Freedom, in Argolis (Hesychius, s.v, eXcv^cpov v&op : see note on ii. 

17. \\ 

35. II. a sanctuary of Ilitlisria. Ilithyia is mentioned in a Her- 
inionian inscription, which records the dedication of a statue to the 
goddess (S. Wide, De sacris Troeseniorum^ Hermionensiutn^ Epidauri- 
'^m, p. 66 sq.) 

35. 1 1 . a vast niimbdr of yotive offerings. These would be dedicated 
^ thank-offerings by women who had been safely delivered, Ilithyia 
being the goddess of child-bearing. Many such votive offerings 
^re fotmd some years ago at Nemi in Italy, where Diana was 
worshipped by women desirous of children or of an easy delivery. See 
BulletHno delP InstitutOy 1885, p. 153 sq. ; Athenaeum^ 10 October, 
1885; Preller, Romische Mythologie,^ i. p. 317 ; G. H. Wallis, Catalogue 
of Classical Antiquities from the site of the Temple ofDiana^ Nemi^ J^l^y^ 
p 13 sqq. What appears to have been an offering of this kind was found 
at Sparta some years ago. It is a marble grroup, representing appa- 
rendy a woman in the act of child-bearing, assisted by two male divini- 
ties. See Mittheil. d. arch. Inst, in Athen^ 10 (1885), pp. 1 77-199. * 

36. I. BUUiice. This is probably the place called Halia by Scylax, 


who says {Periplus^ 50) that it possessed a harbour at the mouth of the 
Argolic Gulf. This makes it tolerably certain that the harbour is the 
modem Port Cheliy opposite the island of Spetzia. (See note on ii. 34. 8.) 
On the southern side of this harbour there are the remains of a consider- 
able town, partly under water. They are probably the ruins of Halice, 
though the French Surveyors identified the site as Mases. See Boblaye, 
Recherches^ p. 61 ; Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 462 5q.\ id.^ Peloponmsiaca^ 
p. 287 sqq.\ Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 461 sq,\ Lolling, in MittheiL d. arch. 
InsL in Athen^ 4 (1879), P- 108. 

36. I. Mention is made of natives of Halice on the Epidanxian 
tablets. It is a remarkable proof of the accuracy of Pausanias that on 
the tablets to which he refers and which were discovered some years ago 
at Epidaurus, there occur the names of three natives of Halice. See 
the first tablet, line 120, and the second tablet, lines 19 and 69, in 
Cawadias, Fouilles d*£pidaure, i. p. 27 (Inscr. No. i), pp. 29, 30 
(Inscr. No. 2); *E<fnjfupU dpxaiokoyucrj, 1883, p. 215; id,^ 1885, pp. 
15, 18. As to these tablets see note on ii. 27. 3. 

36. I. the transformation of Zeus into a cnckoo. The story is 
told in detail by a scholiast on Theocritus (xv. 64), who professes to 
derive it from Aristotle. He mentions a sanctuiary of Full-grown 
(Teieia) Hera on the Cuckoo Mountain. Pausanias, who is more likely 
to be right, places the temple of Hera on Mt Pron. On the cuckoo in 
northern mythology, see the elaborate essay of W. Mannhardt, ' Der 
Kukuk,' in Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Mytkologie und Sittenkunde^ 3(1855), 
pp. 209-298. 

36. 2. Mases. This was probably situated on the deep bay of 
KilcuUa, This sheltered harbour must have been, as Prof. Curtius 
points out, of some importance to the people of Hermion, as it was the 
nearest anchorage on the Argolic Gulf, and goods could be transported 
from it overland by a short and easy road instead of having to be 
brought round the rocky coast in vessels. There are here some ancient 
cisterns and remains of buildings. See Leake, Morea, 2. p. 463 ; 
Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 462 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 98. 

36. 2. as Homer represents it. See Iliad^ ii. 562. 

36. 3. Stmthns Philanorium BoleL Struthus is prob- 
ably a cape somewhere to the north-west of the bay of Kiladia, The 
other places have not been identified. The distance of 2 50 furlongs is 
probably, as Prof. Curtius thinks {Pelop. 2. p. 464), a mistake ; it 
would carry us quite out of the district which Pausanias is describing. 

36. 3. Didsnni This place has preserved its name in the modem 
Dufyma, a village surrounded by vineyards, corn-fields, and tobacco- 
fields, in a small mountain valley at the south-west foot of Mt. Didyma. 
This is a double-peaked mountain 3525 feet high, the shape of which prob- 
ably gave rise to the name Didymi (* the twins '). In the neighbour- 
hood of the village there are some ancient foundations and a cistern 
with steps. In the church of H. Marina to the east of the village is 
an inscription recording a dedication to Demeter, a relic perhaps of 
the sanctuary of Demeter mentioned by Pausanias. See Leake, Pelo- 
ponnesiaca^ p. 289 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 464 ; Conze e Michaelis, 


in Annali delP Instituto^ 33 (1861), p. ii 5q.\ Bursian, Geogr, 2, 
p. 98 sgr, ; Baedeker,^ p. 255 ; Philippson, Pelopcnnes^ P- S^* 

36. 4. Asine. Strabo says (viii. p. 373) that Asine was near 
Nauplia, and as it was on the sea-coast (cp. Paus. iv. 34. 12) the site 
has been identified with the ruins situated on a rocky promontory at 
Port ToloHy about 5 miles to the south-east of Nauplia. " The walls, 
partly built of neatly-fitted polygonal blocks and partly of layers of 
trapezoids uneven in level, are still better preserved than those at 
Tiryns." Colossal towers, 39 feet broad, and projecting about 23 feet, 
give the walls an imposing appearance. The terrace of the fortress, 
where most of the buildings seem to have stood, is 1 2 1 feet above the 
sea; the highest point is 164 feet. On the terrace may be seen the 
foundations of many chambers, built of unhewn Cyclopean stones. 
There is a large pear-shaped cistern cut in the rock, also three smaller 
cisterns. Great masses of potsherds of the painted prehistoric kind 
characteristic of Mycenae and Tiryns are lying about, also very many 
querns of trachyte, corn-bruisers, etc, also rude hammers of diorite or 
granite, and great quantities of knives and arrowheads of extremely primi- 
tive form, made of obsidian. Together with these is to be found black 
and red lacquered pottery of the late Greek or Roman age, pointing to 
a later settlement In any case the place must have been occupied in 
the late Middle Ages, for the walls and towers have been repaired in the 
Venetian period. 

See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 463 sq, ; id, , Peloponnesicua^ p. 290 sqq, ; Curtius, 
Pelop, 2. p. 46^ 5q.\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 61 ; Schliemann, Tiryns^ p. 49 sq. 
On the destruction of Asine b^ the Argives see also iiL 7. 4 ; iv. 8. 3 ; tv. 14. 3 ; 
iv. 34.9. 

Farther to the east than Port Tolon there is a small maritime plain 
of triangular shape. This is the plain of Kandia^ as it is now called. 
In the upper comer of this plain is an ancient citadel with walls of 
polygonal masonry. A fine spring issues fh>m the rock at the foot of 
the citadel. A mile to the south-east, between two lagoons, rises a hill 
on which are the fotmdation-walls of an ancient temple. The French 
surveyors inclined to identify this place with Asine and the temple with 
the temple of Pythaean Apollo mentioned by Pausanias. But the 
situation of the citadel away from the sea, and its distance from Nauplia, 
are against the identification. The remains are perhaps those of 
Eiones or Eion, a place mentioned by Homer (//. ii. 561) and 
destroyed by the Mycenaeans (Strabo, viii. p. 373; cp. Diodorus, iv. 37). 

See Boblaye, RechercheSy p. 51 ; Leake, Ptlop, p. 292 sq,\ Curtius, Pelop, 2. 
p. 465 5qq,\ Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 61. 

Still farther to the east is the broad and fertile plain of Iri on the 
coast enclosed by bare mountains. It is watered by the Bedeni or Iri 
river, the northern sources of which are not fJEU* from the town of 
Epidaurus. The fortress which commanded this district was on the 
>unnmit of a mountain, which rises on the right bank of the Bedeni^ six 
geographical miles from its mouth. See Leake, Pelop, p. 291 sqq, ; 
Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 465 ; Philippson, Peloponnes^ p. 52. 



36. 6. The sea at Lema etc. Pausanias now leaves the eastern 
side of the Argolic Gulf and resumes his description of the western side. 
See ii. 24. 5 j^. It would have seemed more natural if he had continued 
his route from Asine to Nauplia, and so round the head of the Argolic 
Gulf to Lema. Instead of which he crosses over from Asine to Lena, 
and then works his way back to Nauplia. 

36. 6. the Enudnns the Phrizns. On the Erasinus, the 

modem Kefalari^ see note on ii. 24. 6. The course of the Phrixus, 
according to Bursian {Geogr, 2. p. 65, note i), cannot now be traced, since 
the water of the KefcUari is now conducted in several channels direct to 
the sea. Leake thought that the Phrixus could be " no other than the 
brook which issues from the opening between Mounts Lycone and 
Chaon, and which is so much smaller than the Erasinus, that it would 
have been more correct to have said that it fell into the Erasinus, than 
the latter into it '' (Morea^ 2. p. 472). But this identification can hardly 
be right, else Pausanias going from Argos to Lema would have crossed 
the Phrixus before the Erasinus instead of after it. 

36. 6. in the same style as those in Argos. See ii. 22. 5. 

36. 7- msrsteries in hononr of Lemaean Demeter. The fire 

which was used in these rites used to be fetched from the temple of 
Pyronian Artemis on Mt. Crathis in Arcadia (Paus. viii. 15. 9). 

36. 8. a mountain which they call Pontinns etc. An hour and a. 
half's ride to the south of Argos we reach three copious sources whicl* 
form a stream running to tum the northem Myli or mills of Naupl*^ 
(Anapli)^ to which town they belong, though they are on the opposite 
side of the bay. The mills are so called to distinguish them from tJ*^ 
* mills of Argos,' which are turned by the Erasinus much nearer Arg^^ 
(see note on ii. 24. 6). The springs issue from the foot of a rocky b^* 
of conical form, which, stretching eastward till it nearly touches the sC^ 
terminates the plain of Argos in this comer. "The hill and strea-^ 
are evidently those which were anciently called Pontinus ; the river h^"^ 
only a course of a few hundred yards before it joins the sea. The ruir> 
of a castle, made of small stones and mortar, now occupy the summit 
the hill, and consequently stand on the site of the house of Hippomedo^ 
and of the temple of Minerva [Athena], whose epithet Saitis indicate-^ 
that her worship was introduced here from Egypt, and thus agrees w\it^ 
the reputed foundation of the temple by Danaus. At Sais we know tha^ 
Neith, the Greek Athene, was held in great honour (Herodotus, ii. 175)'^ 
(Leake, Morea, 2. p. 472 s^.) See note on ix. 12. 2. As to Pausanias's 
statement that Mt Pontinus absorbs the rain which falls on it, Dodwell 
observes that the hill " is composed of a calcareous rock, full of deep 
fissures, and subterraneous cavities. The falling rain, therefore, after 
being absorbed, is conducted by the springs which are at the base of the 
rock to the Lemaean pool " (Tour, 2. p. 228). Cp. Boblaye, RecherchcSy 
p. 47 ; Curtius, Pelop, 2. p. 368 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 67 ; Baedeker,^ 
p. 275 ; Philippson, Peloponnes, P- 7i« 

37. I. An^niione. This is identified with a stream which issues 
from seven or eight openings under the rocks at the foot of Mt. Pontinus, 
about half a mile to the south of the river Pontinus. The springs are 




much more copious than those of the Pontinus. There is a chapel of 
St. John near the springs. See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 473 ; Curtius, 
Pelop, 2. p. 369 ; Bursian, Geogr, 2. p. 67 ; Baedeker,^ p. 275. The 
story was that Amymone was one of the fifty daughters of Danaus, whom 
their &ther sent out to look for water after Poseidon in his anger had 
dried up the waters of the Argolic plain (see ii. 15. 5). In her search 
for water Amymone met Poseidon, who showed her the springs at Lema 
or produced them by striking his trident into the rock. See Apollodorus, 
ii. I. 4 ; Hyginus, Fab, 169 ; Lucian, Dialog, Marin, 6. The meeting 
of Poseidon with Amymone was a favourite subject in art. See K. O. 
Miiller, HaneUmch der Archdologie der Kunst^ § 356. 3 ; De Witte, in 
GazeUe Archdologique^ 7 (1881-1882), p. 6 sqq. The daughters of 
Danaus, who in hell were compelled to pour water continually into a 
vessel fiill of holes, have been plausibly explained as personifications of 
the springs which flow into the Argolic plain, but dry up in summer. It 
is a confirmation of this view that Amymone, who gave her name to the 
perennial spring at Lema, was exempted from the task of carrying water 
in hell (Lucian, Lc) The wells at Argos were said to have been dis- 
covered by the daughters of Danaus (Strabo, viii. p. 371). Cp. Mure, 
/aunudy 2. p. 180 sq, ; Preller, Griech, Mythol,^ 2, p. 45 sqq, ; Stark, 
ATiobe und die Niobiden^ p. 347 ; Roscher's Lexikon^ s,v, * Danaiden.' 

37. I. images of Demeter, snmamed Frosyinne, and of Dionysus. 
XTiere is an inscription containing a dedication to these deities which is 
said to have been discovered in this neighbourhood, at the north-west 
comer of the Alcyonian lake (see § 5 of this chapter). Hence it has 
been supposed that this was the site of the temple of Demeter. See 
Come e Michaelis, in Annali deiP Instituto^ 33 (1861), p. 20 sq. The 
inscription is also given in Kaibel's Epigrammata Graeca^ No. 821. 

37. 3. these stories also have been proved not to be by Fhil- 
ammon etc. The way in which Arrhiphon proved that these stories 
could not be by Philammon was this. Philammon lived in Greece 
l^efore the Dorian invasion, and therefore before the Doric dialect was 
spoken in Greece. But the stories in question were written in Doric 
Therefore they could not have been written by Philanunon. Pausanias 
^ers to this critical discovery with admiration. The passage has been 
entirely misunderstood by Bachofen (Das Mutterrecht^ p. 395). 

37. 4. the hydra. For some ancient representations of Hercules 
slaying tiie hydra, see MonumenU Ineditiy 1842, tav. xlvi. ; Welcker, 
Antike DenkmaleTy 3. pp. 257-267 ; Baumeister's DenkmcUery p. 657 sq. 
In a ditch at Lema, W. G. Clark saw "two large water- snakes — 
Umaean hydras — marked yellow and black. The creatures abound 
here still" {Peiap, p. 98). 

37. 4. Pisander, of Oamirns. Cp. viii. 22. 4. Pisander wrote a 
poem called Heraclea in two books on die labours of Hercules. Accord- 
ing to some he flourished OL 33 (648-645 B.C.) See Suidas, s,v, 
UiuravSpoii Epicorum GrMcarum fragmentay ed. Kinkel, pp. 248-253. 
37. 5. the spring of Amphiarans. Boblaye, followed by Prof. 
Curtius, identified this spring with a copious source 100 to 1 50 paces south 
ol the Alcyonian lake (see next note). It issues from a hill which is 


crowned by the ruins of an ancient Greek sanctuary. See Boblaye, 
Recherckes^ p. 48 ; Curtius, Pelop. 2. p. 369. Leake and Lolling 
(Baedeker), however, were of opinion that the spring of Amphiarans 
has disappeared owing to the extension of the Alcyonian lake (see next 
note). See Leake, Morea^ 2. p. 475 ; Baedeker,^ p. 275. Nor could 
Ross (Reisetiy p. 151) or Conze and Michaelis {Annalt deW InstUuto^ 
33 (1861), p. 20) discover any